Thursday, June 12, 2025

Political violence: ‘narco politics is advancing with gigantic steps’

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Candidate Abel Murrieta
Candidate Abel Murrieta said he was serious about taking on crime. Hours later he was dead.

It was a sunny afternoon in Ciudad Obregón, a town in northwestern Mexico. Abel Murrieta, running for mayor of the municipality of Cajeme, where the town is located, stood on a busy intersection by a shopping centre, clutching leaflets to canvas for votes in June 6 elections.

A man in a gray shirt and jeans walked up, took out a gun and pumped 10 bullets into the former state attorney general, including two to his head, before crossing the street again and escaping in a waiting car as Murrieta lay on the pavement. Footage from official security cameras aired on television showed leaflets scattered and blood soaking his white shirt.

Murrieta was the 32nd candidate murdered in the run-up to election day, when Mexicans nationwide will elect 500 federal lawmakers, 15 state governors and thousands of mayors and local officials.

Since the election process began last September, 85 politicians have been murdered, including the 32 who had been running for office, according to Etellekt Consultores, which tracks campaign violence. That makes it the second bloodiest election on record, after the presidential vote in 2018.

According to Etellekt, most of the victims were candidates for mayor from parties in opposition to the incumbents in those states. Their deaths have laid bare the deep-rooted ties between organized crime groups and the local officials who protect them.

“If you confront them, you get harassed or killed,” said Rubén Salazar, Etellekt director. “This is Mexican democracy at the local level … No one can run for office without the permission of the mayor and the local crime boss.”

Murrieta appears to have been no exception. In a posthumously released election spot, he proclaimed he was “serious about taking on crime … I’m not afraid.” Hours later he had been shot dead, the apparent aggressor captured on an official street security camera in the state where López Obrador’s former security minister is running for governor.

The political murders have underlined the challenges facing President López Obrador’s “hugs not bullets” strategy against organized crime, his new militarized federal police force and his repeated promises to deliver peace in a country where violence has been soaring for 15 years and there are nearly 100 murders a day.

Violence, which has been spiraling since former president Felipe Calderón launched a catastrophic war on drugs in 2006, is Mexicans’ top electoral concern, dominating many races. A survey by El Financiero newspaper this month found two-thirds of people disagreed with López Obrador’s handling of the problem, with just 18% approving.

Since 2006, the number of homicides has more than tripled. The government claims it has now contained the rise, reporting a 4% drop in murders the first four months of this year compared with the same period last year.

But in April, there were 2,857 murders, 4% higher than in April 2020, as well as 77 femicides — the murder of women because of their gender — a 13% leap from the same month last year.

Homicides per month since 201
Homicides per month since 2015. financial times

Mexico’s murders hit an all-time high in 2019 with 34,682 homicides and 970 femicides. Last year was little better: 34,554 homicides and 977 femicides. So far this year, there have been 11,277 homicides and 318 femicides.

Ricardo Márquez Blas, a former security official, said that on a dozen occasions since López Obrador’s term began the number of homicides had surpassed 3,000 a month, including femicides, compared with just three in the previous 2012-2018 administration.

López Obrador, who took office in 2018, says he has taken a different tack by addressing the root causes of crime, offering young people jobs and scholarships instead of confronting cartels directly.

But critics say he, like past governments, has relied on the military instead of reforming state and local police forces in a country where officers earn around US $600 a month, and have to buy their own boots.

In a pointed criticism of Mexico’s strategy, former U.S. ambassador Christopher Landau said López Obrador had adopted a “pretty laissez-faire attitude” towards drug cartels despite estimates that they controlled “anywhere from 35 to 40% of the country.”

“He sees the cartels … as his Vietnam, which it has been for some of his predecessors, and so I think … he sees that as a distraction from focusing on his agenda,” he told an online seminar.

That recalled the “pax narca” — a tolerance for cartel activities provided they remained contained — that reigned while the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) ruled Mexico in most of the 20th century.

“The president doesn’t want to take on El Narco,” said Salazar, using the Mexican term for drug cartels.

He said López Obrador, who is widely considered to be seeking to replicate the PRI’s centralized power, “doesn’t understand” that the old cohabitation had been shattered as new parties disrupt cosy criminal partnerships and spark new ones.

“The president doesn’t want to recognize that there’s a very big problem of narco politics in the country that is advancing with gigantic steps,” Salazar said, as politics and crime mix at the local level.

Analysts say the climate of polarization is further inflamed by the president’s daily news conferences, where he delivers a barrage of criticisms against his political opponents and electoral authorities that he claims are biased.

“With all this polarization, far from delivering on his promises of peace, he is giving us a more convulsed country,” said Gema Kloppe-Santamaría, an expert on crime and violence at Loyola University in Chicago.

“López Obrador has polarized this election to the point of virtually declaring war on electoral institutions. My big worry is that what we’re seeing now won’t stop after June 6,” she said.

© 2021 The Financial Times Ltd. All rights reserved. Please do not copy and paste FT articles and redistribute by email or post to the web.

Airlines report increase in business from vaccine tourism

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Aeromar
Aeromar's flights to Texas have seen seat occupancy rates higher than pre-pandemic.

As Mexicans tired of waiting for a Covid-19 vaccine have been heading to the U.S. to get vaccinated, two airlines are reaping the benefits.

Fly Business has tripled its flights to Texas, a state known for its bountiful vaccine supply and a place where foreigners can get the jab. The airline has increased its schedule from three to nine flights weekly.

“There are many people who have asked for flights to Texas specifically. We have provided these flights… because we want people to get vaccinated and we have also offered a discount,” said Fly Business president Elliot Ross in an interview with the newspaper Milenio. “The priority for businessmen is to get their families vaccinated. … in Mexico that is not so easy, and with a short, two-hour flight, people prefer to get the injection in Texas.”

He added that vaccine tourism currently accounts for 20% of the company’s flights.

Another airline, Aeromar, said its flights to Texas have 80% seat occupancy, a rate that is even higher than it was before the pandemic. Airline director Juan Rosello said that many of those clients are traveling to get their vaccine in Texas.

The Mexican Association of Travel Agencies (AMAV) has also seen a spike in business from vaccine tourism. In the past two weeks, it has sold 120,000 travel packages for Mexicans seeking to be vaccinated, Milenio reported.

At 20,000 pesos (US $1,000), the packages are not within the reach of every Mexican but for those who can afford it, it has proved to be an attractive option. The packages include flights, hotels, transportation and vaccine registration, mainly for destinations in Texas, Arizona or Miami, Florida.

Source: Milenio (sp)

San Miguel scholarships give low-income students the chance to attend college

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Jovenes Adelante scholarship recipients
Jóvenes Adelante gives promising Mexican students not just money for school but laptops, tutoring and a supportive network during and after college.

It started with a pair of shoes. A boy in San Miguel de Allende, Guanajuato, had received a university scholarship but had no shoes to wear to his classes. So Helen Morris stepped in to help. She bought him the shoes he needed, and the two became close.

With Morris’ support, that boy eventually got a Fulbright Scholarship through Southern Methodist University, where he earned an MBA.

His success inspired Morris and her friends to found Jóvenes Adelante (JA), a scholarship program for low-income students in San Miguel de Allende. Today, more than 200 students have graduated through the program.

Jóvenes Adelante supports students for up to five years, including paying for professional certifications after graduation. In addition to a commitment of 25,000 pesos (US $1,255) per year, students are connected with a mentor, receive a laptop and have access to free counselors for psychological and pedagogical support, English tutors and workshops on professional skills. All this makes it “the most robust and multifaceted scholarship that we are aware of in Mexico,” said Jóvenes Adelante president Don Krim.

After the program, graduates continue to network with other JA alumni and share professional opportunities.

Recipients engage in a bonding exercise during a group meeting designed to foster connections and make students feel part of a community.

“We do not just write a check. We are with the student as a family every step of the way for the full length of their university career,” Krim said. “So long as our students demonstrate a consistent academic performance and drive, we have their backs for five years.”

One graduate, Carla Cadena, was the first in her family to go to college. Now she is the administrative director of a hospice care organization and a project manager for the local Rotary Club.

“It was a totally new scene. I did not have cousins or any family members who could help me get oriented,” Cadena said. “My mentor was a great help to me. She was with me throughout my 4 1/2 years of college … she listened to me and gave advice. It’s good to know someone is listening to what is happening in your life — in academic matters but also for personal and professional issues.”

Having a laptop for her schoolwork was also extremely useful, she added.

Students in the program must achieve a level of English appropriate to their field of study. For some, Krim said, that means conversation partners to help them reach an intermediate level. For others, it involves serious study for the TOEFL English proficiency test with a tutor provided free of charge by JA.

Students are not accepted into the program until a sponsor has committed to support them financially throughout their studies. Each student is assigned a mentor, whom they see at least once a month. The program currently has 105 active students and 96 volunteer mentors, Krim said.

Group of Jóvenes Adelante recipients.
A group of Jóvenes Adelante recipients.

“We try to pair the student with a mentor who has a professional background in the student’s specific field of study … these mentors become the primary, but not exclusive, emotional support to the student,” Krim said, adding that many graduates return to the program as mentors.

High grades are just the start for students seeking the scholarship. They must demonstrate “the seeds of initiative, independence, commitment to learning and continuing education and social and leadership potential that lead to success in the workplace,” Krim said.

The program has an 85% college graduation rate, more than triple the 26% rate for San Miguel de Allende students in general. Krim attributes their success to the multilevel support that the program provides.

Cadena says she’ll always be grateful that Jóvenes Adelante exists.

“They have changed the lives of many students in San Miguel de Allende, including mine,” she said. “The organization always receives you with warmth and a smile. They have created a big family. They give us their confidence, love, attention — and at the same time cultivate values and support us to be more responsible and professional.”

• Jóvenes Adelante relies on an international base of donors in Canada, the U.S., the U.K. and Mexico. Their 2021 sponsorship commitment is US $1,800 per year for five years. They provide tax-deductible receipts for Canadian, U.S. and Mexican donors. To find out more, visit their website.

Mexico News Daily

‘It seems the enemy is in judiciary:’ military chief goes on offensive against judges

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Navy Minister Ojeda
Navy Minister Ojeda: 'We don't have much help from judges and state attorney generals.'

The federal government has launched another attack on the judiciary, triggering a warning from the Americas director of Human Rights Watch (HRW) that “the rule of law is under attack in Mexico.”

Navy chief José Rafael Ojeda took aim at the nation’s judges at President López Obrador’s press conference on Friday, declaring that it seems that the judiciary is the “enemy” of the state in many organized crime cases.

Referring to the importation via Pacific coast ports of precursor chemicals to make synthetic drugs such as fentanyl and methamphetamine, Ojeda said the government is working on a legal reform that would place a greater number of chemicals on the banned list.

The navy minister said the reform must be carefully formulated to ensure that there are no loopholes that could allow judges to free suspected criminals.

“We don’t have much help from judges and [state] Attorney General’s offices [in organized crime cases], we have to close the circle well because if we don’t [the criminals] get away from us,” Ojeda said, underscoring the need to draw up a strong reform and present comprehensive and compelling evidence in cases against drug traffickers.  

There are “many cases” in which judges act in a way that makes it appear they are on the side of the criminals, the navy chief said. 

“It seems that we have an enemy in the judicial power; we have to close the circle well in order to carry out arrests,” and keep criminals in prison, Ojeda said. 

The broadside comes after repeated attacks on the judiciary by López Obrador, who has been angered by rulings against government laws and policies and infrastructure projects such as the new Mexico City airport and the Maya Train. 

Late last month, the president asserted that Supreme Court judges would become accomplices to corruption if they don’t approve a law – backed by him – to extend the term of the court’s chief justice by an additional two years, even though the Mexican constitution restricts the maximum term of a chief justice to four.

López Obrador argues that only Arturo Zaldívar, the court’s chief justice and president of the Federal Judiciary Council, is capable of implementing the government’s laws to overhaul the judicial power, among which are reforms designed to eliminate corruption, nepotism and harassment in the court system.

In addition to pressuring Supreme Court judges to support the extension of the chief justice’s term, the president has recently criticized members of the judiciary for striking down his administration’s energy sector laws.

lopez obrador and ojeda
The president has led the attack on the judiciary. Navy Minister Ojeda, right, followed with his own offensive on Friday.

He said in March that judges that hand down rulings against the Electricity Industry Law, which favors the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission over private companies, should be investigated for corruption. López Obrador even wrote to Zaldívar – considered an ally of the president – to ask him to initiate an investigation into Judge Juan Pablo Gómez Fierro, who suspended the electricity law on the grounds that it could harm free competition and cause irreparable damage to the environment.

An investigation into the judge is necessary because there are “people, organizations and companies” that are close to the old political regime, he said March 17.

The president has also threatened to name and shame judges who regularly free criminal suspects, a common occurrence in Mexico due to irregularities such as authorities’ fabrication of details about how a suspect was arrested.

The addition of the navy chief’s voice to the government’s offensive against the judiciary was slammed by Human Rights Watch Americas director José Miguel Vivanco, who was also highly critical of the move to extend Zaldívar’s term.

Ojeda’s declaration that the government has enemies among the nation’s judges is a “symbol of the militarization of Mexico and the degradation of the rule of law” under the presidency of López Obrador, he wrote on Twitter, adding that the situation is “very dangerous.”

Vivanco described the navy minister’s remarks as “outrageous” in another Twitter post.    

“The head of Mexico’s navy says (while standing next to President López Obrador at a press conference) that judges are the ‘enemy.’ This should be a wake-up call. The rule of law is under attack in Mexico,” he wrote. 

Chief Justice Zaldívar also took to Twitter after Ojeda’s appearance at the press conference.

“The role of judges is to defend human rights and the constitution,” he wrote without referring specifically to the navy chief’s remarks. “We will continue guaranteeing their autonomy. An independent judicial power is essential in a democracy.”   

For its part, the National Association of Federal Judicial Power Circuit Magistrates and District Judges issued a statement asserting that federal judges are neither the friends nor enemies of anyone.

Rather, the statement added, “they only obey the constitution and act in defense of people’s human rights.” 

Source: El País (sp), El Universal (sp) 

Dealing with asylum applications will take ‘monumental effort,’ says UN official

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Kelly Clements
The UN's deputy commissioner for refugees, Kelly Clements, during a tour of the northern border area earlier this month.

With an unprecedented number of Central American migrants entering the country and seeking asylum, Mexico needs to strengthen its refugee assistance program, says the UN’s deputy high commissioner for refugees.

Kelly Clements has completed a tour of the northern and southern border areas to evaluate a UN pilot program that seeks to resettle refugees who might otherwise seek asylum in the United States.

In an interview with the newspaper Milenio, Clements said she witnessed “a constant flow of asylum seekers” on the southern border, leading the UN Refugee Agency to open a permanent dialogue with the Mexican government to explore how the international community can help the country adapt to the challenge of being a destination country for asylum seekers.

“I believe that if we expand the capacity to process asylum requests in Mexico, we will avoid people taking desperate, risky journeys to the northern border,” Clements said. “They can be received in Tapachula, Tenosique or Mexico City. It’s a long term project, but it is urgent.”

Mexico is on track to receive a record number of asylum applications this year given the figures recorded so far. Mexico’s refugee agency, Comar, estimates that the total for 2021 could go as high as 90,000, well over the record 70,000 received in 2019.

And that’s on top of the estimated half a million people described as refugees who are already in Mexico, according to the Ministry of the Interior.

Clements said the UN and the Mexican government are looking into ways to deal with the problems in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador that lead people to flee, seeking to help the countries resolve their internal crises.

“This will take a monumental, coordinated effort with international cooperation and support from Mexico,” Clements said.

On the northern border, the UN is considering how to deal with the fallout of the United States’ Remain in Mexico program, which led to the creation of camps where refugees live in substandard conditions.

“Mexico finds itself in a complicated position between the United States and the southern countries,” Clements said. “It’s a difficult position and we have worked closely with the United States government on its expectations and on the reconstruction of its asylum system, which was damaged over the last few years.”

Source: Milenio (sp)

April homicides down 3.5%; first 4 months down 4% compared to last year

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Members of the federal security cabinet at Friday's security briefing during the morning press conference.
Members of the federal security cabinet at Friday's security briefing during the morning press conference.

Murders declined 3.5% in April compared to the previous month but violence levels still remain very high.

There were 2,857 homicides and 77 femicides last month for a total of 2,934 victims, according to data presented by Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez at the president’s press conference on Friday.

There was an average of 97.8 murders per day in April compared to 98 in March.

Rodríguez highlighted that homicide numbers for the first four months of the year show a 4% decline compared to the same period of 2020.

“During the current administration, the upward trend for intentional homicides has been contained,” she said.

Still, with 11,277 victims between January and April, Mexico is on track to record more than 30,000 murders for a fifth consecutive year.

Rodríguez said that 50.6% of the homicides in the first four months occurred in just six states. Guanajuato, where criminal groups are fighting each other for control of rackets such as fuel theft and extortion, was the most violent state in the period with 1,263 homicide victims.

Baja California ranked second with 1,063 victims followed by Jalisco (882 victims); Michoacán (861); México state (852); and Chihuahua (792).

The security minister said murders have declined in 10 of 15 highly violent “priority” municipalities where the federal government is implementing localized security strategies and rolling out social programs to try to combat the violence.

The municipalities that recorded a combined 18% reduction in homicides were Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, Celaya, Culiacán, Morelia, Benito Juárez, San Pedro Tlaquepaque, Iztapalapa, Irapuato and Salamanca.

Four of those – Celaya, Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez and Irapuato – were ranked among the five most violent cities in the world in 2020, according to a study by the Citizens Council for Public Security and Criminal Justice, a Mexican nongovernmental organization.

Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez
Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez: ‘The upward trend for intentional homicides has been contained.’

Rodríguez conceded that the government had failed to stem violence in the other five priority municipalities: León, Cajeme (Ciudad Obregón), Guadalajara, Acapulco and Chihuahua city. They recorded a combined 17% increase in homicides between January and April.

Cases of femicide – the murder of women and girls on account of their gender – decreased 0.3% in the first four months of the year to 319, one fewer than in the same period of 2020. Rodríguez said that cases of kidnapping declined 34.4%.

Although the security minister asserted that the government has contained the high levels of violence, President López Obrador acknowledged that homicide numbers have “dropped very little.”

He also recognized that some cases of crimes such as kidnapping and robbery are not reported to authorities and therefore are not included in official statistics. People sometimes negotiate with kidnappers for the release of their family members without making contact with authorities, López Obrador said.

Boxing champion Canelo Álvarez recently revealed that he had done just that. In an interview broadcast earlier this month, he said that he personally negotiated the successful release of his kidnapped brother in 2018, explaining that he couldn’t ask the police for help because he suspected they were involved in the abduction.

Despite acknowledging that some cases of kidnapping go unreported, López Obrador boasted that the crime has declined 65% since he took office in late 2018.

“I believe this is noteworthy because there was a time in which kidnapping was a crime that caused a lot of damage everywhere,” he said.

Source: El Universal (sp), EFE (sp) 

16 green states, 15 yellow, 1 orange on the new coronavirus stoplight map

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The new stoplight map that takes effect Monday.
The new stoplight map that takes effect Monday.

Almost a year ago, the federal government presented its first coronavirus stoplight map to guide the reopening of the country after a two-month-long national social distancing initiative and the suspension of all nonessential economic activities.

Then, just one of Mexico’s 32 states – Zacatecas – was painted high risk orange.

On the latest map presented by the Health Ministry on Friday, once again, just one state is painted orange.

But in contrast with the map published on May 29, 2020, on which all of the other 31 states were maximum risk red, the new map, which will be in force from May 24 to June 6, is completely devoid of that undesirable color.

Exactly half of the 32 states will be low risk green for the next two weeks, 15 will be medium risk yellow and Quintana Roo – the Caribbean coast state that is home to resort cities such as Cancún and Playa del Carmen – will be on its own as the sole orange light state in the country.

The new map is reflective of a much-improved coronavirus situation a year after Mexico went through the peak of the first wave of the pandemic and four months after it emerged from its second – and worst – wave, which began late last year and extended into the first month of 2021.

Case numbers, deaths and hospitalizations of Covid patients have all declined during successive months this year and Mexico’s vaccination program continues to gather pace with more than 25.6 million shots now given to health workers, seniors, teachers, pregnant women and people aged 50-59.

Some medical experts believe that high levels of coronavirus immunity in Mexico through infection and a high percentage of inoculated adults in the United States, where about 280 million shots have been administered, have helped drive down new infections here.

The 16 green light states during the upcoming fortnight, an increase of two compared to the map currently in effect, will be Chiapas, Coahuila, Veracruz, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Sonora, Sinaloa, Durango, San Luis Potosí, Oaxaca, Tlaxcala, Aguascalientes  Querétaro, Hidalgo, Guerrero and Morelos.

The first 11 states are already green while the last five will switch from yellow.

The 15 yellow light states will be Baja California, Zacatecas, Colima, Michoacán, Puebla, Tamaulipas, México state, Yucatán, Baja California Sur, Mexico City,  Nuevo León, Nayarit, Campeche, Tabasco and Chihuahua.

The first 10 states are already yellow, Nuevo León, Nayarit and Campeche will switch from green and Tabasco and Chihuahua will change from orange.

Each stoplight color, determined by the Health Ministry using 10 different indicators including case numbers and hospital occupancy levels, is accompanied by recommended restrictions to slow the spread of the virus but it is ultimately up to state governments to decide on their own restrictions.

The Health Ministry also reported on Friday that Mexico’s accumulated case tally had increased by 2,604 to just over 2.39 million. The official Covid-19 death toll rose by 176 to 221,256, the fourth highest total in the world after the United States, Brazil and India.

The Health Ministry estimates that there are currently just over 18,000 active cases in Mexico, a significant decrease compared to January when the figure exceeded 100,000.

Mexico News Daily 

Half of Jalisco’s missing persons remain unidentified in morgues

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Volunteers at an information booth guide families through the bureaucracy at Jalisco forensic institute.
Volunteers at an information booth guide families through the bureaucracy of finding their loved ones.

In 2018, some residents of Guadalajara registered complaints about a smelly, refrigerated trailer full of unidentified bodies that had been parked in various places in the city. The trailer was a stop-gap solution to overflowing morgues at the Jalisco Institute of Forensic Sciences (IJCF).

Now, three years later, the crisis continues with 6,249 unidentified bodies currently being held by the institute, according to a new report by the NGO Justice Center for Peace and Development. Some 2,500 of those bodies entered the morgues since the current state administration took office in December 2018.

The total is nearly half of the 12,819 people who have been reported missing in Jalisco, according to the National Registry of Missing Persons. But who they are remains unknown as the bodies are awaiting DNA analysis.

The family of Paulino Monroy became very familiar with the IJCF system as they searched for the man who disappeared May 20, 2020 on the highway to Chapala. The family visited the IJCF offices every weekend for eight months, looking through the images in the registry of unidentified bodies.

The registry contains 2,265 entries, only a fraction of the missing. In January, after examining photo after photo of corpses, they recognized in a photo of a body found in a hidden grave in the municipality of El Salto.

But the body has not been released to the family despite identification by numerous relatives, due to inconclusive DNA testing results.

“They tell us there is a liquid in the body that prevented a comparison,” Monroy’s sister told the newspaper El Universal.

A collective of families of missing persons has documented hundreds of cases similar to that of the Monroy family. Since last October, Fundej has manned a booth outside the IJCF offices in Guadalajara to offer guidance to the many families who come to brave the bureaucracy and seek lost loved ones.

One of the Fundej volunteers is Ana María, a mother who has been looking for her son for more than a year. She told El Universal that every week, roughly 100 families come to look for a missing person. Finding the body is only the first step; getting it returned to the family is another battle.

“There are not enough staff, nor anthropologists, nor geneticists. The bodies can stay there for years,” Ana María said.

The IJCF has 117 people working on body identification, but not all have the necessary training for the job, according to the report by the Justice Center NGO.

“A crucial element in understanding the crisis is the lack of coordination between authorities in charge of the processes of finding bodies, storage, identification and burying the unidentified,” the report states, adding that the number of experts is insufficient for the number of bodies.

After images surfaced of bodies being inappropriately stored, on the floor and without refrigeration, the state government launched an investigation, saying that the responsible parties would be sanctioned.

IJCF director Gustavo Quezada, meanwhile, said that many staff had stopped working due to the pandemic, causing delays.

Source: El Universal (sp)

If Pancho Villa fought the Revolution today, he’d do so as José Arango

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Pancho Villa and the CURP
If the Mexican national ID card had been around when famed revolutionary Pancho Villa was alive, he might have been forced to go by a lot less memorable name. Courtesy of Holodeck Enterprises

My first and last names have only four letters each: who could ever get them wrong?

The answer to that question is “almost everyone,” as I discovered while traveling around the world as an itinerant English teacher.

In Saudi Arabia, especially, I was amazed at the imaginative interpretations of my name that I would find on my airplane tickets. One of the most memorable of those moments was when I discovered I was flying from Jeddah to ‘Ar’Ar as June Pintutive.

To make matters worse, Arab speakers are in the habit of transforming all P’s into B’s. So I became Mr. Bint, which my students found wildly hilarious, because in Arabic bint means girl.

Eventually, Mr. Bint arrived in Mexico — now transformed into Señor Medio Litro — whereupon all sorts of new “broblems” arose for getting across his terribly complicated name.

People dealing with Mexican ID paperwork.
The writer made numerous visits to government offices like this to get his identification papers up to Mexican bureaucratic satisfaction.

First of all, there is that wayward H in John. Ah, how imaginative Mexicans have been in finding new locations for this useless letter! I am handed my Covid-19 prueba de vacuna and I wonder: what will they turn me into this time? Jonh, Jhon or maybe Hjon?

To prevent such confusion, I first tried clarifying my name with the approach that works in all English-speaking countries: spelling it out: J-O-H-N  P-I-N-T.

Now, in Spanish, this spelling process is called deletreo. Contrary to being useful, it absolutely strikes terror into those humble folk who register you when you drive into a fraccionamiento (housing complex):

Mi nombre es John Pint: jota-o-ache-ene-pe-i-ene-te.”

That even scares me!

Equally disastrous is the “A as in ‘Amsterdam’” approach, especially if you get carried away Mexicanizing it:

Mi nombre es John Pint:

J de Jolostotitlán;

O de Oconahua;

H de Hostotipaquillo;

N de Nejahuete;

P de Pihuamo;

I de Ixtlahuacán;

N de Néxtipac;

T de Tlaquepaque.

Then I smile. What could be clearer than that? But all the while that I was deletreando, the gatekeeper’s eyes were growing wider and wider, and now he seems somewhat paralyzed.

I fear he will have a heart attack right on the spot until, finally, with trembling hand, he gives me his clipboard.

“Y-you write it, Señor … Por favor!

Spelling doesn’t work well here, and Spanish speakers rarely — if ever — employ it, because they really don’t need it. To clarify the spelling of a word in Spanish, all you do is say the word and comment on whichever letter in it might cause confusion.

“My name is Cortez with a Z.”

“She is Érika with a K.”

“He lives in Huaxtla with an H and an X.”

Getting across your name in Mexico rises to new heights of confusion if you decide to “darte de alta,” that is, to register yourself as a Mexican taxpayer, something I had to do in order to legally sell my books in this country.

Step No. 1 in this registration process is to get yourself an RFC code, an alphanumeric string of characters identifying you as a Registered Federal Contributor.

The RFC is generated via a truly Mexican formula that is cleverly designed to produce a unique series of numbers and letters to identify you for tax purposes.

This mix of numbers and letters is based on your date of birth plus your name … and that’s where things get interesting, because, as Wikipedia puts it so succinctly but not terribly clearly:

“Full names in Spanish-speaking countries consist of three elements:

Given name(s);

First surname: the father’s first surname; and

Second surname: the mother’s first surname.”

So, if someone mentions a legendary character called José Doroteo Arango Arámbula, it means that this caballero’s first name was José and his middle name was Doroteo. His father, of course, was a man known as Señor Arango and his mother’s maiden name was Arámbula.

Once you get all that clear, you are casually told that, después de todo, everybody called this fellow Pancho Villa.

Many years ago — all naïve — I went to get my first RFC.

“Your name, sir?”

“My name is John James Pint. Let me write it for you so we can save an hour or so …”

Within minutes I was issued my RFC, and not long afterward,  I began to get tax-related letters from the government beginning thus:

Estimado Señor James

A few years later, however, they figured out that James was not really my father’s surname and called me in to get a new RFC, this time asking me for both my father’s and my mother’s last names.

As a result, I got a new RFC, but during the following years, I was called back again and again and ended up issued one RFC after another, each one a little different than the previous.

At last, I decided to “darme de baja,” to unregister as a taxpayer, and that’s when I was told I would have to get a CURP, which stands for Clave Única de Registro de Población, or the Unique Population Registry Code, a yet-more-complicated alphanumeric string that is supposed to identify not just taxpayers but every single person in the country, including foreigners.

Nowadays, you need a CURP to do just about anything.

Once again, I presented myself to a government office and got myself a CURP. Unlike the RFC, this new ID had everything straight in respect to my first and middle names as well as the surnames of my mother and father.

However, just one year later, the powers that be informed me that my perfectly correct CURP was suddenly invalid. “We have a new regulation,” they said. “Mother’s maiden names are now out, and foreigners’ CURPs can only be based on what’s shown on their passports.” That leaves me with a string of six different RFCs and CURPs, and I’m betting it won’t be long before I get lucky No. 7.

Foreigners have problems identifying themselves, but Mexicans, too, are plagued with misinterpretations of their names, especially on vital documents like marriage licenses and birth certificates.

Birth certificates in particular seemed to fall prey to what I call La Ley de Horacio, which states that “if the Registrar of Births can get every single detail wrong, he will.”

So it is a sure bet that when Don Fidelio goes into town to register the birth of his son Hildeberto Móntez Ibarra de la Vega, the registrar will surely write: Ildeberto Montes Ybarra de la Bega.

When it comes to registering the date of little Hildeberto’s birth, I imagine the conversation goes something like this:

“Don Fidelio, when was the baby born?”

Hace como dos semanas” (Like two weeks ago).

RFC formula Mexico
While there’s a method to the madness, an RFC number is determined by a formula so complex, the Mexican government frequently publishes explainers.

“On Friday two weeks ago?”

Más o menos” (more or less).

Only when Don Fidelio gets back home, perhaps after a long journey with the birth certificate in hand, does his wife point out that the baby was actually born a bit más rather than menos.

For the next 30 years, Hildeberto will celebrate his birthday on the day his mother says he was born, and that’s what he’ll put on all his documents … until one day he’s asked to prove it with a birth certificate…

That’s when the fun begins.

The writer has lived near Guadalajara, Jalisco, for 31 years and is the author of A Guide to West Mexico’s Guachimontones and Surrounding Area and co-author of Outdoors in Western Mexico. More of his writing can be found on his website.

Aguascalientes, Guerrero to switch to green on coronavirus map

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A crowded beach in Acapulco in early April.
A crowded beach in Acapulco in early April.

Aguascalientes and Guerrero will switch to low risk green on the federal stoplight map on Monday, according to their respective governors.

Both states are medium risk yellow on the map currently in force. The federal Health Ministry will present a new map for the two-week period between May 24 and June 6 at Friday night’s coronavirus press briefing.

Martín Orozco of Aguascalientes said the switch to green will pave the way for the reopening of schools. Primary schools are slated to reopen on June 6 and middle and high schools could offer in-person classes starting June 13, the governor said.

Orozco said it will be up to parents to decide whether they want their children to return to classes. He stressed that schools will have to follow strict protocols to prevent the spread of the virus.

Schools across Mexico closed in March 2020 due to the pandemic, and with the exception of some rural schools in Campeche, remain shut. Students switched to online and television learning, which has been especially challenging in parts of the country where internet connectivity and TV reception is unreliable.

Aguascalientes, one of Mexico’s smallest states, has recorded more than 26,000 confirmed coronavirus cases and 2,460 Covid-19 deaths, according to federal data. It has been yellow on the stoplight map since early March.

Governor Héctor Astudillo announced Friday that Guerrero will also switch to green on Monday but stressed that the risk downgrade doesn’t mean the pandemic is over.

“The pandemic continues, it exists. That’s why we have to take care and we have to get vaccinated,” he said.

“… The green light doesn’t mean that we can all go out and party, … that we can go to work and walk around without face masks; we have to maintain the preventative measures.”

Astudillo noted that the pandemic has caused severe economic damage to the Pacific coast state but acknowledged that the loss of human life has been even more painful.

“We’ve had ups and downs, … the two national peaks [of the pandemic] reached us; we had 35 to 36 deaths a day during the first [peak] between May and June last year. The second came in January and February, during which we had up to 26 deaths a day,” he said.

The governor said Guerrero is now recording an average of seven Covid deaths per day and the hospital occupancy rate is not above 20% in the various regions of the state.

Astudillo also said that the switch to green will pave the way for the reopening of schools but unlike Orozco, he didn’t offer any dates for students to return to classrooms.

Guerrero, which was maximum risk red on the stoplight map less than three months ago, has recorded more than 40,000 confirmed cases since the start of the pandemic and 4,295 Covid-19 deaths.

Mexico City, Mexico’s coronavirus epicenter since the start of the pandemic, continues to lead the country for cases and deaths with more than 652,000 of the former and 42,661 of the latter. The capital switched to yellow at the start of last week and will remain that color next week, the Mexico City government said Friday.

The national tally of confirmed cases rose to 2.39 million on Thursday with 2,628 new cases reported while the official death toll rose by 230 to 221,080, a total considered a vast undercount.

As of Thursday night, just under 25 million Covid-19 vaccine doses had been administered, a figure equivalent to 20 shots per 100 people.

Source: Milenio (sp)