Raul Jimenéz and México had plenty to celebrate Thursday. (Concacaf/X)
Mexico’s Raúl Jiménez scored 46 seconds after the opening whistle and found the net again in minute 75 with a dazzling free kick to lead El Tri to a 2-0 victory over Canada in a Concacaf Nations League (CNL) semifinal Thursday night.
With the win, Mexico advances to its third CNL final to face Panama after the underdog Canaleros beat a heavily favored U.S. side in the other semifinal.
Canada vs. Mexico: Extended Highlights | CONCACAF Nations League Semi-Final | CBS Sports Golazo
Panama — ranked No. 36 in the world — is the first Central American squad to reach a CNL final. Mexico — ranked No. 19 in the latest FIFA rankings — made it to the finals in 2020 and 2024 before losing to the U.S..
El Tri got off to a dream start at So-Fi Stadium outside Los Angeles, with Jiménez pouncing on a loose ball behind the defense.
Defender Johan Vásquez created the opportunity, intercepting a Canada throw-in and directing it toward the box. With his back to goal, Jiménez back-heeled it to Roberto Alvarado who scuffed a shot attempt.The ball squirted right into the path of Jiménez who slotted it past Canadian ‘keeper Dayne St. Clair, inside the far goalpost. Just like that, El Tri was up 1-0.
Raúl’s goal was his 36th with the national team, breaking a tie with Luis Hernández to move into fourth place on Mexico’s all-time scoring list.
El Tri caught a break a few minutes later when referee Héctor Martínez from Honduras turned down Canadian pleas for a penalty. Video replay indicated Mexico defender Edson Álvarez had clipped Derek Cornelius’ foot after the Canada defender poked the ball past him, but the ref stuck with the no-call.
The rest of the half was choppy — Martínez whistled 25 fouls in the first 45 minutes — as Canada pressed forward looking for a goal to level the score.
El Tri’s back line — steady throughout — effectively cut off passing lanes into the goalbox while Mexican forwards constantly pestered Canada ball-handlers.
Alvarado had a chance to get on the scoresheet himself in minute 19, running into the penalty arc to collect a long ball from Carlos Rodríguez, but the Canadian goalie rushed the ball and knocked it wide.
In minute 39, Mexico saw its bid for a 2-0 lead denied. Álvarez headed a nifty cross from Alvarado into the net, but the referee called offside.
Shortly after half-time, Canada captain Alphonso Davies mis-hit a shot from straight in front at the top of the box. Shortly thereafter and in quick succession, Mexican defender Jesús Gallardo and winger Alexis Vega had bad turnovers that were saved by alert teammates.
— Concacaf Nations League (@CNationsLeague) March 21, 2025
In minute 60, El Tri goalie Luis Malagón unwisely came off his line in pursuit of a long centering pass, but misjudged it. The ball was knocked back toward the other post with Malagón completely out of position. Fortunately for México, Álvarez reacted first, nodding the ball clear of the goal and out of danger just as Canada’s Cornelius clattered into him.
Fifteen minutes later, Jiménez drove the nail in the coffin, with a perfect free kick from 28 meters that zipped between a lunging St. Clair and the near post.
El Tri saw out the game from there, limiting Canada to a single shot on goal all night.
Thursday’s result means Canada has won just one of its past 13 matches against Mexico. The Reds will now face the U.S. in Sunday’s third-place, consolation game.
The U.S., the highest-ranked Concacaf squad at No. 16, was stunned 1-0 by No. 36 Panama in the night’s first semifinal thanks to a stoppage-time goal from Cecilio Waterman.
During the Panama-U.S. game, the three-time defending CNL champs squandered opportunities early and late then watched in disbelief as Adalberto Carrasquillo found Waterman, who from inside the right side of the box fired home the winning goal in minute 90+4.
The 1944 water treaty governs the distribution of water from the Colorado River and the Rio Grande, shown here in Ciudad Juárez. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)
For the first time since the Treaty on Utilization of Waters of the Colorado and Tijuana Rivers and of the Rio Grande was signed in 1944, the U.S. has denied a request by Mexico for water delivery.
Mexico was seeking approval for the creation of a special delivery channel for Colorado River water to be delivered to Tijuana. As much of northwest Mexico faces severe drought, the denial is likely to place even more stress on Baja California’s water system.
Under previous water agreements, Mexico may request — and pay for — emergency water deliveries to the Tijuana area often via the Morelos Dam near Mexicali. (Tercero Díaz/Cuartoscuro)
The 1944 U.S.-Mexico water treaty governs water allocation from the Rio Grande (also known as the Río Bravo) and Colorado River, the two principal rivers in the southwestern United States and northern Mexico.
The U.S. Department of State on Thursday said the U.S. has taken the unprecedented step of denying Mexico’s non-treaty request for the water.
In a statement posted to social media, the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs defended the decision by saying that “Mexico’s continued shortfalls in its water deliveries … are decimating American agriculture” while claiming that the farmers in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas are suffering as a result.
Mexico’s Foreign Affairs Ministry did not respond to reporters’ requests for comment about the U.S. decision. However, during her Friday morning press conference President Claudia Sheinbaum insisted Mexico is making available the corresponding water quotas as defined by the treaty.
Mexico’s continued shortfalls in its water deliveries under the 1944 water-sharing treaty are decimating American agriculture–particularly farmers in the Rio Grande valley. As a result, today for the first time, the U.S. will deny Mexico’s non-treaty request for a special…
— Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs (@WHAAsstSecty) March 20, 2025
The president made her comments before the State Department issued its statement.
While admitting that drought and water shortages are part of the problem, Sheinbaum described the issue as “an important one that is being addressed” by the National Water Commission (Conagua) and the International Boundary and Water Commission (IBWC).
The IBWC is tasked with determining the international boundary and applying water treaties of the United States and Mexico and settling differences that may arise in their application. (The Mexico-U.S. boundary is largely defined by the Rio Grande, which occasionally shifts its course.)
Under the 1944 Treaty, Mexico is required to transfer water to the United States every five years from two shared dams on the Texas border.
Meeting the quotas has been problematic in recent years for Mexico due to drought exacerbated by climate change, as well as by the increase in agriculture in parched areas of both countries. Aging infrastructure and significant water waste have also contributed to the shortfall.
Mexico is obligated to deliver 1.75 million acre-feet of water to the US over a five-year cycle, averaging 350,000 acre-feet annually. The current cycle ends in October 2025.
Like much western water law, the 1944 treaty was signed at a time when water was more plentiful in the northwest Mexico and the U.S. southwest. (Texas Farm Bureau)
The 1944 treaty specifies that in the event of extraordinary drought or damage to hydraulic systems on Mexico’s side which makes it difficult for Mexico to meet its quota, deficiencies existing at the end of a five-year cycle shall be made up in the following five-year cycle.
Mexico was about 265 billion gallons of water behind on its deliveries in August of last year, prompting the U.S. commissioner at the IBWC, Maria-Elena Giner to remark that Mexico was “at its lowest levels ever” in the treaty’s history.
In November, the two countries hammered out an agreement that reportedly provided Mexico with tools and flexibility to deliver water earlier in the five-year cycle. Among the proposed tools were better coordination regarding water conservation, re-use and alternative water sources.
Even so, Giner warned then that Mexico is so far behind in deliveries that “it will be very difficult, if not statistically impossible, for them to make up that difference.”
Now it appears that the U.S. government is willing to ramp up a new battle with the Mexican government, which has dodged U.S. tariff threats twice since Donald Trump became U.S. president on Jan. 20. Though some tariffs have gone into effect, Mexico has yet to retaliate.
A new residential development has been completed in Mérida, and plans are in the works for a new Arts District. (Shutterstock)
Yucatán state has attracted nearly 7 billion pesos (US $348 million) in real estate projects in the state capital of Mérida, as the current administration seeks to increase support for the housing sector.
Governor Joaquín Díaz Mena inaugurated the Residencial Punto Maya project in Ucú, located northwest of the city. The project cost a total of 5.5 billion pesos (US $274 million).
Yucatán Governor Joaquín “Huacho” Díaz Mena, center right, inaugurated the Punto Maya residential development on Wednesday. (Huacho Díaz Mena/Facebook)
In a separate event, Díaz laid the cornerstone of the second building of the Distrito Arte Mérida (Mérida Art District) complex, with an investment of over 1.3 billion pesos (US $64 million).
Residencial Punto Maya
Díaz, alongside Miguel Cagnasso Cantú, the director of the real estate development company Misión Obispado, cut the inaugural ribbon for Residencial Punto Maya, a project expected to generate more than 250 direct jobs.
“This project represents hundreds of opportunities for our people,” Díaz said during his speech, highlighting the strategic location of the development. “It’s just six minutes from the current beltway, but it will also be very close to the Metropolitan Beltway that we will soon build and the Maya Train.”
Díaz added that such investments demonstrate that Yucatán is a state with legal certainty and appeal for investors.
Mérida Art District
A rendering of development plans for the Mérida Art District. (Mérida Art District)
In an event that took place later that day, Díaz laid the cornerstone of the second building of the Mérida Art District. In a speech, he reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to promoting policies that encourage productive investment, create quality jobs, and strengthen the community’s economic and social fabric.
The real estate project will create over 350 direct and indirect jobs and “will strengthen the entity’s tourism and service infrastructure,” Díaz said. The development features over 10,000 square meters of commercial space, a 120-room hotel that will be operated by the Voco brand, and a one-hectare public park, financed and maintained through private investment.
This project is part of the first phase of the Mérida Art District initiative, which has already seen a US $15 million investment in the construction of a corporate center set to open in May.
Why do we celebrate Benito Juárez's birthday? (Wikimedia Commons)
Every March 21, Mexico celebrates the birth of Benito Juárez, the Zapotec boy who became a president, hero and symbol of just about everything Mexican. Schoolchildren memorize his words, politicians invoke his name, and his stern face stares down from statues across the nation. If you have a peso, you probably have Benito Juárez in your pocket right now.
Juárez was born in 1806 in the small village of San Pablo Guelatao, Oaxaca, a place so quiet you could hear a tortilla flip from a mile away. He spoke only Zapotec until the age of 12. Orphaned at three, he was, by all accounts, a quiet, serious boy.
The Benito Juárez Hemicycle in Mexico City’s Alameda Park is just one of countless monuments to the man considered Mexico’s greatest-ever president. (Creative Commons)
But he learned Spanish. He studied law. And then, somehow, he overcame his humble beginnings and changed the fate of a nation. He became president not once, not twice, but five times. He fought off European invaders. He pushed for reforms that would put power in the hands of the people. And he did it all with the charisma of an overworked accountant.
A turbulent start in politics
Juárez had a roller coaster journey to becoming the unwavering leader of Mexico. He got involved in Liberal Party politics early in life and was elected governor of his home state in 1848, a role in which he made an enemy of Antonio López de Santa Anna. When Santa Anna came back to power for the last time in 1853, Juárez was imprisoned and exiled for his liberal views. It was not the first time he would be on the run in the coming years.
Juárez fled to New Orleans, where he spent two years in obscurity, working as a cigar maker and plotting the future of Mexico with other exiled liberals, waiting for the right moment to return home. That moment came in 1855, when Santa Anna was overthrown in the Ayutla Revolution and Juárez returned as Minister of Justice in the new liberal government that would shape Mexico’s future.
La Reforma and the Constitution of 1857
Juárez was, at his core, a reformer. He believed in laws, institutions, and, above all, the idea that a country should belong to its people, not to the Church or a handful of elites. He pushed for La Reforma, a series of laws that separated church and state, confiscated Church and communally-owned Indigenous lands and attempted to turn Mexico into what the liberals saw as a modern republic, kicking and screaming if need be. Juárez’s faction of the Liberal Party wrote the Constitution of 1857, incorporating these provisions as the iron-bound law of the land.
Deputies swear to abide by the Constitution of 1857. (Daniel A. Utrillo)
Naturally, this made a lot of powerful people very angry. The Catholic Church, which had been running things for quite some time, suddenly found itself on the losing end of history. Conservative elites, who preferred their peasants obedient and illiterate, saw Juárez as a dangerous man. And when Mexico’s ruling class gets uncomfortable, history tells us they usually do something drastic.
The Reform War and the Second French Intervention
In December 1857, the conservatives rebelled against the new constitution, convinced liberal President Ignacio Comonfort to overthrow his own government and plunged Mexico into civil war. As Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the presidency legally passed to Juárez, who led the liberal government to military victory over the conservatives in 1860 and handily won the presidential elections of 1861. But the conservatives weren’t defeated yet, and they still had a trick up their sleeve.
Enter Maximilian von Habsburg, a well-dressed Austrian sent by Napoleon III to rule Mexico. With the support of the Mexican conservatives, France installed Maximilian as emperor, and suddenly Juárez found himself again leading a government on the run, chased across Mexico by a man who had absolutely no business being there.
Did Juárez surrender? No. Did he strike a deal, as Maximilian offered him? Absolutely not. Instead, he waged a guerrilla war against the conservatives and the French. And when the tides turned, and Maximilian was finally captured, Juárez had him tried and executed. No exile, no second chances. Just a firing squad and a clear message: Mexico would not be a European colony anymore.
Chinacos, or mounted guerrillas, were the Juarista soldier par excellence in the war against the Conservative Party and the French. (Manuel Serrano)
Juárez had won. He had fought for democracy, for the people, for a government free from corruption and foreign influence. But then came the tricky part: governing in a time of peace.
The Restored Republic
Like many great revolutionaries before him, Juárez found that running a country is a lot harder than fighting for one. His reforms, such as the Lerdo Law, were meant to break up communal Indigenous lands to create private property and stimulate the economy — in reality, wealthy landowners and speculators bought up most of the newly private land.
While noble in principle, these reforms often did more to alienate people than unite them. The rural poor, many of whom had joined Juárez’s forces during the war, didn’t necessarily see their lives improve under his leadership. The Church, wounded but still powerful, continued to resist him. His enemies in government accused him of clinging to power, of ignoring dissent, of being just as dictatorial as the men he had fought against.
Still, Juárez kept getting reelected, often against strong opposition from other liberals. He centralized power in ways that made even his allies nervous. Some of his closest supporters defected and even revolted against his government in 1871, including, ironically enough, Porfirio Díaz, the general who would later rule Mexico as a dictator for over 30 years. The revolutionaries had become the establishment. And like so many before him, Juárez began to look less like a radical reformer and more like a man who simply couldn’t let go.
Benito Juárez is still kicking
In 1872, Juárez died of a heart attack at his desk. His legacy, however, refused to rest.Today, Benito Juárez is remembered as Mexico’s Abraham Lincoln, a man of the people who believed in justice and equality. His face is on the money. His birthday is a national holiday.
And yet Mexico still argues about him. They argue about his reforms, his decisions, his stubbornness. Some call him a hero. Others, a tyrant. Maybe that’s because his struggles still feel so present in Mexico. In some ways, the battles he fought — between rich and poor, liberal and conservative, progress and tradition — have never really ended.
Stephen Randall has lived in Mexico since 2018 by way of Kentucky, and before that, Germany. He’s an enthusiastic amateur chef who takes inspiration from many different cuisines, with favorites including Mexican and Mediterranean.
Parque México is the capital's most upmarket place to soak in the atmosphere. But how much do you really know about the place? (Karla Fajardo/Shutterstock)
Life in many parts of Mexico City revolves around green space. Chapultepec Park, nearly twice the size of Manhattan’s Central Park, is said to average 40,000 visitors per day. The Alameda Central, situated next to the Palacio de Bellas Artes in the Historic Center, may just be the oldest park in the Americas. Desierto de los Leones National Park is one of the most popular destinations for urbanites to go hiking. Still, none of these parks quite match the energy of a Sunday morning stroll through Condesa’s leafy, lovely Parque México.
By 9 a.m., locals have already claimed their spots: joggers speed down the winding pathways, dog owners gossip while their pets play off-leash and families spread blankets on patches of grass to enjoy a weekend picnic.
Parque México is a calm, verdant oasis on the edge of Condesa and Insurgentes. (Caminandog)
The sensory experience in Parque México is distinctly Mexico City. While vendors selling fresh fruit and tamales call out their offerings, the scent of coffee drifts from the plethora of cafes that line the streets. Music from an impromptu dance class will echo from the Art Deco amphitheater while children shriek with delight by the duck pond.
This 88,000-square-meter urban sanctuary doesn’t just provide respite from the surrounding concrete; Parque México tells a unique side of the story of Mexico City’s evolution through its architecture, activities and the diverse crowd it attracts every weekend.
Its origins are colonial
The Santa Catalina del Arenal hacienda in the 17th century. The land is now mostly Condesa, Roma and central Mexico City. (Ciudad y Patrimonio)
Parque México’s history stretches further back than many visitors realize. The land was originally part of the Santa Catalina del Arenal hacienda, built in 1610. Then on the outskirts of Mexico City and spanning much of what is now Condesa, it was primarily dedicated to pulque production, livestock and fruit cultivation. Over the centuries, the hacienda changed hands several times. By the 1700s, it fell under the ownership of the Third Countess of Miravalle, who was a descendant of Moctezuma and related to Charles II of Spain.
It was once a racetrack
The equestrian origins of Parque México are still clear to see today. (MODO)
In the early 20th century, the Jockey Club purchased a portion of this land and built a horse racing track, which explains the park’s oval shape. By the end of the Mexican Revolution, the route where horses once galloped for the entertainment of Mexico City’s elite ceased operations. The developers who bought the former racetrack in 1927 were bound by a contract stipulating that 60,000 square meters of the property must be converted into a public park, and Parque México was born.
That’s not its name
Parque México’s bust of the Liberator of Argentina. (LEG95/CC BY SA-4.0)
Even though everyone calls it Parque México, that’s not actually the park’s official name. It’s technically called Parque General San Martín, named after José de San Martín, an independence leader in Argentina, Chile and Peru. The dedication was officially made in December 1927 as a gesture of goodwill towards Argentina. Nonetheless, the park is commonly known and referred to as Parque México due to its location on Avenida México. Need a visual? Head to the northwest corner of the park near the Amalia Gonzalez Library, where a bust of San Martín stands proud.
Its layout was inspired by a British urban planner
It wouldn’t be a British-inspired park without a clock in the middle. (Gob. de CDMX)
José Luis Cuevas Pietrasanta, the visionary architect behind the Hipódromo Condesa neighborhood, was heavily inspired by British urban planner Ebenezer Howard’s Garden City movement.
Howard pioneered the innovative city development concept with the aim of creating urban environments that were both sustainable and peaceful, combining the best aspects of city life and nature. Cuevas Pietrasanta used these principles when planning Parque México, resulting in the capital’s most progressive and successful urban development project of the 1920s. As most of the city expanded haphazardly, Hipódromo Condesa emerged as a blueprint for future use. It was the first Mexico City neighborhood where buildings and nature were deliberately planned to coexist harmoniously, with the streets surrounding Parque México growing outward in a circular, whimsical fashion.
It took three architects
This section of the park was designed by Leonardo Noriega, one of three architects who worked on the project. (Gob. de CDMX)
More than just the park’s chief architect, José Luis Cuevas Pietrasanta was one of Mexico City’s most influential urban designers. Beyond Colonia Hipódromo, he designed the upscale Lomas de Chapultepec neighborhood, the Casa de José Gargollo y Garay on Paseo de la Reforma and the Edison Building in the Historic Center.
Leonardo Noriega had a knack for Art Deco, which he used when designing the striking Foro Lindbergh amphitheater. Its geometric forms, decorative motifs and clean lines are a testament to his artistic flair. Even though Noriega’s name isn’t as prominent of his contemporaries, his contribution to Parque México was profound and helped establish Art Deco as a defining style in Mexico City’s architectural identity.
Is a park without a sculpture really a park? According to José María Fernández Urbina, the answer is no. Fernández Urbina brought his three-dimensional expertise to the Parque México project, creating the famous Fuente de los Cántaros (Fountain of the Jugs) that remains one of the park’s most beloved features.
Together, these three designers didn’t only create a beautiful green space in the heat of Condesa. By blending European influences with Mexican aesthetics, the team introduced a bold cultural statement about modern Mexican identity during the period of national reinvention that followed the Mexican Revolution.
Charles Lindbergh was here… maybe
Was pioneering aviator Charles Lindbergh here? Possibly. (Gobierno de CDMX)
The Art Deco Foro Lindbergh amphitheater serves as Parque México’s architectural centrepiece, the cultural heart and preferred meeting point for salsa fanatics. But many visitors remain unaware of the fascinating story behind its name.
The forum is indeed named after Charles Lindbergh, the American aviator who flew the first solo nonstop transatlantic flight from New York to Paris. Some say his accomplishment captured the imagination of Mexico City’s urban planners.
Local legend says something more dramatic. Some believe that Lindbergh himself landed an airplane in this very location in December 1927. While historians debate whether this actually occurred, the story speaks to Mexico’s enthusiasm for aviation advancements during this era, perhaps as a way to shrink distances between nations and inspire new international relationships.
It has historic rules
Make sure to follow the rules, conveniently displayed on art deco posts across the park. (Gob. de CDMX)
There are several quirky Art Deco-style stone signs throughout the park, all dating to 1927, indicating the proper way to act while visiting to ensure Parque México remains well-maintained. These signs use distinctive language that not only reflects past social norms in Mexico but also showcases how speech used to indicate one’s social class. This feature adds character to Parque México, serving as both a practical guide and a cultural artifact. Look out for signs that say things like “Respect for trees, plants, and grass: is an unequivocal sign of culture” and “Dogs seriously damage a park: bring them leashed.”
It’s a living ecosystem in the middle of the city
Just a few hundred meters from super-urban and bustling Insurgentes Avenue, Parque México offers calm and tranquillity for all. (Gob. de CDMX)
Parque México functions as an urban forest within Mexico City. The park’s canopy includes majestic jacarandas, ash trees, palms, firs and native ahuehuetes (Montezuma cypresses), many of which have been present for centuries.
More than just a pretty face, Parque México plays a vital environmental role by helping filter air pollution, reduce urban heat, and provide habitat for wildlife. For residents of the surrounding high-density neighborhoods, the park offers essential access to nature without leaving the city, a living reminder of Mexico’s natural heritage amid the urban landscape.
A bustling cultural hub
Gozadera en clase de Timba Casino | Parque México 🕺🏽 🥳🤩 @timbacasino3745
Each weekend, over 10,000 visitors transform Parque México into a vibrant social hub. Locals come here for free salsa classes, zumba sessions, and impromptu performances. You can learn to roller skate or how to properly wield an LED saber. If your idea of burning calories on a Sunday is through shopping, vendors fill the park with all sorts of delightful products — artisanal jewelry, house plants, home decor — you can even adopt a cat!
An important historical landmark
Recognized by the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) as a cultural landmark, the park physically represents Mexico City’s urban evolution. A 2008 renovation introduced sustainable irrigation systems to maintain its greenery amid the city’s water challenges.
As Condesa continues to grow into one of the country’s most desirable neighborhoods, Parque México remains an anchor of public accessibility for all to enjoy. The park is open daily, including holidays.
Bethany Platanella is a travel planner and lifestyle writer based in Mexico City. She lives for the dopamine hit that comes directly after booking a plane ticket, exploring local markets, practicing yoga and munching on fresh tortillas. Sign up to receive her Sunday Love Letters to your inbox, peruse her blog, or follow her on Instagram.
Irapuato's Fundación Calosa has been making art more accessible for Mexican everywhere, with displays, courses and even offering the chance to start their own collections. (Fundación Calosa)
Located in the heart of Irapuato, Guanajuato, the Fundación Calosa exists as an essential reference for contemporary art in the Bajío. Founded seven years ago with the mission of democratizing access to art, this non-profit organization has managed to consolidate itself as a space for meeting, dialogue and artistic education. Its impact goes beyond the exhibition of first-rate works: the Fundación Calosa seeks to transform the perception of art and encourage collecting in a region where the cultural offering of this type is limited.
Historically, Mexico’s cultural offerings have been concentrated in Mexico City, leaving other regions with less access to world-class contemporary art exhibitions. This impacts both artists and consumers, since artists have to travel to Mexico City to show their artistic work or to attend major exhibitions. Fundación Calosa has taken on the challenge of decentralizing the Mexican art scene by offering a space where national and international artists can exhibit their work without having to travel to the capital.
Espacio Calosa, the gallery in which the foundation is based, has become a model for how private initiatives can contribute to the dissemination of art and culture in the country. “Our goal is to bring art closer to more people, offering first-rate exhibitions and an educational program at no cost,” explains Lorena Chávez, founder of the institution and a businesswoman committed to the transformative force that access to art can have on people’s lives and minds.
A space for the community
The Fundación Calosa is not only an exhibition center but also a place to meet and learn. Its educational program includes workshops, wine tastings, and activities for children and emerging artists. Events such as Calosa Niños seek to engage new generations in art appreciation, while Noches Calosa allows adult visitors to explore the exhibitions at extended hours, prioritizing socializing and dialogue around art and taking into consideration the long work shifts that people usually have in this part of the country.
World-class exhibitions: Chiharu Shiota at Calosa
Chiharu Shiota’s series “The Soul’s Journey” is now on display at Calosa. (Fundación Calosa)
One of the foundation’s most recent accomplishments is the recently inaugurated exhibition “The Soul Journey” by renowned Japanese artist Chiharu Shiota. Famous for her monumental installations created with webs of interwoven threads, Shiota offers a unique sensory experience that explores memory, the body and human emotions. This exhibition is free, reflecting Calosa’s commitment to accessibility and artistic quality.
“To experience art is to embark the soul on a journey, to explore the depths of human consciousness. As visitors tour the exhibition at Fundación Calosa, they will engage with various works of art that deal with life, death and connection. The purpose of art is to look beyond our mundane lives”, says Chiharu Shirota about her exhibition at the Espacio Calosa.
This exhibition will be open to the public at no cost until June, and you can visit Monday through Friday.
One of the foundation’s pillars is to encourage art collecting as a tool for social transformation. “Supporting living artists is fundamental. Buying art is not only an aesthetic act, but also a political one; it is a form of support for the hard work and research involved in creating,” Lorena Chávez told Newsweek En Español earlier this year. The Foundation has promoted the acquisition of works by emerging artists, demonstrating that it is possible to start a collection with an accessible budget.
From its headquarters in Irapuato, the Calosa Foundation is redefining the art scene in the Bajío and beyond, functioning as an example for similar spaces outside Mexico City. Its work not only challenges Mexico’s cultural centralization but also inspires other initiatives to follow. In a country where art is often perceived as a luxury for the few, projects like Calosa demonstrate that culture can and should be accessible to all.
Camila Sánchez Bolaño is a journalist, feminist, bookseller, lecturer, and cultural promoter and is the former Editor in Chief of Newsweek en Español magazine.
President Claudia Sheinbaum at her daily press conference on Thursday. (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)
A diverse range of issues were discussed at President Claudia Sheinbaum’s Thursday morning press conference, including the gruesome Teuchtitlán case (see MND’s latest report here) and the latest World Happiness Report (see our article here).
Reporters also asked questions about Cuban doctors in Mexico, the soon-to-be enforced ban on junk food in schools and the United States’ protectionist agenda.
Cuban doctors have been filling gaps in medical personnel in Mexico since at least 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, like this doctor at Hospital Tláhuac in Mexico City in 2020. (Rogelio Morales/Cuartoscuro)
Cuban doctors not taking jobs from Mexicans, Sheinbaum says
In response to a question about the government’s hiring of doctors from Cuba, Sheinbaum said, “It is very important for people to know that they don’t substitute Mexican doctors.”
Sheinbaum said that Cuban doctors were hired to take up specialist positions in parts of the country where Mexicans don’t want to go.
No matter how many recruitment processes are undertaken, “There are no Mexican doctors who want to go to these places, many of which are in the most isolated places,” she said.
Sheinbaum said Thursday that Mexico needs Cuban doctors because Mexican ones won’t work where needed. However, this protest by Health Ministry workers a year ago echoes many Mexican public doctors’ frequent complaints that government-run facilities lack medicines and adequate equipment to treat patients successfully. (Crisanta Espinosa Aguilar/Cuartoscuro)
Jorge Alcocer, health minister in the previous federal government, said in 2022 that doctors had cited insecurity as the main reason why they didn’t want to work in rural areas of the country, but he also claimed that they were not interested in living in remote areas.
“They’re forgetting … the right patients have to be attended to wherever they are,” Alcocer said at the time.
Despite previous claims to the contrary, Sheinbaum said that Mexico has a shortage of doctors in some specialist fields of medicine.
“We already spoke about why there are not [enough] specialists in Mexico — because for years, the entire neoliberal period, [previous governments] closed off the possibility of there being specialist doctors,” she said, referring to the period between 1982 and 2018.
“It wasn’t until 2019 or 2020 that [former] president López Obrador doubled the training [opportunities] for specialist doctors,” Sheinbaum said while presenting a graph to support her point.
She also expressed her appreciation for the work Cuban doctors do in Mexico and told reporters that she has seen them at work herself during her weekend trips to different parts of the country.
Sheinbaum says that Mexico has a shortage of specialist doctors, although this has been disputed. (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)
Sheinbaum said she has also witnessed the “gratitude of the people” they have treated.
Ban on junk food in schools to take effect this month
“How will you monitor compliance with this provision?” the reporter asked the president.
Sheinbaum referred the question to Deputy Education Minister Noemí Juárez Pérez, who said that the Education Ministry is “already working with school supervisors” to ensure compliance with the ban.
“… They are our most direct eyes, and we’ll be using and needing their support a lot. They’re our supervisors,” she said.
Education Minister Mario Delgado explaining the plan to ban junk food from the nation’s schools back in October. (Moisés Pablo Nava/Cuartoscuro)
Juárez also said that vendors of food in schools will receive training on “the products that can be sold” and “those that can’t be sold.”
“… The vendors already have some recipe books [and] guidelines about the preparation of products,” she added.
“… What we want is to provide options more than a limitation. … It’s about what healthy options can be offered in schools,” Juárez said.
According to regulations published in the government’s official gazette late last year, food offered at schools must comply with a range of requirements, including that they be of natural origin or minimally processed and that they be cooked (if required) with a minimal amount of oil.
The reform “seeks to shift children’s eating habits away from unhealthy Mexican staples, including chilaquiles, tacos de canasta and quesadillas,” Mexico News Daily reported in October. “School cafeterias are advised not to serve these types of meals to students.”
Schools that don’t comply with the rules will be subject to fines of up to 5,450 pesos (US $270).
Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard and his team headed again to Washington, D.C. Thursday for tariff talks with U.S. officials. (File photo/Twitter)
Mexico seeking to avoid additional US tariffs
Sheinbaum noted that the government is still waiting to see how Mexico will be affected by the reciprocal tariffs the United States intends to impose on imports from all its trading partners on April 2.
“We’re always seeking an agreement and that Mexico is affected as little as possible,” she said.
“But if not, we have a plan, and we’ll speak clearly about what this would mean,” said Sheinbaum, who has expressed confidence that Mexico will avoid reciprocal tariffs because it doesn’t tax most imports from the United States.
“We’re always going to seek dialogue [with the United States] and to look after the [USMCA trade] agreement, which very much helps Mexico but also helps the United States a lot,” she said.
The jury is in: Mexicans are reportedly among the world's happiest people, placing value in family connections, children and emotional well-being over financial status, according to one report. (Victoria Valtierra/Cuartoscuro)
Mexico has been named the third happiest country in the world, according to the Happiness Index 2025, released this week by Ipsos, a global market research and polling company.
With 21% of respondents considering themselves “very happy” and 61% “somewhat happy,” Mexico checks in with a total of 82% in those two categories, trailing only India (88%) and the Netherlands (86%). It was ahead of Indonesia and Brazil (both 79%) in the top five.
In addition to experiencing happiness now, 76% of Mexicans surveyed by Ipsos said they believed their life would be even better than now in five years. (Ipsos)
In the same index last year, Mexico, at 83%, placed second behind the Netherlands’ 85% and ahead of Indonesia and India, both at 82%.
The Ipsos survey focuses on self-reported happiness and explores factors contributing to happiness and unhappiness — such as family, relationships and financial situations.
Tight-knit intergenerational families appear to be an important factor in Mexicans’ happiness, according to Ipsos’ data. (María Martínez/Cuartoscuro)
Family and children are the most important contributors to happiness in Mexico, cited by 45% of respondents. Feeling appreciated and valued follows at 34%, reflecting the importance of interpersonal relationships in Mexican culture.
Mental health and well-being also play crucial roles, with 32% of respondents highlighting these factors. Physical health (cited by only 28% of respondents) and financial situation (23%) were less prominently valued.
Married Mexicans reported higher levels of happiness (87%) compared to singles (13%), and employment significantly impacts happiness, with 84% of employed individuals feeling happy versus 16% of the unemployed.
This year’s 30-nation average shows 16% of respondents worldwide as “very happy” — putting Mexico five percentage points above the world average — and 55% as “somewhat happy,” for a total world happiness score of 71%.
Globally, reported happiness has been declining in the index over the past 14 years, with 15 of the 20 countries surveyed in 2011 reporting lower happiness levels today.
Although globally, happiness has been declining, according to Ispos’ report, Mexico stayed more or less at the same level of happiness or improved in comparison to other countries: In the United Nations’ World Happiness Report, Mexico made a leap from a ranking of No. 25 last year to No. 10 in 2025. (Moy Ortega/Shutterstock)
Canada (67%) took the No. 22 rank this year after placing No. 18 last year (71%). It has dropped 18 percentage points since 2011.
Turkey, the happiest country in 2011, has dropped 40 percentage points to 49%, making it the second-least happy nation in the 2025 survey, ahead of only Hungary (45%). The rest of the bottom five is occupied by Germany (64%), Japan (60%) and South Korea (50%).
Mexico makes a big leap in the UN Happiness Report
The World Happiness Report is compiled through a partnership involving Gallup, the Oxford Wellbeing Research Centre and the U.N. Sustainable Development Solutions Network.
It conducted its most recent survey across 147 countries, compared to 30 for the Ipsos study.
In this study, Finland nailed down the No. 1 ranking for an eighth straight year, while the United States fell to No. 24 — its lowest ranking in this survey’s 25 years of existence.
Denmark, Sweden, Iceland and the Netherlands rounded out this year’s top five, with Costa Rica placing sixth to top all Latin American and Caribbean countries.
“In Mexico and Europe, a household size of four to five predicts the highest levels of happiness,” the study noted. “Couples who live with at least one child, or couples who live with children and members of their extended family, have especially high average life satisfaction.”
The report also found that “sharing meals with others is strongly linked with well-being across all global regions,” noting that “the number of people dining alone in the United States has increased 53% over the past two decades.”
"This won't be [another] Ayotzinapa," Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero promised at his Wednesday press conference on the Teuchitlán case. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)
Mexico’s Attorney General Alejandro Gertz on Wednesday asserted that Jalisco state authorities were negligent in their investigation of a ranch linked to a notorious drug cartel, but vowed to discover what went on there.
In vowing to uncover the truth, Gertz provided a litany of irregularities in the state investigation.
A volunteer search collective discovered what has been described as an extermination camp at Izaguirre Ranch in Teuchitlán, Jalisco. (Fiscalía del Estado de Jalisco/Cuartoscuro)
State authorities did not test human remains at the site or properly identify the clothing and shoes found there, Gertz said. They also failed to register evidence or fingerprints and did not process vehicles found at the ranch, three of which were later stolen.
Local authorities didn’t investigate the ownership of the ranch, failed to scientifically analyze alleged crematorium locations and did not investigate local officials who were linked to activities at the ranch, he said.
Gertz also claimed Jalisco officials failed to alert federal authorities — as is standard procedure — even though the National Guard was involved in the September 2024 operation that originally discovered the camp.
Warrior Searchers of Jalisco uncover an ‘extermination camp’ in Teuchitlán
The discovery of what seemed to be underground ovens led to speculation that the site may have been used to cremate bodies, prompting headlines about “an extermination camp” at a “ranch of horror.”
The government has acknowledged that there are roughly 115,000 people missing in Mexico, largely as a result of drug cartel violence.
Workers from the Special Prosecutor’s Office on Missing Persons (FEPD) sort through personal items found alongside human remains at Izguirre Ranch in Teuchitlán. (Fiscalía Jalisco/Cuartoscuro)
The possibility that the ranch near Teuchitlán was a systematic extermination camp has caused a deep sense of horror, although Gertz claimed the evidence with regard to crematoriums is inconclusive.
The scandal has cast a shadow over the nascent administration of President Sheinbaum, who pledged to crack down on violence and reduce homicides during her Oct. 1 inauguration.
Her comment was prompted by media speculation that Teuchitlán could become her “Ayotzinapa,” referring to the disappearance of 43 students in September 2014 and the failure of federal authorities to adequately resolve the case. Activists commemorated the 10th anniversary of Ayotzinapa last September, just days after the Teuchitlán ranch was first found by authorities.
Search groups and rights experts told The Associated Press that Sheinbaum’s measures were largely already reflected in current or past laws with few new concepts to push the needle forward.
Additionally, activists and search groups are worried that the Teuchitlán investigation is being mishandled, though Gertz said his office was planning to grant access to the site to members of the public and journalists.
Search collectives from Jalisco protesting in February in Mexico City, saying the government is ignoring their cases despite Jalisco being the number one state in Mexico for forced disappearances. (Galo Cañas Rodríguez/Cuartoscuro)
More than 150 search collectives, activists and relatives of victims of abduction and enforced disappearance have expressed profound concern about President Claudia Sheinbaum’s response to Mexico’s missing persons crisis.
The open letter to the president reacted to Sheinbaum’s announcement Monday of six “immediate actions” against enforced disappearances. Her announcement followed a weekend of vigils for Mexico’s disappeared. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)
The actions she announced include strengthening the National Search Commission (CNB) and establishing new protocols that allow “immediate” search alerts to be issued when a person is reported as missing.
In an open letter to the president that seethes with anger and frustration, the search collectives, activists and relatives of missing persons responded to each of the six actions (see below).
The March 18 letter begins with an unequivocal denunciation of Sheinbaum’s plan.
“The families of missing people watched and listened to your response in the face of the disappearances crisis that is getting worse every day. We are deeply concerned about the proposal you make as it reflects a lack of knowledge about the institutional mechanisms and procedures that already exist in the country in search and investigation matters,” said the letter endorsed by search collectives including the Brigada Nacional de Búsqueda (National Search Brigade) and Buscando Nuestros Desaparecidos (Searching for our Missing Ones).
🗣️“Nos preocupa profundamente la propuesta que hace”: Más de 150 colectivos y activistas suscribieron una carta de respuesta al plan de seis puntos presentados por la presidenta @Claudiashein para atender la crisis de personas desaparecidas, en el que lamentan su desconocimiento… pic.twitter.com/7LcSE3JNYn
The response to Sheinbaum’s plan to strengthen the National Search Commission
The search collectives and relatives of victims said it was “positive” that a decision taken last year to reduce the funding of the CNB has been reversed.
“However, it cannot be expected that the increase in the budget and capacities [of the CNB] will achieve anything effective with a head like Teresa Guadalupe Reyes Sahagún,” the letter said.
The search collectives asserted that Reyes — who became head of the CNB in late 2023 after the resignation of Karla Quintana — has a “clear technical incapacity” to occupy the position she holds. She is a former federal deputy who worked in the Welfare Ministry during the first three years of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s presidency.
NCB head Teresa Guadalupe Reyes Sahagún was appointed by former president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador in 2023 after the sudden resignation of former NCB head Karla Quintana, a human rights expert currently heading the Independent Institution on Missing Persons in the Syrian Arab Republic. (Galo Cañas Rodríguez/Cuartoscuro)
The collectives also said that Reyes hasn’t demonstrated an openness to dialogue “with the victims of this country.”
They said that “a forceful action” would be to “correct the mistake” of appointing Reyes to the role of CNB chief and subsequently selecting a new head via an election in which “the right of the families to participate is guaranteed.”
Felipe Calderón-era initiative won’t resolve crisis
The response to Sheinbaum’s legislative reform proposals
The search collectives and relatives of victims said that “reviving the initiative” of former president Felipe Calderón (2006-12) to use a person’s CURP I.D. number as their sole source of identity won’t “immediately resolve the crisis of disappearances.”
Sheinbaum said Monday that a reform to the General Population Law in order to “consolidate” a person’s CURP identity number as their “only source of identity” would allow a missing person’s CURP to be checked against “all administrative records in the country” in order to “generate alerts that facilitate the identification of signs of life.”
Arturo Medina, a deputy minister in Mexico’s National Search Commission, defends the commission at President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference on Tuesday. (Gustavo Alberto/Cuartoscuro)
The search collectives were also critical of a proposal by Sheinbaum to create new missing persons databases, saying that for the past eight years there has been an “obligation” to create a “National Forensic Data Bank,” but the Federal Attorney General’s Office “has refused to implement” it.
Missing persons problem due to ‘lack of political will to break impunity pacts’
The response to Sheinbaum’s initiative to establish new protocols that allow “immediate” search alerts to be issued
“We reiterate that the problem of disappearances and failures in the search and investigation [procedures in missing person cases] doesn’t come from the absence of laws and protocols but rather the lack of political will to break impunity pacts that persist in the country,” the search collectives and victims’ families said.
They claimed that prosecutor’s offices are “the first obstacle” to commencing searches for missing persons.
The collectives said that the law already stipulates that searches “must be immediate” after a person is reported as missing, contradicting Sheinbaum’s assertion that authorities in some states are required to wait 72 hours before initiating searches and investigations.
A search collective in Quintana Roo comforts a member who has personally searched for her missing daughter for the past five years after she disappeared from Cancún in 2020. Victims’ families say that authorities are often an obstacle to locating missing persons rather than a help, especially if those authorities were secretly in collusion with the perpetrators. (Elizabeth Ruiz/Cuartoscuro)
‘We are concerned that the crime of disappearance will be made invisible’
The response to Sheinbaum’s plan to put the crime of enforced disappearance on the same level of seriousness as kidnapping
The search collectives and relatives of victims said that one of their “biggest struggles” was establishing “the crime of enforced disappearance” in federal law.
They said that “for a long time,” they “have understood that the search for our relatives responds to different dynamics” than those in a search for victims of kidnapping.
While a kidnapping and an enforced disappearance are similar crimes, the latter occurs with the authorization, support or involvement of authorities. The abduction of a person by a crime group that colludes in one way or another with authorities, whether they are municipal, state or federal authorities, could be classified as an enforced disappearance rather than a kidnapping.
Sheinbaum’s proposal to put enforced disappearance on the same level as kidnapping in terms of seriousness would increase the maximum sentence for a person convicted of the former crime by 20 years to 80 years.
Mexico’s notorious mass disappearance case of 43 kidnapped college students from Guerrero, often referred to as the Ayotzinapa 43, is an example of the Mexican government’s frequent paralysis in solving enforced disappearances. The case has gone unsolved for over a decade despite multiple investigations launched by successive presidential administrations that have implicated cartels, the military, and local politicians. (Dassaev Téllez Adame/Cuartoscuro)
The search collectives and victims’ relatives said that the proposal is “clear proof of not understanding criminal dynamics as well as a clear backward step in terms of investigation.”
“The problem of disappearances can’t be resolved if they are investigated as if they are any crime, and we are concerned that [the crime of] disappearance will be made invisible and its victims dealt with incorrectly,” they said.
“That’s why we strongly reject the proposal.”
‘We hope that this proposal is established’
The response to Sheinbaum’s plan to publish missing persons statistics on a monthly basis
“We hope that this proposal is established, that it allows us to see the level of work of the prosecutor’s offices,” said the search collectives and relatives of victims.
They said that the published data should not just include how many people have disappeared on a monthly and even daily basis, but also show many have been found and how many missing person cases are reaching a court of law. Just 1% of such cases are currently heard by a judge, the search collectives said.
Collectives call for dismissal of heads of victims’ commission
The response to Sheinbaum’s plan to strengthen the Executive Commission for the Attention to Victims
A search collective member in Chilpancingo, Guerrero, heads home after a day without success of looking for missing persons’ remains at suspected clandestine gravesites. (Dassaev Téllez Adame/Cuartoscuro)
The search collectives and relatives of victims said they hoped that the strengthening of the Executive Commission for the Attention of Victims (CEAV) isn’t just a matter of increasing its budget.
The heads of the commission “must have knowledge of the issue” of kidnapping and enforced disappearances and “sensitivity to attend to victims, not just a personal closeness to those who appoint them,” the letter said.
In light of the alleged nepotism, the search collectives and relatives of victims called for top CEAV officials to be dismissed.
Government ‘hasn’t shown interest in consulting us’
In the conclusion to their scathing letter, the search collectives and relatives of victims asserted that “like all the governments in Mexico,” the current government “hasn’t shown real and serious interest in consulting us and establishing constructive dialogue.”
President Sheinbaum said Wednesday that she would meet with the collectives and family members “if necessary,” but stressed that Interior Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez has been attending to them and will continue to do so.
In their letter, the collectives and relatives also called on government advisers to inform Sheinbaum and other high-ranking officials about “the mechanisms, institutions, procedures and laws that already exist” with regard to missing persons, as the president and other top functionaries have only shown “ignorance on the issue and/or … [the] intention to deceive.”
“… The responsibility to search for and find [missing persons] continues to be yours as a government, and public servants are one of the main obstacles to finding our missing family members,” the letter said.
“If this continues to be tolerated, the problem won’t be solved. Because while the buildings of government are closed and fenced in, the families are looking for our relatives that were disappeared and abandoned by the Mexican state,” it concluded.
