Drought legend colors D0 through D4 indicate abnormally dry through moderate, severe, extreme and exceptional drought conditions, respectively.
A shortage of water for irrigation in Chihuahua could grow into an economic and social crisis as crops diminish, in turn slashing jobs and income.
Chihuahua is one of 25 states suffering from drought, and one of 16 states where drought is present in all municipalities.
In Guachochi, Balleza and Guadalupe y Calvo the Ministry of Agriculture reports up to 90% losses in corn, bean, potato and sorghum crops, with 80% of those affected belonging to indigenous communities.
One farmer said that livestock will soon be under threat. “Right now we do not have reports of livestock losses, but if it does not rain this year we reckon that by the end of the year there will be a minimum loss of 50% between deaths and sales,” he said.
Federal lawmaker Mario Mata detailed the lack of water in reservoirs: the Las Vírgenes reservoir is at 17% capacity and any further extraction could cause structural failings, in the La Boquilla reservoir water levels are at 24%, 200 million cubic meters short of what is needed for irrigation, and the El Granero reservoir is the lowest he has ever seen, at 40%.
The drought monitor map for May 15, 2020.
Mata warned that the ecological disaster could spill into economic and social crisis. “It means more than 30 billion pesos will not circulate through these municipalities … there are 14 municipalities where 85% of the gross domestic product is from the agricultural sector. We are going to have a serious social problem that we hope will not become a problem of insecurity,” he said.
“Many people from the south of the country come here, from Guerrero, Oaxaca and Michoacán. They come to work in the fields. Now there are no jobs and … [there are] increase security issues in the populated areas of the district … homes have already been robbed,” he added.
Salvador Alcántara, president of the Irrigation Association of Chihuahua, addressed the the scale of the issue in the Conchos River. “We’re all in crisis and on top of that there could be an ecological problem given that the Conchos River is completely dry. There is no water running in the river … I’m 66 and it’s the first time I’ve seen [it] dry,” he said.
The drought has become a campaign issue for the elections on June 6, driven particularly by then federal deputy Juan Carlos Loera’s support for giving 400 million cubic meters of water to the United States in compliance with the 1944 U.S.-Mexico Water Treaty. Loera is now the Morena party’s candidate for governor and a target for other candidates seeking to win the governor’s office.
Institutional Revolutionary Party candidate Graciela Ortiz has proposed the creation of a state water agency to “defend of the interests of the people of Chihuahua … never again will a government come and steal our water, as was the case with Morena,” she said.
Citizens’ Movement candidate Alfredo Lozoya said, “Here there is no room for a coward like Loera who betrayed us and gave away the water of the people of Chihuahua.”
The most recent drought report by the National Water Commission says 75% of the country is facing moderate to exceptional drought conditions, up very slightly from the previous report, issued April 30.
But the report comes after rainfall was recorded in early May, bringing relief to some parts of the country.
The drought has already resulted in higher prices for basic products like corn, beans, milk and meat.
Cantaloupe is what I’m eating lots of now, which makes me very happy as it’s always been one of my very favorite fruits. And while I will admit I still get annoyed that there are so few other types of melon available where I live (other than sandia and once in a while a few honeydews), I figure mangos kind of make up for it.
My Mom, a Missouri farm girl, taught me that the way to find a ripe cantaloupe was to smell it — they should smell sweet and delicious and be fairly heavy in your hand. Some say the stem end should give lightly when pressed, but I can never feel that. Depending on the variety of cantaloupe, you can also look for the rind to have a yellowish golden glow under a greenish “netting” when it’s ripe.
It’s not surprising that Mexico is a big producer of cantaloupe, and the states of Guerrero, Durango, Coahuila, Sonora and Michoacán grow almost all of them. (Why no one grows Gaia, Crenshaw or Sharlyn melons is beyond me! But I digress.) Muskmelons are actually a different variety and are not the same as cantaloupe, although they can look quite similar.
Another confession: I’ve never cooked cantaloupe, or even eaten it cooked. I just love it as-is, cold and sweet, with yogurt, in a fruit salad or smoothie or made into agua fresca. Will I try grilling some? Will I make a Cantaloupe Crumble or quick bread? We shall see.
A word of caution: Always wash, scrub or soak cantaloupes in disinfectant. Even though you’re eating the interior flesh, the rind can contain risky bacteria, in particular salmonella, that can be transmitted by the knife you’re cutting it with.
What’s better than a fresh sweet cantaloupe?
Cantaloupe Cucumber & Feta Salad
1 cantaloupe
1 cucumber, peeled or scored
2 oz. feta cheese, crumbled
2 Tbsp. olive oil
Juice of one lemon or 2-3 limones
Pinch salt
10 fresh basil leaves, chopped
Use a melon baller or cut melon into small cubes and put in a large bowl. Cut cucumber into thin half-moons and add to bowl. Whisk olive oil, lemon juice and salt separately, then add to fruit; tossing gently. Top with feta and basil and serve.
Cantaloupe Granita
½ cup sugar
2 Tbsp. water
2 cantaloupes (about 3 pounds each)
In a small saucepan over medium-high heat, heat sugar and water, stirring, until dissolved, 1–2 minutes; set aside. Coarsely chop melon. In a blender or food processor, purée melon with sugar syrup until smooth (to yield about 6 cups); pour into large, shallow dish.
Freeze, stirring and breaking up crystals with a fork every 30 minutes, until entire mixture is frozen and crystallized, about 3 hours.
Grilled Cantaloupe with Prosciutto and Mozzarella
Extra-virgin olive oil
One 2-pound cantaloupe, peeled & sliced into 1-inch thick wedge
Salt and pepper
4 oz. thinly sliced prosciutto
¾ lb. fresh mozzarella, thinly sliced
Parsley, minced, for garnish
Light a grill and brush with oil. Brush melon wedges with oil and season generously with salt and pepper. Grill over high heat, turning once, until lightly charred, about 5 minutes. Transfer to a platter; top with prosciutto and mozzarella. Garnish with parsley, pepper and a drizzle of oil.
Salty Melon Slush
1 cantaloupe, cubed
¼ cup granulated sugar
1 small bunch mint, washed, stemmed
Juice from 2-3 limes
Salt to taste
3 shots alcohol (vodka, rum, gin, whiskey)
Freeze cantaloupe on wax paper-lined baking sheet for 1–2 hours. Meanwhile, in a small saucepan, combine sugar and mint with ¼ cup water; cook over medium heat until sugar dissolves. (Syrup will turn light green.) Strain syrup; discard mint.
When ready to serve, purée melon, syrup, lime juice, salt, alcohol in a blender till slushy.
Cantaloupe Salsa
Serve with chips or over grilled fish or chicken.
1 cup finely chopped cantaloupe
½ cup finely chopped red bell pepper
¼ cup finely chopped red onion
3 Tbsp. chopped fresh mint, cilantro or combination
1 Tbsp. minced jalapeno
1 Tbsp. fresh lime juice
¼ tsp. salt
Combine all ingredients. Cover and chill at least 1 hour.
A cantaloupe slush is the perfect cooling drink for the summer weather.
Cantaloupe Margarita
4½ cups cantaloupe cubed
½ cup fresh lime juice
1½ ounces (3 Tbsp.) Cointreau
¾ cup blanco tequila
3 mint sprigs
Blend cantaloupe, lime juice, Cointreau and tequila until very smooth. Fill 3 glasses with ice, pour in margarita mixture, garnish with a mint sprig. Best served immediately.
Cantaloupe Crunch
3 cups finely cubed cantaloupe
⅓ cup lemon/lime juice
½ cup sugar
1 Tbsp. flour
2 Tbsp. butter, melted
½ tsp. cinnamon
¼ tsp. nutmeg
½ tsp. vanilla
1 (18.25 oz.) package white cake mix
½ cup butter, melted
Preheat the oven to 350 F. In a medium bowl, mix cantaloupe, citrus juice, sugar, flour, 2 Tbsp. melted butter, cinnamon, nutmeg and vanilla. Transfer to a 9-inch square baking dish; sprinkle dry cake mix evenly over top. Drizzle remaining melted butter over cake mix.
Funeral for José Melquiades, the former mayor of La Perla, Veracruz, who was running again for the position but was gunned down in March before becoming the PRI candidate.
Organized crime groups have sought to influence the electoral process in at least 200 municipalities across Mexico, with actions ranging from the destruction of party advertising material to the murder of politicians and candidates.
Criminal groups have also ordered the suspension of parties’ political events, demanded the withdrawal of candidates and physically attacked candidates and members of their campaign teams, according to a report by the newspaper Reforma.
In addition, there have been shootouts near political rallies and attacks on vehicles used by candidates and their campaign teams.
According to officials from several parties — including representatives of the ruling Morena party, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the National Action Party and the Democratic Revolution Party — the worst states for political violence are Veracruz, México state, Michoacán, Guerrero, Chihuahua, San Luis Potosí, Oaxaca, Sinaloa, Guanajuato, Puebla and Sonora.
In the latter state, Abel Murrieta, a former state attorney general vying for the mayorship in the municipality of Cajeme, was murdered in broad daylight earlier this month, while in México state, a high-profile candidate for mayor in Valle de Bravo was kidnapped and ordered to drop out of the race.
PRI precandidate José Melquiades on the campaign trail in Veracruz this spring shortly before he was killed.
But the party representatives said the influence and actions of organized crime are most concerning in Veracruz. There are at least 30 municipalities where the situation is critical, they said, citing Tantoyuca, Playa Vicente, Jamapa, Cuitláhuac, La Perla, Cosoleacaque and Tezonapa as examples.
Reforma said that incidents of political violence have been recorded in 66 of the Gulf coast state’s 212 municipalities.
In Morelos, a municipality in Chihuahua’s southwest on the border with Sinaloa, there is only one candidate for mayor – José de Loreto of the Morena party – such is the fear of narcos who control the area. The municipality is currently governed by the PRI.
It has been impossible to run a normal campaign in 19 municipalities in the south of México state due to the threat of politically motivated violence, while some 30 municipalities in Michoacán are considered problematic.
A report by the newspaper Milenio said that criminal groups, including the Jalisco New Generation Cartel and the Cárteles Unidos, are seeking to influence municipal, state and federal elections in Michoacán. The report said that elections on June 6 could be compromised in at least 12 of 113 municipalities due to the presence of organized crime.
In the Tierra Caliente region, which includes troubled municipalities such as Aguililla and Tepalcatepec, cartels have already prevented candidates of all political persuasions from campaigning in territory they control. The state electoral institute has warned that the situation is particularly bad in Zamora, Aguililla, Apatzingán and Chinicuila.
“… In some places there is no possibility of campaigning,” acknowledged Raúl Morón, Morena’s federal delegate and party president in the state.
Móron said that both candidates and ordinary citizens have received threats warning them to not attend political events.
Organized crime has also demanded that parties install candidates of their choice in Michoacán and other states. In addition, criminal groups have demanded that parties withdraw candidates in certain parts of the state, according to Juan Manuel Macedo Negrete, Michoacán leader of the Progressive Social Networks party.
He acknowledged that organized crime controls certain parts of Michoacán, making it “very difficult” for his party and others to participate in the elections.
Morón said he hopes that municipal, state and federal security forces provide the security necessary in violent areas such as Aguililla so that people can safely participate in the elections, at which federal deputies, state lawmakers and governors, as well as thousands of municipal officials, will be elected.
Milenio also reported that authorities in 13 Michoacán communities that are fighting for political autonomy will not allow voting booths to be set up. The communities are located in eight municipalities, including Charapan, Cherán and Pátzcuaro. Parties have also been prevented from campaigning in the would-be autonomous communities.
Woman holds sign calling for an end political violence in Hidalgo.
Michoacán police and Governor Silvano Aureoles have urged political parties and their candidates to take care on the campaign trail and report violence or intimidation to authorities. But Michoacán party leaders who spoke with Milenio countered that they need less advice and more action from the state government.
“… They give us recommendations, but they don’t give us security, they don’t give us peace of mind,” Morón said. “They have to establish order, and they have to act [against organized crime] because the truth is that they [the criminals] act in broad daylight, in the sight of everyone, and this cannot be allowed.”
This electoral season has been the second most violent this century, according to the risk analysis firm Etellekt. It published a report earlier this month that stated that there were 476 acts of aggression against politicians, candidates, their collaborators and their families between September 7, 2020 and April 30, 2021.
Murrieta, the mayoral hopeful in Cajeme, Sonora, was the 32nd candidate murdered in the run-up to election day, while more than 50 other politicians having been killed during the entire current electoral process.
The chief of Sinaloa’s state police was shot and killed Monday morning on the Culiacán-Los Mochis highway near the city of Guamúchil.
Joel Ernesto Soto was attacked while traveling alone at around 7:30, according to security sources.
He had escaped uninjured from an attempt on May 6 in Mazatlán, when suspected members of the Sinaloa Cartel attacked a state police convoy.
The state minister for public security, Cristóbal Castañeda, denounced the act of “cowardly aggression” and expressed his condolences to Soto’s family. “In a cowardly attack this morning, unfortunately, the director of the state police … lost his life. … Our condolences to the family and the people of Sinaloa who have lost a great man,” he wrote on Twitter.
Security in the state was reinforced after the May 6 attack, with patrols increased to monitor the main cities. The National Guard began an operation alongside state police on May 15.
In 1981, Soto joined the army, studying at the Heroico Colegio Militar in Mexico City and the Military Intelligence School.
In December 2018 he was appointed as director of the state police, having previously served as police chief in Mazatlán in 2017 and 2018.
Pemex and Shell have been partners in the Houston refinery for 30 years.
Mexico’s heavily indebted state oil company has reached a deal to buy Shell Oil Company’s 50% share in the jointly-owned Deer Park oil refinery near Houston, Texas, for US $600 million, President López Obrador announced Monday.
Pemex, which has some $100 billion in debt, “bought 50% of the shares because the other 50% were already owned by Pemex,” he said in a video message posted to social media.
“In this way, we now have a new refinery. This refinery in Houston has the capacity to process 340,000 barrels [of crude] per day. … It’s the same [capacity] as the new refinery at Dos Bocas [on the Tabasco coast] that we’re building …” López Obrador said.
“In essence, we received six refineries in a poor state – we’re modernizing them, … and we’re going to deliver eight refineries [to the next government]. In this way, we’re going to stop buying fuel abroad, … we’re going to be self-sufficient by 2023.”
The president, who sees oil production as crucial to both Mexico’s sovereignty and its economic future, stressed that Pemex’s purchase of Shell’s share of the Houston refinery – a joint venture since 1993 – will not be made with funds supplied via a loan but with savings generated by the government’s austerity drive and elimination of corruption.
President López Obrador announced the refinery purchase in a video message Monday.
The acquisition comes at a time when many countries are attempting to reduce their reliance on fossil fuels. But López Obrador has made their use a cornerstone of his energy plan and has moved to make it more difficult for private, renewable companies to participate in the Mexican market.
Mexico expert Duncan Wood said on Twitter that the decision to buy Shell’s interest in the refinery “is not a bad idea per se” before adding: “but let’s see how Pemex runs the place without Shell.”
“While some oil companies seek to shed unprofitable assets, Pemex looks to accumulate. It’s an unusual investment approach. Pemex is buying an aging asset that produces a commodity for which time is running out,” wrote Wood, former director of the Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute and now the center’s vice president for strategy and new initiatives.
“A key question arises: will the Biden administration raise environmental regulations for refining, to reach climate and energy transition goals? And how expensive will that be for Pemex? Of course there is the possibility that pursuing lower emissions at Deer Park will teach Pemex how to do a better job at its refineries in Mexico … we can always dream.”
Huibert Vigeveno, Shell’s downstream director, said the company had not been planning to sell its interest in the refinery but “following an unsolicited offer from Pemex, we have reached an agreement to transfer our interest in the partnership to them.”
“Pemex has been our strong and active partner at the Deer Park Refinery for nearly 30 years, and we will continue to work with them in an integrated way, including through our on-site chemicals facility, which Shell will retain,” he said.
Shell said in a statement that “the consideration for this transaction is $596 million which is a combination of cash and debt, plus the value of hydrocarbon inventory.”
Shell and Pemex both said they expect the transaction to be completed in the final quarter of 2021.
López Obrador complained recently that the Texas refinery – which processes a significant amount of Mexican crude – has not provided any benefits to Mexico in the almost 30 years since Pemex invested in it, apparently because most profits were reinvested.
The Associated Press said that $600 million for half a refinery looks like a good deal for Mexico but added that it raises questions about the government’s $9 billion outlay to build a similar refinery on the Tabasco coast. That investment is 7.5 times higher than the apparent $1.2 billion value of the Deer Park facility.
Construction of the Dos Bocas refinery, criticized by many energy analysts on the grounds that it diverts resources from Pemex’s more profitable exploration business, is expected to be completed by the middle of next year.
People who kept working essential jobs were more likely to catch Covid-19 due to close contact with the public and other workers, the study found.
Mexicans who had no option but to keep going out to work during the coronavirus pandemic died in much greater numbers than people who were able to work from home, a new study has found.
Conducted by public health researchers at the National Autonomous University (UNAM), the study found that 94% of the more than 200,000 people who lost their lives to Covid-19 in Mexico were manual and operational workers, housewives, retirees and pensioners.
Only 6% were professionals, executives and art and performance workers, the study said.
Among the large numbers of manual and operational workers who died after contracting Covid-19 were drivers, street vendors, medical personnel, agricultural workers and factory employees. People in such jobs — with the exception of healthcare — generally have lower levels of education than citizens who are able to work from home.
“There is no doubt that Covid-19 has greatly affected the population with lower levels of education; practically half the deaths occurred among people whose highest level of education was primary school,” said the UNAM study, written by Alejandro Cortés-Meda and Guadalupe Ponciano-Rodríguez.
The study said that people who continued to work at factories, farms and essential businesses and on public transit had a greater possibility of exposure to the coronavirus due to factors such as close contact with the public and other workers.
It also noted that it was impossible for such workers to work from home. Many are not entitled to sick leave and have poor access to healthcare, the study added. Those same workers often work long shifts in order to cover their expenses and are at high risk of spreading the coronavirus to members of their family.
The study also found that 92% of Covid-19 deaths occurred in public healthcare facilities during the first year of the pandemic. More than half — 52% — occurred in Mexican Social Security Institute hospitals, 32% occurred in facilities operated by the federal Health Ministry and 8% occurred in hospitals run by the State Workers Social Security Institute.
Only 2% of deaths occurred at private hospitals, the report said. Many other people whose deaths were attributed to Covid-19 died at home, often without ever being tested for the infectious disease.
As of Sunday, Mexico had officially recorded 221,647 Covid-19 fatalities, but the government has acknowledged that the real death toll is much higher. An analysis published earlier this month by the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington School of Medicine showed that more than 617,000 people had died from Covid-19 in Mexico.
Electric vehicles need lithium for their batteries.
A decision by Mexico to search for advice from the Bolivian government on lithium extraction for reserves in Sonora has been ridiculed by lithium experts from the South America country.
Juan Carlos Zulueta, a consultant with 25 years with the metal, said Bolivia is the last place the Mexican government should look for expertise and pointed to nationalization as evidence of its misguided approach.
Despite boasting one of the world’s biggest lithium reserves — 20 million tonnes which are needed to satisfy growing battery demand from electric carmakers worldwide — Bolivia has yet to exploit its opportunity.
President López Obrador announced last week that Mexico has an agreement for consultation with the Bolivian government. “… we are going to have a diagnosis and a proposal soon. With the visit [last March] of the president of Bolivia, Luis Arce, it was agreed that due to the experience they have in the exploitation of this mineral that they would help us to analyze what is the best way forward …” he said.
Zulueta said the technical challenge of extraction in the two countries is incompatible. “How can Bolivia advise Mexico on something that it has done so badly? It seems a total absurdity. Bolivia lacks experience: one thing is what is required in the Bolivian deposits in the Potosí salt flats and another is what is needed in the Mexican clays in Sonora,” he said.
“Exploiting lithium from clays is something absolutely new. How could Bolivia advise on such a complex matter on which it lacks expertise and it has been shown that everything it has done so far still does not work, with 10 years that have been wasted? The same could happen in Mexico,” he added.
Zulueta said the consultation had more to do with politics than business pragmatism. “Mexico should stay away from nationalist and populist adventures and anxieties … It is wasting time with this kind of nonsense of political cronyism …” he said.
Oscar Ballivian, a Bolivian engineer with more than 40 years of experience with lithium, also attested to the technical difference of extraction in Bolivia compared to Mexico. “It is strange to read that Bolivia is going to advise Mexico … It cannot technically … because Mexico’s clays are totally different from Bolivia’s brines,” he said.
He also laid out the numbers which prove Bolivia’s poor showing in extraction. “With an investment by the Bolivian government of about US $1 billion in 10 years, the accumulated production of lithium carbonate in that period is barely close to 500 tonnes, which becomes only 100 tonnes of metal for batteries and electric cars,” he said.
Ballivian’s advice was to focus on the production chain rather than the raw mineral. “Lithium is good business when you participate in the entire chain, from production with raw materials to batteries and electric cars. They move billions of dollars … Production alone is simply a business inferior to silver, gold and other minerals. It moves very little: the business is in the chain,” he said.
Zulueta said Bolivia’s advice to Mexico should be clear: “don’t nationalize … don’t make the mistake of exploiting lithium on its own.”
Paola Delfín's mural "Juntos" (Together), painted on a building in the Paulino Navarro neighborhood of Mexico City. Photos by Matt Reichel
It is 4:30 p.m., and the scene in the neighborhood of Tlatelolco, Mexico City, is vibrant and chaotic. Endless traffic lines the streets. Honks and sirens fill the air as locals bustle about, running daily errands.
Overlooking this disarray 20 stories up is a striking, vivid and lifelike portrait of two women surrounded by cornfields and magnificent, long-tailed quetzals. Their facial expressions, posture and stances evoke power, resilience and strength as they stare off into the distance.
About halfway up, right in the middle of the portrait, stands their creator, filling in the remaining strokes and shades of their color and essence. She does this fearlessly from a lift in mid-air, stroking paint and filling in gaps even as the wind shakes the lift a bit violently.
Paola Delfín is not afraid of heights, having worked on multiple large-scale pieces throughout her career as a renowned large-scale muralist and visual artist. She’s on a mission to complete the first of 17 murals for a project run by Colectivo ADN, an art collective in Mexico City.
The project looks at resurrecting the history of the archaeological site Tlatelolco as one of the largest markets in the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán. It also sends an environmental message: all the artists are working with an ecological paint, Airlite, which actively purifies the surrounding air.
Artist and muralist Paola Delfín.
“It’s like you are planting trees at the same time as painting,” says Delfín.
Born in Mexico City, Delfín has been drawing and painting from a young age, when she could already see the potential of art as a form of communication.
“It’s always been easier for me to express myself through my work, through painting,” she explains.
She mostly worked on small illustrations and paintings during her early years, but nine years ago, she transitioned into muralism. She found using large wall spaces to be a perfect way to express herself.
“I try to push myself to really look at magical moments in my work because that’s why I do this in public. My work in the studio is different; I am just thinking about myself.”
In Mexico, murals have been used traditionally to spread visual messages to the illiterate population, allowing for greater community inclusion and cohesiveness. These messages promoted cultural identity, history and sometimes political or socially driven messages.
Delfín’s work draws on these same messages, focusing on unity and community. She believes broadly in the idea of using art, specifically large-scale public murals, to spark conversations and create reflection within her audience about their environment. Every one of her pieces looks over its respective neighborhood with a sense of protectiveness.
“My works talks about the connection between people, land, nature and their roots,” she says. Building cultural identity and protecting the environment are two themes she believes are essential to Mexican heritage but are sometimes forgotten.
At home, her urban murals communicate, express and create awareness and reflection for some of Mexico’s most challenging issues: loss of identity, poverty and the femicide crisis. She has designed art symbolic of Mexico’s feminist movement, specifically around the strength and power of women to build community.
Her murals also look at mechanisms that human beings can use to better humanity, such as empathy and bonding. She paints people primarily, so she has developed an innate ability to observe them and capture differences in thinking. Her murals can be seen in Latin America, Europe, Asia and North America.
Her largest piece so far, Shelter, covers a 40-meter-high building in Kiev, Ukraine. This piece was part of a wide-scale international project — Art United Us — which brought 200 muralists from around the world to work on messages of hope against war, aggression and violence.
Delfín finds knowledge and discovery in travel.
“I have encountered different ways of looking at life and how people think in other countries. That’s been really powerful for me because I have learned that there is way more than I can imagine in this world.”
In every country she visits, Delfín connects with locals who eventually become subjects or serve as inspiration for her pieces. She studies and talks to people from the area before painting.
“It is really important for me to make a proper story for each place I go to and paint. I have to connect with people because in the end, I am painting for them more than for me,” she says. “When I finish here, I might not come back for a while, but people are going to look at the painting every day.”
Through her public art, she hopes to reach a broad range of people, believing in making her work accessible without exclusiveness. She has joined efforts with other artists worldwide to educate youth on using art and painting to build community.
Delfín encourages the next generation to do things out of happiness and passion. “Break out of fear and find ways to do it,” she says.
Her earlier pieces explore inner and outer feminine beauty, strength and vulnerability, focusing on the female figure and facial features. She is shifting her work, however, toward inclusivity.
Delfín’s murals tend to be of figures whose stances evoke power, resilience and strength as they overlook the city streets.
“With time, I understood that I need to say things universally. I need to include everyone,” she says. “If I am talking about equality, it cannot just be about women.”
Delfín is a person who thrives on change and doesn’t like staying in the same area, mentally and physically.
“It’s scary, but I like to experiment,” she says.
She is continuously experimenting with different techniques and formats. Her work is mainly influenced by illustrations, organic shapes and a mix of unconventional materials. She credits her inspiration to artists such as Remedios Varo and Leonora Carrington.
Recently, she’s made the move toward using monochrome to explore the absence of color, a shift in hue. She sees this change as “almost a kind of social experiment.” Painting with monochromatic tones has been interesting for her, to learn that “people are sometimes married to certain ideas of what murals should be, or what art should look like.”
The move away from color was influenced by her childhood work and the simple act of drawing in black-and-white pencil or charcoal for studio illustrations.
Delfín speaks openly about her challenges as an artist. “There’s this way of looking at artists that it is still not like a serious job,” she says.
She describes times when she has only been offered a beverage as payment. She wants the world to know that being a muralist is “a real job and a risky job” and that “it is not as easy as it looks.”
When she gets into a lift that climbs up a high building, she faces many challenges with wind, rain and heat.
She is otherwise grateful for her supporters — her family and friends, her artist networks and all the people she has worked with worldwide. She feels fortunate to have her work exposed for the world to see.
If people can understand what the message is about, [if they can] make their own conclusion about a painting, she feels grateful. In the meantime, she is learning to go with the flow.
“Sometimes projects just come from nothing, and they surprise you. So I am open to whatever happens next,” she says.
The immunity against Covid-19 provided by China’s single-shot CanSino vaccine — which has been used in Mexico to inoculate millions of seniors and teachers — declines significantly after six months, according to the results of a clinical trial.
People inoculated with the vaccine should therefore be given a booster shot, the study concluded.
According to a report by the newspaper El Universal, the National Institute of Medical Sciences and Nutrition, one of the Mexican institutions involved in the trial that began late last year, wrote to participants earlier this month to advise them that immunity against Covid-19 generated by the CanSino shot had been found to wane “significantly” after six months. It didn’t specify what it meant by significantly.
The CanSino vaccine had been found to be about 75% effective against the coronavirus and 100% effective against serious disease.
The medical institute’s email message to trial participants said they would be given a second CanSino dose if they had already received a first shot. Those who received a placebo will be given a first shot of the CanSino vaccine and a second shot six months later, the email said.
El Universal asked the federal Health Ministry what the study’s finding would mean for the government’s national vaccination program but the ministry didn’t respond to the newspaper’s request for comment.
As of Sunday night, Mexico had received 4.6 million doses of CanSino, a figure that accounts for about 14% of all shots delivered. The government last year signed an agreement to purchase 35 million doses of the shot, one of two Chinese-made vaccines that have been used in Mexico.
If the government follows the advice based on the findings of the clinical trial, all people who have already had a CanSino shot will have to get another one before the end of the year. The number of people who can be inoculated with the CanSino shots Mexico has agreed to buy would be halved from 35 million to 17.5.
The CanSino vaccine is not the only Covid-19 vaccine for which a booster shot is likely to be required. Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla said last month that people inoculated with that company’s product would likely need a third booster dose.
“A likely scenario is that there will be likely a need for a third dose, somewhere between six and 12 months and then from there, there will be an annual revaccination, but all of that needs to be confirmed. And again, the variants will play a key role,” he said April 1.
Johnson & Johnson CEO Alex Gorsky told CNBC in February that annual vaccination against Covid-19 might be necessary, as is the case with the seasonal flu.
Mexico has received almost 33.5 million doses of five different vaccines, according to data presented at the Health Ministry’s Sunday night coronavirus press briefing. The government has received 13.4 million Pfizer shots, 6 million doses of AstraZeneca, 7 million SinoVac vaccines, 2.4 Sputnik V shots and 4.6 million doses of CanSino.
Just under 26.5 million of the doses, or about 80% of those received, had been administered by Sunday night.
Mexico’s coronavirus situation has improved significantly since the country went through its second and worst wave of the pandemic, which began late last year and extended into early 2021. Half of Mexico’s 32 states are now low-risk green on the federal stoplight map, 15 are medium risk yellow and just one — Quintana Roo — is high-risk orange.
Mexico’s accumulated case tally is currently 2.39 million, while the official Covid-19 death toll is 221,647, a figure considered a vast undercount.
A downgrade would prohibit Aeroméxico and Delta Airlines from selling seats on each other's flights via codesharing agreements.
The United States government will soon announce a downgrade to Mexico’s aviation safety rating, according to a report by Reuters.
Four airline industry sources with knowledge of the matter told the news agency that the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) is expected to announce the downgrade imminently following a lengthy review of aviation oversight in Mexico.
A demotion from category 1 to category 2 would prevent Mexican airlines from launching new services to the United States, according to the sources. Existing services would not be affected. A downgrade would also restrict airline-to-airline marketing practices such as selling seats on each other’s services via code-sharing arrangements between Mexican and U.S. carriers.
Carlos Ozores, an aviation consultant at the global advisory and digital services provider ICF, said the downgrade could also upset the United States expansion plans of Volaris, a growth-driven Mexican budget carrier.
Sources who spoke to Reuters on the condition of anonymity said the FAA has spoken at length with aviation regulators in Mexico, which had not addressed all of its concerns following an in-country assessment. Mexican officials have been informed about the downgrade and raised concerns about the action, the sources said.
One source said that the FAA’s concerns were about Mexico’s oversight of airlines rather than safety issues.
But Reuters said the downgrade would mean that the FAA has determined that safety standards in Mexico don’t comply with those of the International Civil Aviation Organization, a specialized agency of the United Nations. According to the FAA, a downgrade means that an aviation authority has shortcomings in areas such as technical expertise, trained personnel, record-keeping and inspection procedures.
President López Obrador said Monday that Mexico is complying with all the requirements, and hinted that U.S. airlines were behind the move. “… they are the ones who will benefit.”
He urged the U.S. not to go ahead with it. “We feel that this decision should not be made.”
The president also said Mexican airlines would not be affected “because they are mostly dedicated to transporting passengers domestically.”
The expected downgrade would come at a time when air travel between the United States and Mexico is recovering strongly from the pandemic-induced tourism downturn. Mexico was easily the most popular international destination for United States travelers in April, with almost 2.3 million passengers on U.S.-Mexico flights. The figure is more than triple the number of people on flights from the U.S. to the Dominican Republic, which was the second most popular international destination, according to industry data.
As a result of the downgrade, Delta Air Lines, which has a codeshare agreement with Aeroméxico and owns 49% of the airline, will have to issue new tickets to some passengers booked on Mexico’s flag carrier, sources told Reuters. Both airlines declined to comment.
It is unclear how many passengers might need new tickets, but there is potential for the number to be large. Delta and Aeroméxico, which have been codeshare partners since 2017, are offering a combined total of approximately 3,900 flights between the United States and Mexico and vice versa in June, according to the aviation analytics company Cirium.
The FAA previously downgraded Mexico’s air safety rating to category 2 in 2010 due to suspected deficiencies in its civil aviation authority. But its category 1 rating was reinstated just four months later.
The Mexican government said in 2010 that aviation safety had not deteriorated and attributed the rating downgrade to a shortage of flight inspectors.