Christopher and his parents, who were interviewed Tuesday by Milenio TV.
The 15-year-old youth who was allegedly sexually assaulted by a Morena lawmaker said this week he is searching for justice to prevent there being any further victims.
Christopher, whose surname was not given, claims federal Deputy Benjamín Saúl Huerta drugged him in a bar in Mexico City on April 21 before taking him to a hotel where he suffered sexual abuse. He was discharged from a week in a psychiatric hospital on May 5.
Huerta was arrested the same day but released soon after, being protected by the fuero, which gives lawmakers immunity from prosecution. Since Huerta’s release, the investigation has widened to cover new complainants who have recounted similar events.
Christopher appeared before the Mexico City Attorney General’s Office yesterday with his face covered, alongside his parents and lawyer.
“What I want right now is justice. All I want is for there to be no more victims,” he said in an interview, adding that he is still receiving psychological care and has the full support of his family.
He confirmed he has recovered physically from the abuse, and is satisfied with the conduct of the state Attorney General’s Office since a new prosecutor was assigned to the case.
However, he said he misses his “previous life” in Puebla. Christopher’s family say they cannot return home due to threats against them.
His mother, Mary, detailed the threats faced by the family. “It is impossible for me to return to Puebla, I do not have work and in the market they told us that they don’t want to see us there because people are afraid,” she said.
She added that they have received threats via telephone and text message, and that their addresses have been identified. “They told us that we had to stop the complaint because if not they were going to kill us,” she said.
The family say the new prosecutor will now attempt to bring the charge of rape against the lawmaker, rather than the lesser charge of sexual harassment.
The e.Go Life is the least expensive electric car in Europe, selling for 16,000 euros, or about US $19,500.
A German electric car start-up has announced plans to launch a production plant in Mexico.
E.Go will pair up with “strategic and technology partner” Questum, a subsidiary of Monterrey-based industrial consortium Grupo Quimmco.
The companies will produce electric vehicles at the lower end of the market and seek to launch a series of small budget cars that would be affordable for the wider population. It also makes light electric buses and electric vans.
Executives hope the plant will not only serve the Mexican market, but also supply parts to other e.GO facilities in the Americas.
E.GO chairman Ali Vezvaei said Questum is the ideal partner to venture into the region. “With this agreement, e.GO has not only found the right industrial partners with strong access to the local market, but at the same time, through their long-established supply relationship with key industrial groups and fleets, creates an increasing order book that will underpin our growth aspirations in Mexico from the outset,” he said.
Questum CEO Manuel Valdes said e.GO is an important new pillar for the diversification of the business. “We have been developing the electromobility market within Mexico for many years, so when the idea of e.GO came across, we were immediately enthusiastic. We will be part of a true success story of German engineering and quality building environmentally friendly e-mobility.
This agreement with e.GO is an important milestone for us to further expand our business in the e-mobility and automotive sector,” he said.
The company has not specified where it plans to build the plant.
Felipe Espinosa Tecuapetla, a former soldier and shopkeeper, recently completed his engineering degree at the Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla.
Don Felipe is living proof that it’s never too late to achieve one’s dreams: the 84-year-old Puebla man has just graduated with an engineering degree from the state’s largest and oldest university.
After almost five years of study at the new campus of the Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla (BUAP) in San José Chiapa, Felipe Espinosa Tecuapetla, a former soldier and shopkeeper who still occasionally sells fruit and vegetables at local markets, has completed his degree in process and industrial management engineering.
And he’s not done yet: Don Felipe — as the octogenarian is known by neighbors, friends and fellow students — plans to keep studying; a master’s degree is one option he’s considering.
“Nothing will stop me. I’ll make my request to continue studying,” Espinosa told the newspaper El Universal before pausing and then conceding that the only thing that could hinder his future plans is death.
As a sprightly 79-year-old, Don Felipe gained admission to the engineering course at the new San José Chiapa campus after passing an entrance examination in July 2016.
He started classes the next month, rising at 4:30 a.m. and traveling up to two hours by bus from Puebla city to reach the campus, which specializes in education relevant to the automotive sector.
Soon after starting the course, Don Felipe realized he would need a computer. After some difficulty, he was eventually able to borrow one and learned how to use it. It became especially important during the coronavirus pandemic, when classes and coursework became virtual rather than face-to-face.
The Puebla city native told El Universal that he didn’t see the technology requirements as an obstacle to his success and was always confident that he would complete the degree.
“I see well, I hear well, I reason well. These are my great assets,” Espinosa said. “… I don’t have a hollow head.”
The widowed father of five added that if one is an “old monkey,” as he put it, one should learn new tricks rather than resting on one’s laurels.
Asked what motivated him to undertake a university degree at his age, Don Felipe — whose son is an engineer — cited the desire to better himself and remarked that “things are changing” and “you only live once.”
Don Felipe, a punto de graduarse a los 84 años como ingeniero; seguirá estudiando
Studying alongside young people was a “very nice” and “unforgettable” experience because they have “different memories” and “different thoughts,” he added.
Don Felipe, who has lived alone since the death of his wife, also found a sense of community at the campus.
“I’m no longer alone. People say hello to me everywhere. To be a graduate of BUAP is a great source of pride,” Espinosa said, adding that he will now have to conduct himself in a way that honors the designation he has earned — “with respect, always upright.”
“The truth is I feel very happy to have finished my studies at the San José Chiapa university. It’s never too late to carry on with life. Dreams come true,” he told the newspaper Milenio.
His words were echoed by the BUAP rector, who congratulated the university’s oldest new graduate in a Twitter post.
“At the Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla, dreams come true. After a lot of effort, sacrifice and discipline, Don Felipe, at the age of 84, is a proud graduate of the first generation of process and industrial management engineering [students] in San José Chiapa. Congratulations!” Alfonso Esparza Ortiz wrote.
One of many rivers flowing into the wetlands of northern Tabasco.
“Hot. Hot. Hot. And wet. Sometimes in winter, we get a northerly wind for two days blowing straight down through the Gulf and everybody freezes, not because it’s that cold but because it’s so unusual and nobody is ready for it. Then it gets hot again.”
Villahermosa hotel worker Juana Sánchez responds rapidly when asked about her impressions of the state of Tabasco. Sánchez is from Guerrero and came to Villahermosa 10 years ago because she needed work. The oil boom in the Gulf of Mexico was making national news, so as a 23-year-old with limited prospects in Chilpancingo, she took a chance.
Sánchez’s responses confirm standard impressions of those polled — whether they’re outsiders or local tabasqueños.
Some add talk of increases in insecurity, fear of kidnappings in the state capital; others talk of the crocodiles in the city’s sewers in summer, which regularly make their way onto the city streets between June and October. Whatever the way of it, Tabasco, at first glance, is nobody’s favorite state.
Bordering the states of Campeche, Chiapas, and Veracruz, as well as the Petén department of Guatemala to the southeast, Tabasco makes up a tiny 1.3% of Mexico’s total land mass.
An osprey flying high and free.
Extensive low-lying flood plains, mountains, and coastal areas comprise the diverse territory of the state, though, by far, the majority of it is covered by tropical rainforest as a result of plentiful perennial rainfall. Tabasco, in fact, is aptly known for this reason as El Edén de México, playing host to some of the widest variety of wildlife of any state: macaws, quetzals, jaguars, and pumas are all relatively abundant across its rainforests.
In the United States, Tabasco would be a flyover state; nobody comes here unless they have a reason to. This does, however, also have the happy side effect of ensuring that some of the state’s natural landscape and landmarks remain among the least visited in the entire country, and thus the most rewarding.
The Biosphere Reserve of the Pantanos de Centla, for instance, comprises the most extensive wetlands in North America and has been classified by the RAMSAR Convention, as one of the most important in Mesoamerica.
A site so large — comprising over 300,000 hectares — may seem a little unwieldy and difficult to access, but the small resource and visitor center at Tres Brazos where the Grijalva, Usumacinta and San Pedrito rivers meet not far south of Frontera is as good a place as any.
There, Lupe and Raúl are little-occupied local guides who have vast experience with the area’s unique regional flora and fauna.
“Bird species as diverse and plentiful as we get here,” says Raúl with pride, “you get nowhere else on Earth. Very few people come through here, but those who do are from Argentina, Canada, Italy — anywhere but here mostly. They are people who mostly haven’t come to see Mexico in general, but they have come precisely to visit these wetlands because they recognize their importance internationally.”
Tabasco makes up just 1.3% of Mexico’s total area.
“For some people out there, this is a very special place.” He chuckles and emits a sardonic grin as he speaks. “But generally, nobody pays it any attention whatsoever.”
Economically, things have always been tough for Lupe and Raúl, now entering their 60s — an issue which, unsurprisingly, the pandemic has exacerbated. This region of southern Mexico, in fact, has historically been indicative of the nation’s developmental divide. Accounting for approximately 3% of the nation’s GDP, a recent emergent oil boom helped bring a portion of the state out of poverty, though only to a limited extent.
Half a million of Tabasco’s residents still live below the poverty line largely due to lack of investment and employment but also because there is little commercial movement across state lines. As a result, approximately 60% of residents of the state have no regular running water, and 10–15% of the state lacks either sewer or electricity services, or both. Tabasco also lacks the tourism of the neighboring Yucatán Peninsula, which affords states like Quintana Roo a much greater wealth.
In spite of this — or perhaps because they know what it is to live in real hardship — the people of Tabasco are among the most generous people in Mexico. A cursory meeting outside the Villahermosa capital will likely lead to an invitation into a home, then inevitably on to participation in an unwieldy family meal and lifelong friendship. Truly, salt of the earth.
What the state lacks in tourism infrastructure is more than made up for in the genuine reception any visitor who stops to talk and listen is likely to receive. It is a kind of care completely antithetical to the more professionalized tourist areas of Mexico, which charge in dollars and hours.
Of course, something of the spotlight on the state over recent years has been related to the ascendancy of Tabasco’s favorite son: Andrés Manuel López Obrador. AMLO’s nickname, El Peje, as it happens, derives from the prehistoric-looking fish with razor-sharp teeth that inhabit the waterways of the region. Both are touted proudly by tabasqueños, even those who don’t necessarily support the president’s politics.
Wood storks flying in formation over the Pantanos de Centla Biosphere Reserve.
And rightly so, because when one of the least known and certainly least admired states in the federation manages to achieve such a notable level of national recognition, who is going to look down on the scale of that achievement? Ultimately, everyone loves an underdog, and the underdog state of Tabasco has a lot more to it than meets the eye.
It may take some effort and be impossible to plan online, but anyone passing through who is happy and engaged enough to spend time on the ground with the real people of the area is sure to emerge rewarded and refreshed by the relationships they have made.
Shannon Collins is an environment correspondent at Ninth Wave Global, an environmental organization and think tank. She writes from Campeche.
Texas-based Finley Resources, Inc., the lead company in the group filing the claim, has a drilling service contract with Mexico's state oil company Pemex.
A United States oil services group has filed a US $100-million legal claim against Mexico with the World Bank, arguing that the government has breached investor protections enshrined in the now-defunct North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
According to a report by the news agency Reuters, a group led by Texas-based oil and gas company Finley Resources Inc. presented a claim to the bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) on May 12. The Fort Worth-based company, which was awarded two oil tenders in Mexico and negotiated a third drilling service contract with the state oil company Pemex, alleges that Mexico failed to honor NAFTA agreements.
NAFTA was replaced by the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) in July.
MWS Management Inc. and Prize Permanent Holdings are also part of the group that initiated the legal action.
Andrew Melsheimer, a lawyer for Finley, said the company turned to the arbitration court because efforts in Mexican courts to enforce its contracts had stalled.
Reuters, which noted that cases filed with ICSID can drag on for years, reported that Finley’s claim is the first by a U.S. oil services company against Mexico since NAFTA was replaced by USMCA.
Melsheimer asserted that Mexico promised that Finley’s investments would be protected but Mexican courts provided “little to no movement” when the company launched legal action. In contrast, Mexican oil services companies received more favorable treatment when they filed similar claims, the attorney said.
Reuters said neither Pemex nor Mexico’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded to requests for comment.
Melsheimer said Pemex failed to pay for services provided by the companies in the group led by Finley Resources. He also said that Mexico didn’t honor some of the contracts awarded to them.
Finley and dozens of other companies entered Mexico’s gas and oil sector after the previous federal government’s 2013–2014 energy reform opened it up to foreign and private companies for the first time in almost 80 years.
President López Obrador is now determined to “rescue” Pemex and the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission from what he describes as years of neglect before he came to office in late 2018. He has threatened to seek constitutional change to ensure that his policies and legislation to boost the two companies remain in effect.
Finley’s claim is one of 13 against Mexico at ICSID, 10 of which have been filed since 2018.
Mexico’s treatment of private petroleum companies has also upset the top oil lobby in the United States. The American Petroleum Institute has sent at least two letters to the U.S. government asking it to urge the Mexican government to uphold its trade agreement commitments to treat American petroleum sector investors and exporters fairly.
Two views of the Maya effigy that sold for US $352,800. The Yale University label in the right photo refers to when it was exhibited there in 1961. Sotheby's
Nineteen of 24 pre-Hispanic artifacts from Mexico were sold for a combined total of just under US $657,500 at a weeklong online auction in New York that concluded Tuesday.
Arguing that they are part of Mexico’s cultural history and should not be sold, Mexico’s National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) said last week that it would take legal action to try to stop the auction of pre-Hispanic artifacts by Sotheby’s New York auction house.
However, it was ultimately unable to stop the sale of masks, pottery vessels, and stone carvings from states such as Veracruz, Colima, Jalisco and Zacatecas.
Over half of the revenue from the sale of the Mexican artifacts came from the purchase of a Maya stone effigy, which sold for $352,800, well above its estimated selling price of $50,000 to $70,000.
Made between A.D. 550 and 950, the late classic period piece — an artifact related to the Mesoamerican ballgame that is believed to depict a bat, a jaguar and a serpent — was acquired by the Albright-Knox Art Gallery in Buffalo, New York, in 1944.
The auction house lists two previous owners — one in New York, the other in London — but doesn’t say when or under what conditions the artifact left Mexico.
Among the other Mexican pieces sold at the auction were an A.D. 250–450 Maya orangeware vessel of a waterbird, which went for $47,880; a 900–300 B.C. Olmec greenstone figure with a supernatural mask (also $47,880); a 100 B.C.–A.D. 250 Nayarit kneeling female figure; a 900–300 B.C. Olmec stone bird monster ($37,800); a bright-red 100 B.C.–A.D. 250 Veracruz stone Manopla — another ballgame accoutrement ($21,420); a 900–300 B.C. Olmec serpentine head ($9,450); a Jalisco figurine of a joined couple ($13,860); and a 1200–900 B.C. Tlatilco standing female figure ($10,710).
As is the case with the bat-jaguar-serpent effigy, the conditions under which the other pre-Hispanic artifacts left Mexico is unclear.
Mexico claims that many pre-Hispanic artifacts put on the block by foreign auction houses were looted from archaeological sites. It has also claimed that some items put up for sale in the past were fakes.
The federal government has previously attempted to stop auctions of pre-Hispanic artifacts in Paris but failed. Most recently, 27 of 33 Mexican pieces were sold in the French capital by the auction house Christie’s in February.
INAH has, however, recovered Mexican artifacts from other countries including Italy, Germany and the United States.
The truck in which the bodies were found in Zitácuaro.
Security has been reinforced in eastern Michoacán after nine bodies were found in a Nissan pickup truck in Zitácuaro’s city center on Monday.
The unidentified bodies of eight men and one woman were discovered with gunshot wounds.
Governor Silvano Aureoles Conejo, who ordered the security measure, blamed the killings on criminal gangs, which he said continue to fight each other in the region.
It is suspected that La Familia Michoacana cartel carried out the attack.
The governor sent out a warning to the perpetrators. “We have intelligence information that indicates that the most recent acts of violence in that area of the state are due to disputes between criminal groups … We are not going to allow them to put the population in distress, we are going to act and go for them,” he said.
He added that criminals often enter from other states. “They come here from neighboring states, generate crime and then return to their base,” he said.
Attorney General Adrián López Solís has said there is evidence that links the victims to drugs. “There is data from the investigations that indicate that the deceased could be related to the consumption and distribution of drugs in the region. We also know that they were killed elsewhere and left here in Michoacán,” he said.
Aureoles added that security forces in the area will work to prevent the establishment of criminal cells. “These groups have a very violent dispute to remain in control of the region, but we are not going to allow them; these events are not exclusive to Michoacán, throughout the country there is a complicated situation due to insecurity. They have no place here and we are not going to allow them,” he said.
The federal government says that vaccinations for people aged 40-49 will begin in July. Pregnant women are now also eligible for vaccination.
Mexico will begin offering Covid-19 vaccines to people aged 40–49 in July, President López Obrador said Tuesday.
Speaking at his regular news conference, López Obrador said the government will start inoculating people in that age group as soon as those aged 50–59 have been offered at least one vaccine dose.
The vaccination of the latter group began earlier this month after all of Mexico’s approximately 15 million seniors, those aged 60 and over, were given the opportunity to get a shot.
The president said vaccination of seniors — some of whom are still waiting to get their second required dose — is “practically” over, noting also that the majority of health workers have been immunized.
The campaign to inoculate teachers, considered a priority so that schools can reopen after remaining closed for more than a year, will conclude before the end of May, López Obrador added.
Pregnant women are now also eligible to receive vaccines and can get their shots at any government vaccination center across the country.
“We’re doing well,” López Obrador said, adding that more vaccination centers will be set up and additional vaccination brigades will be deployed to further speed up the process.
Mexico has administered 23.64 million vaccine doses to date out of almost 29.8 million received, meaning that about 80% of delivered shots have been used.
Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard said Tuesday that the government expects to have received 68.6 million doses by July 4.
“… That means … we’ll have a little over 1 million doses per day from this point going forward, which is what the president has requested,” Ebrard said.
The foreign minister and López Obrador both noted that Mexico could receive additional doses from the United States government, which announced Monday that it intends to send 80 million surplus shots abroad by the end of June.
Mexico has already received about 2.7 million AstraZeneca doses from the U.S. government under a loan scheme in addition to the shipments of Pfizer, Sputnik V, Cansino, SinoVac and AstraZeneca shots it has purchased.
According to the newspaper El País, Mexico has so far spent 15 billion pesos (US $755.7 million) on Covid-19 vaccines and has agreements to acquire shots worth a combined 50 billion pesos.
The pace of the vaccine rollout in Mexico has been slow compared to countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom but fast in comparison with many other nations.
The New York Times vaccinations tracker currently shows that Mexico has administered 18 doses per 100 people, placing it 67th among 170 countries included on the tracker for per capita shots given.
Meanwhile, Mexico’s pandemic situation has gradually improved since the peak of the second, and worst, wave of the virus in January, with both new cases and Covid-19 deaths continually declining from one week to the next.
Mexico’s confirmed case tally rose by 822 on Monday to 2.38 million while the official Covid-19 death toll increased by 56 to 220,493, a figure widely believed to be a vast undercount. Monday’s case tally and death toll were both the second lowest daily figures reported this year.
Mexico created the National Anti-corruption System in 2016, described as a comprehensive anti-corruption legal framework.
Mexico has ranked third last in an anti-corruption assessment of eight Latin American countries conducted by the United States-based Cyrus R. Vance Center for International Justice.
The Vance Center, part of the New York City Bar Association, completed a regional study that analyzed legal efforts to prevent and combat corruption in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, Panama and Peru.
The Latin America Anticorruption Assessment 2020 addressed eight aspects that it sees as crucial to the fight against corruption: public and private sector corruption; complaint mechanisms; whistleblower protection by specialized governmental bodies; institutional coordination mechanisms; civil society engagement and participation and transparency and access to information.
Using information obtained via questionnaires completed by lawyers from member firms of the center’s Lawyers Council for Civil and Economic Rights — which is made up of private practice lawyers from across the Americas — and other members of the legal communities in the countries assessed, each nation was awarded a score on a zero to 10 scale.
Mexico ranked sixth with a score of 5.51, ahead of Panama and Guatemala, which ranked seventh and eighth, respectively. Chile came out on top with a score of 7.86 followed by Argentina, Peru, Brazil and Colombia.
Mexico scored 9.05 out of 10 for anti-corruption legislation; 4 for implementation of the legislation; and 4 for its anti-corruption authorities. Cyrus R. Vance Center for International Justice
Mexico’s overall score was formulated from its scores of 9.05 out of 10 for anti-corruption legislation; 4 for implementation of that legislation; and 4 for its anti-corruption authorities.
“Despite having a solid and comprehensive legal framework, Mexico stands out for a lack of regulatory implementation and reduced institutional capacity,” the Vance Center said. “In addition, anti-corruption authorities are subject to political influence.”
The center’s report noted that Mexico has a comprehensive anti-corruption legal framework, which was revised and reformed in 2016–2017 to create a national anti-corruption system.
It said that most legal professionals (LPs) agree that the legal framework is generally sufficient, but there was room for improvement.
“Despite the strength of the legal framework, LPs indicated that one or more of the anti-corruption laws or regulations have been difficult to implement, due to a lack of specificity, clarity, or definition in relation to other laws or regulations. They also highlighted both the lack of implementation of these laws and regulations and their application based on political lines,” the report said.
“LPs identified a lack of independence of anti-corruption authorities and a low institutional capacity, partly due to high political influence.”
The report said that people living in poverty and other vulnerable sectors of the population, such as migrants, were identified as most affected by corruption in Mexico.
Corruption and lack of transparency were also cited in the health sector, “where lack of medicines and care is of concern.”
The report noted that Mexico has several bodies with powers to prevent, investigate and punish corruption in Mexico.
But anti-corruption authorities do not have the independence necessary to prevent, investigate and prosecute corruption effectively, the Vance Center said.
“… LPs note that although one of the main objectives of the current administration is the fight against corruption, there is significant political influence that hampers this effort. Participants mentioned that there is a great deal of interest in prosecuting cases of corruption from past administrations, but not those involving current officials.”
Indeed, President López Obrador has largely shrugged off corruption accusations leveled at his administration while frequently reminding citizens of the corruption that plagued the country before he took office.
Mexicans living in poverty were identified by the Vance Center report as among the groups who are most affected by corruption.
The Vance Center report follows the publication of various other reports stating that high levels of corruption continue to plague Mexico and the government.
Mexico ranked 124th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2020 Corruption Perceptions Index, while a report published last month by Mexican NGO Signos Vitales said there was evidence that the dual “evils” of corruption and impunity continue to persist despite López Obrador putting the fight against them at the center of his administration’s agenda.
Polls indicate that many ordinary Mexicans are also skeptical about the president’s claims that he has eliminated or at least drastically reduced corruption.
Convicted drug trafficker Clemente Julián Cano is the Morena party candidate for mayor in Chumayel. From Facebook
A Morena party candidate for mayor in a small Yucatán town has life experience of which few other political aspirants can boast — not that they would likely be inclined to do so.
Clemente Julián Cano Chan, candidate for mayor in the municipality of Chumayel, has spent time in a United States prison for drug trafficking, according to a report published by the newspaper Excélsior.
Citing publicly available United States documents, Excélsior said Cano was charged in February 2015 with entering the U.S. illegally and trafficking cocaine and heroin.
The newspaper said he pleaded guilty and was subsequently incarcerated in the Snake River Correctional Institution, a medium-security prison in eastern Oregon. Cano was reportedly released early from prison in 2020 due to good behavior.
Excélsior said the candidate was also arrested on three separate occasions in 2012 and 2014 for crossing illegally into the United States.
Contacted on Tuesday by the news magazine Proceso, Cano initially denied that he was imprisoned in the U.S. but subsequently appeared to accept that he had been.
“Of course I wasn’t [in prison]. … If I were guilty, I wouldn’t be speaking with you at this time,” he told a reporter during a telephone conversation.
Cano also said it was “mala onda” — not cool — for a newspaper to have published a report saying that he was imprisoned on drug trafficking charges but quickly corrected himself and said that it was in fact “buena onda” (cool) because the media attention amounted to “free publicity,” which is “good for the municipality.”
When it was put to him that he was released from prison last year for good behavior, the candidate responded:
“Well, they didn’t tell me that. That can’t be the case. … The people that publish that should have informed themselves with greater certainty.”
However, in rambling remarks, Cano corrected himself again, saying that the media can do whatever it likes.
“People who have money can do as they please with their money. We’re in a free and sovereign country, … there is free expression. … One can opine or say what one really thinks, … he can’t be censored, we’re not in Venezuela. I very much respect your comments, your question, your opinion, thank you very much,” he said before hanging up.
Located about 80 kilometers southeast of Mérida, Chumayel is one of 106 municipalities in Yucatán, all of which will elect new mayors and other local officials on June 6. Chumayel is currently governed by the conservative National Action Party, which is also in office at the state level.
