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Revel in the bounty of the season with this fabulous tomato tart

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tomato-feta tart
This tart's pretty to look at and scrumptious to eat, with a rich, flaky crust.

It’s no secret that I love tomatoes. Sadly, that’s been one of the unfortunate tradeoffs to living in Mexico: it’s hard — if not impossible — to find tomatoes other than the common (and to me, blah and flavorless) saladitas.

Lately, the big-box stores are carrying a few other varieties: mostly cherry tomatoes in different colors and sometimes round “Early Girl” type slicing tomatoes or bigger Beefsteak impersonators that are always disappointing. Rarely do they have that distinctive tomato aroma, what to speak of flavor.

They’re grown elsewhere, then packed and shipped. They’re so far from the vine-picked tomatoes in my mother’s garden or just-picked heirlooms at California farmers’ markets that, well, I just look and lament. They just don’t taste like tomatoes to me, and the texture is all wrong.

Luckily, though, right now, Mazatlán’s organic farmers’ market is full of all kinds of tomatoes, and I’m in heaven.

While Sinaloa is the biggest tomato-growing state in Mexico, all the Green Zebras, Black Cherries and other flavorful, delicious heirloom varieties are mostly exported. I count my blessings that some of the small local farmers and one bigger organic grower, Vida Verde Vegetales, are growing a variety of interesting and delicious tomatoes and selling them locally.

tomatoes at organic market
It’s tomato season right now, so it’s a great time to try a tart like this.

Those of you in places with actual farmers’ markets are probably experiencing the same bounty at this time of year, before the summer rain and heat begin.

Last week, after a few days of happily admiring the big bowl of oddly shaped red, yellow and green tomatoes on my counter, it was time to do something with them, something that would do justice to the panoply of colors, flavors and textures before me. I’d been wanting to make this tomato-feta tart for more than a year, and now seemed like the perfect time.

This recipe puts aside the classic Italian flavor of basil in favor of the more subtle summer-meadow taste of fresh herbs like thyme, mint, marjoram and oregano. Use fresh if you can; otherwise, be gentle with how much dried herbs you add. You want to accent the tomatoes, not overwhelm them.

The crust is made in a food processor and is incredibly easy and wonderful. Follow it exactly, even when your mind rebels. (Yes, there’s a bit of sugar, but it works! And, yes, bake it for an hour — an actual hour — at 400 F.)

I made the whole pie crust recipe and froze half for later use. I didn’t have a pie pan, so I used a 9-inch springform pan instead.

Eaten hot out of the oven, this tart is fabulous in every way — pretty to look at and scrumptious to eat, with a rich, flaky crust and a savory, satisfying filling. It’s kind of like a frittata but not; without the eggs and cheese, it’s lighter, with brighter flavors.

Leftovers, even straight from the fridge, work because of the slight mustardy taste and tang of the feta. Serve with a green or arugula salad, and you’re set.

Tomato-Feta Tart

Use as many colors of tomatoes as you can find! The better the ingredients, the better the finished product.

  • About ½ cup crumbled feta cheese
  • 1½ lbs. sliced ripe beefsteak or heirloom tomatoes (2–3 large)
  • ½ lb. cherry tomatoes, halved
  • Salt
  • ½ recipe Easy Pie Dough (see below)
  • 2 Tbsp. whole-grain mustard
  • Freshly ground black pepper
  • Paprika
  • 2 Tbsp. olive oil, plus more for finishing
  • 1½ Tbsp. minced fresh oregano, marjoram, parsley, mint and/or thyme leaves

Place tomato slices and halved cherry tomatoes in a single layer on baking sheet lined with two layers of paper towels or a clean kitchen towel. Season with salt. Set aside for 15 minutes.

Blot excess liquid with more paper towels.

tomato feta tart
Eaten hot out of the oven or as leftovers, it’s equally good.

Carefully roll out cold pie dough and transfer to pan. Chill in freezer 5 minutes.

Remove crust from freezer. Using the back of a spoon, spread mustard evenly over bottom surface. Layer in tomatoes, fitting them tightly together. Crumble cheese over top; season with paprika and black pepper.

Drizzle with 2 Tbsp. olive oil. Sprinkle with fresh or dried herbs. Bake about 1 hour, until edges are well-browned and crisp and top is sizzling, with tomatoes and cheese lightly browned and most liquid evaporated.

Remove from oven; cool to room temperature. Drizzle with a little olive oil and serve.

Easy Pie Dough

Chilling the dough at different stages is essential — don’t skip those steps.

  • 2½ cups all-purpose flour, divided
  • 2 Tbsp. sugar
  • 1 tsp. salt
  • 2½ sticks unsalted butter, cut into ¼ -inch pats
  • About 5 Tbsp. cold water

In a food processor, combine two-thirds of the flour with sugar and salt. Pulse twice to incorporate. Spread butter pats evenly over surface. (They will overlap.)
Pulse until no dry flour remains and dough begins to collect in clumps, about 30 short pulses.

Using a rubber spatula, spread dough evenly around bowl of food processor. Sprinkle with remaining flour; pulse until dough is just barely broken up, about 7 short pulses. Transfer to a bowl.

Sprinkle with the water. Using a rubber spatula, fold and press dough until it comes together into a ball; divide in half. (Dough will be soft and somewhat sticky.)

Form each half into a 4-inch disk. Wrap in plastic; refrigerate for at least 2 hours. When ready to bake, set one disk on a well-floured work surface; sprinkle top with flour. Roll dough into a circle, lifting and rotating to get an even shape and thickness.

Carefully fold dough in half and lay over a pie plate. Press into bottom; tuck overhanging edges and flute or crimp. With a springform pan, place rolled-out dough in pan and press tightly into edges and about an inch up the sides. — Adapted from www.seriouseats.com

Janet Blaser is the author of the best-selling book, Why We Left: An Anthology of American Women Expats, featured on CNBC and MarketWatch. She has lived in Mexico since 2006. You can find her on Facebook.

Moving the kids to Mexico? Here are some parenting differences few mention

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Mexican mom kissing baby
Mexicans just seem to generally enjoy having children around, and you'll rarely hear a mom complain about her kids to others.

Moms are different in Mexico.

Well, that’s what I’m supposing anyway, as I’ve never been a mom anywhere else. I just know that they’re different from me.

So while I haven’t had the experience of being a mother in my home country (the United States), I did grow up there, and I’m still attached through my family, friends and the bits and pieces of my home culture I consume online.

When I look for advice (and believe me – new mothers look for a lot of advice), it’s information from my own culture that I naturally turn to. What did my mom — or moms like my mom — do? Okay, then, let’s move in that direction.

Mexican motherhood, of course, is as diverse as motherhood in any other country, all of us with our own unique styles of doing this terrifying job of trying to turn tiny humans into empathetic yet strong adults. Still, every country has a distinct personality, and there are plenty of common cultural threads to be found.

Last week, I wrote that when it comes to our children, we have the twin contradictory tasks of teaching them two things simultaneously: that they are special and unique and that they aren’t better than anyone else (I read that somewhere, by the way; it’s not my original thought).

We’ve all got different ways of trying to make this nurturing and strengthening happen, and through the years, I’ve run up against a few unexpected differences between me and other moms.

Now that so many other mothers and families seem to be moving to Mexico, it seemed a good time to point out some of these differences.

In my eight years as a foreign mother here in Mexico, these are some of the things that I’ve observed that are different between my experience and that of Mexican moms.

One fantastic difference: most moms here seem to rarely feel embarrassed by their children’s behavior in public.

As I’ve said before, an attitude of “Um, these places aren’t really for children, OK?” isn’t prevalent here. Children are recognized as the tiny citizens they are and given their due space in both public and private arenas.

Almost everyone, including strangers, adopt a kind and playful attitude toward them. Mexicans just seem to really enjoy children, and I’ve almost never heard anyone here utter the phrase, “Actually, I don’t really like kids.”

Most children are treated like very small children for a very long time — sometimes even as adults!

I suppose it’s possible that I’m imagining this, but there seems to be an assumption that kids can’t really do anything for themselves … so they are not frequently asked to. Food appears in front of them, clean clothes and dishes are magically put in their rightful places and parents wear their children’s Minecraft backpacks on the way home from school much after the point that most kids elsewhere would be expected to handle at least some of those things themselves.

Bedtime is not a big deal. In fact, it seems to be nonexistent for most children, even at young ages.

It’s not uncommon to see kids running around during family parties at midnight, or asleep on three to four lined-up chairs while their parents continue in the fun. This was very difficult for me to deal with personally, as I got a lot of pushback for wanting to keep my kid’s naptimes and bedtimes sacred. (She was a very grouchy baby and did not do well when her regular sleep schedule wasn’t followed.)

For most parents in Mexico, a “they’ll sleep when they’re tired” attitude abounds. And for the most part, that’s what kids do, though I never learned the secret to getting my own baby to do it; she would just stay awake and scream about it until I performed our nighttime routine.

Bath time, though — that is a big deal, and most parents don’t ever skip it.

Moms might scold their kids harshly, but you’ll rarely hear them complain about them.

Loudly and publicly putting your kid in their place? Fine. It happens. Complaining to others about how hard it is to be a mom and how sometimes you’d just like your pre-mom identity back? In that case, you might as well just call Child Protection Services on yourself.

To question one’s own dedication to the job that so many here consider sacred is to draw suspicion to yourself. There might be gritos (yelling) and chanclas (essentially, a child getting a slipper or sandal thrown their way for misbehavior), but the ideal of the all-sacrificing mother is ever-present in Mexico.

This can make it very hard to talk about things like postpartum depression (which I definitely had and definitely did not get professional help for).

Letting your child be cold in Mexico is practically child abuse.

Much of this is due to the belief that people get colds and flu from actually being cold (or from abrupt changes in temperature in general), as opposed to the transmission of viruses. If anyone has the sniffles, someone will invariably say “Well it’s no wonder, what with this crazy weather and all!”

I also see small dogs in sweaters when it’s 65 degrees out, so I’ve basically given up on trying to convince anyone that the cold won’t actually hurt them.

Back to scolding: friends will help you out with an unruly child, but do not scold a Mexican mom’s kid in front of her.

We’re all self-conscious about our parenting skills. But telling someone else’s kid not to do something because it annoys you (like screaming at the top of their lungs, for example) will get you some serious rancor in return.

Either learn to live with it or make up a story about why you can’t hang out until the kid’s a little older and possibly past that stage. Never tell the truth about the reason if the reason is that the kid annoys you; trust me on this one.

This isn’t an exhaustive list, and of course, I haven’t delved into the topic of fathers (that’s for another article). But these are the things that have stuck out to me!

If you’ve got anything to add, my eyes will be on the comments section.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sdevrieswritingandtranslating.com and her Patreon page.

Rage, rage against the dying of the light: the week at the morning press conferences

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President López Obrador at his Monday press conference.
President López Obrador at his Monday press conference.

There were two big votes coming up: a referendum on Sunday on whether President López Obrador should remain in office and the Senate’s say on the electricity reform, which has business chiefs in the United States fretting.

Monday

President López Obrador was put on the defensive on Monday. The government was accused of promoting the vote on whether his term should continue, in defiance of the National Electoral Institute’s (INE) rules. “There’s evidence that only those who are in favor of the [political] transformation are prevented from expressing themselves … those who are openly calling for people not to participate [in the vote] next Sunday aren’t questioned,” the president insisted.

The opposition’s strategy, to encourage people to abstain from Sunday’s vote, had succeeded in confusing the tabasqueño.”It’s Kafkaesque because, if they don’t want me, why don’t they vote against [me continuing in office]?” he said, referring to the Czech writer Franz Kafka, famed for his absurdist stories.

“A good democrat is one who wants to establish democracy as a way of life … who makes democracy a habit,” the president assured. However, he was less pleased with one woman’s call for democratic participation. Photographed at a demonstration, her T-shirt urged people to, “Vote against the crap.”

The government has been accused of continuing to promote the referendum, in defiance of election law.
The government has been accused of continuing to promote the referendum, in defiance of election law.

The conference closed with a song by the Cuban singer Amaury Pérez, No Lo Van a Impedir (They’re Not Going to Stop It), briefly accompanied by the president’s raised fist.

Tuesday

Deputy Health Minister Hugo López-Gatell urged people to keep getting vaccinated and announced 10 consecutive weeks of reductions in active COVID-19 cases.

The foreign minister, Marcelo Ebrard, was back from a tour of Asia. He’d been to India searching for cheaper drugs: the country produces 60% of the world’s generic medications and 30% of the world’s vaccines, he informed. He’d also visited the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Qatar to whip up investment and said Qatar Airways was looking to fly to the recently inaugurated Felipe Ángeles airport, which so far only has Venezuela as an international destination.

The president confirmed the opposition was planning to vote against the electricity reform and drew the battle lines. “In a few days we’re going to know who is who … I have information that some lawmakers don’t agree with voting to continue protecting private companies … I’m trusting that they’re going to vote freely … I call for them to rebel [against their parties] so that they are authentic representatives of the people … and not traitors to the homeland,” he said.

López Obrador was equally unimpressed by the Supreme Court’s decision to annul a law which prevented public servants from working in the private sector for 10 years after leaving their posts. “It’s an aberration, how is it possible to go back to the way it was before! … political-administrative promiscuity,” he scorned.

Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard reports back after a trip to Asia.
Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard reports back after a tour of Asia.

On Sunday, he said he would write “Long live Emiliano Zapata!” on his ballot, referring to the folkloric hero of the revolution, whose assassination will be commemorated the same day.

Wednesday

The president opened the conference on Wednesday with a line from a nursery rhyme, shortly before stressing it was important for politicians to avoid looking ridiculous.

The government’s media analyst, Elizabeth García Vilchis, said it was untrue that an airline was promoting Sunday’s vote and confirmed that the Maya Train project wasn’t so environmentally damaging as to change the color of the ocean, as a National Action Party (PAN) senator had claimed.

García rounded off her section by demanding that the government’s least favorite journalist, Carlos Loret de Mola, explain how he accumulated his extensive property portfolio.

The president said one of Loret’s assets was located close to a property belonging to jailed former security minister Genaro García Luna. His comment represents the latest in a rumor fueled association game between the two. Loret’s most recent offense exposing the connection between AMLO’s son’s luxurious home and a Pemex contractor.

In the U.S., there were calls for Mexican lawmakers to be denied visas for supporting a pro-Russia diplomatic group. AMLO said it was a historic mistake. “That’s going back to the Cold War, to times of persecution, exclusion and authoritarianism,” he asserted.

Later in the conference, he cited Bertolt Brecht in a bid to offend his political rivals. “‘There is nothing more like a fascist than a frightened bourgeois,'” the president said, before requesting a song by another Cuban musician, this time Silvio Rodríguez’s anti-capitalist anthem, Canción en Harapos (Song in Rags).

Thursday

Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez, back from a spell with COVID-19, revealed some of the government’s prize catches. They’d arrested El Molusco (The Mollusk) for murders in Quintana Roo, El Traumado (The Traumatized) who was the head of a cartel in Guerrero and criminals in Michoacán working under El Jabalí (The Boar).

The president claimed that the National Action Party’s ideology could be defined as nazi-fascist, but tried a sweeter approach with lawmakers from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). He read a 1960 letter by President López Mateos, who nationalized Mexico’s electricity under the PRI dictatorship. “‘I return to you [the people] the energy which is the exclusive property of the nation. Don’t be too trusting, because in future years some bad Mexicans … will try by subtle means to deliver … our resources to foreign investors,'” he recited.

López Obrador called on lawmakers from the PRI to heed López Mateos’ message, and vote in favor of his electricity reform.

Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez showed off some of the government's recent criminal catches on Thursday.
Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez showed off some of the government’s recent criminal catches on Thursday.

On the international stage, the UN was voting to expel Russia from its human rights council. The president said Mexico would abstain from the vote. “How do we resolve Russia’s conflict with Ukraine, if we don’t have an intermediary? What is the UN for?” he argued.

Friday

The conference was shorter than usual on Friday as the president was to travel to the Marías Islands off of Nayarit, which were a penal colony until 2019 but now are a natural protected area.

The tabasqueño hit two birds, or maybe three, with one stone. He offered an analogy that placed him as the son of God, promoted the islands and mocked the PAN senator’s wobbly ecological claim about changing the sea’s color. “What was hell is now being turned into paradise … when you are the messiah you can change the color of the sea and you can turn hell into paradise. It can all be done,” he said.

Later in the conference, the president celebrated the Supreme Court’s ruling that deemed last year’s electricity reform constitutional. “The damage was repaired yesterday, the people were protected … it was a triumph,” he said, later adding: “It was a good day, I’m happy, happy, happy, happy.” On the scale of delight, his four happies made him one third happier than after the June 6 elections, when he only declared himself to be “happy, happy, happy.”

The U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, Ken Salazar, warned that the electricity reform could provoke litigation in the U.S. The president responded by insisting the reform doesn’t violate the USMCA (the United States-Mexico-Canada) trade agreement.

López Obrador shifted attention to the responsibilities of the United States and criticized U.S. President Joe Biden for failing to keep his word. “I’m not going to ask President Biden why he hasn’t fulfilled his commitment to regularize our migrant countrymen,” he said, shortly before jetting off to Nayarit.

Mexico News Daily

Artist’s museum kissing spree generates security concerns

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The performance video was shown at the Ceremonia music festival in Mexico City last weekend.
The performance video was shown at the Ceremonia music festival in Mexico City last weekend. Screenshots

The National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) has defended security arrangements at the National Museum of Anthropology (MNA) after a video showing a performance artist kissing and licking pieces in its collection was presented at a music festival last weekend.

Durango native Pepx Romero kisses and licks several pre-Hispanic pieces at the Mexico City museum in a video that is part of his “Mexique 2022” project.

Presented at the Ceremonia music festival, the video is intended to criticize the sale of such pieces at auctions in France.

A voice-over says that pieces sold at auction belonged to pre-Hispanic cultures and were stolen. “[They were] all pieces whose historic and symbolic cultural essence was incalculable and which became simple objects of decoration in the living room or studio of a house,” it says.

INAH said earlier this week that it had not authorized Romero’s performance and no request to carry it out had been submitted.

Diego Prieto, the institute’s director, said Thursday that no pieces were damaged, and claimed – despite the clear security breach – that the MNA is the “most secure” museum in the country.

“In no museum in the world does each visitor have a guard by their side. This person came into the museum with three companions, whose role was to warn him in the event of a guard approaching,” he said.

“Approaching a [museum] piece at such a close distance is not correct, but it’s possible at any museum in the world. Fortunately in this case the approaches didn’t cause damage. … We don’t believe there was any failure in the [museum’s] security systems,” Prieto said.

According to museum director Antonio Saborit, Romero and his accomplices spent just under an hour in the museum on March 31.

“The number of pieces this person touched with his lips is approximately 30 in five rooms: the Gulf, Mexica, Teotihuacán, Toltec and Oaxaca rooms,” Saborit said.

He also defended the museum’s security arrangements. “Every day there are 65 guards spread throughout the museum. They take care of the museum’s wellbeing in all areas,” Saborit said.

Social media users shared and commented on Pepx Romero’s controversial performance.

In an interview with the newspaper El Universal, Romero acknowledged that his performance was provocative.

“It’s a provocation to attract attention to this situation that is happening in the auctions [of pre-Hispanic artifacts],” he said.

“There have been auctions this year and they haven’t been able to be stopped. … French laws allow this disgrace, … they’re prostituting our heritage in front of our noses,” said Romero, who is also a theater director and founder of a music collective.

He said that the title of his project – which means Mexico in French – is meant to highlight that Mexico is becoming “a decoration boutique for rich people” who can afford to buy pre-Hispanic pieces to decorate their homes.

Asked whether he was nervous about being held to account for his kissing and licking spree given that there are laws that protect the country’s cultural assets, the artist responded:

“I believe that these laws … protect assets from being damaged. However, the act [I carried out] didn’t cause damage. … I’m completely relaxed.”

With reports from El Universal 

For a nature-filled getaway, Jalisco’s La Vega lake fits the bill

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Roseate spoonbill in Jalisco's La Vega Lake
A roseate spoonbill is just one of the more than 70 waterbirds you can spot at La Vega lake. Chris Lloyd

Without a doubt, the most popular nonalcoholic tourist attraction outside the city of Guadalajara is the Guachimontones Archaeological Site. But once you’ve strolled among the circular pyramids and visited the Phil Wiegand Interactive Museum … what else is there to do?

If you are thinking of eating, swimming, walking, cycling or picnicking — not to mention birdwatching or kayaking — head for the lake!

No, I’m not thinking of Lake Chapala, but rather that little lake you probably already spotted when you climbed to the top of the biggest guachimontón: la Presa de la Vega.

The body of water is nine kilometers long and two wide and is the source of the 230-kilometer-long Ameca river, which serves as the border between Jalisco and Nayarit and whose waters spill into the Pacific Ocean at Puerto Vallarta.

At the northern end of La Vega, there are restaurants, and you’ll find most of them full of people on the weekend. Ceviche, fried fish and shrimp are all popular, but every restaurant around here also includes on its menu a specialty: frogs legs.

La Vega lake, Jalisco
Kayakers silently slip into the lake, hoping to see plenty of water birds. Chris Lloyd

This is because the area’s predilection for frogs goes way back — perhaps even to pre-Hispanic times. In fact, the nearby town of Teuchitlán has been holding a yearly Frog Festival for as long as people can remember.

Sad to say, La Vega’s frogs were so popular that they eventually became extinct at the lake, and those you now find on the menu are all imported from the state of Nayarit!

Each of the restaurants offers a picturesque view of the lake as well as of the old aqueduct at its northern end. Most of them will provide kids — and adults too — with a cane pole so they can try their luck as fishermen while waiting for dinner to be served.

The first time I went looking for Presa la Vega, I couldn’t find it. I was of course looking for water, but in that year, 1985, the entire lake was hidden under a carpet of green.

The culprit was the water hyacinth (Eichhornia crassipes), popularly called el lirio, which has been fighting tenaciously to take over all the lakes of Jalisco (including Chapala, Mexico biggest lake) ever since an unnamed Frenchwoman — according to legend —brought the plant to Mexico to brighten up her garden pond.

It’s true that these flowers are charming, but unfortunately, the great green carpet of lirios uses up a lot of the lake’s oxygen, to the detriment of its fish stock.

lake covered with water hyacinths, Jalisco
At times, the entire lake may be saturated with water hyacinths.

Over time, a myriad of solutions to El Problema Del Lirio have been tried. For some years, huge floating machines crisscrossed the lakes, chopping up the lirios for compost, but eventually, it was acknowledged that the water hyacinth could actually reproduce faster than the loaders could heap it onto trucks.

Then people came up with biodegradable herbicides that would wipe them out in nothing flat — but at what price? There was even a project to import manatees, which were supposed to happily dine on the lirios, keeping them under control, but no one was able to control the local fishermen and hunters who soon caught every one of the sea cows.

So, over the years, the water hyacinths come and go, nevertheless allowing enough fish to flourish to satisfy great numbers of water birds that frequent the lagoon.

There are so many birds at Lake la Vega (149 species, they say) that the Jalisco Water Commission has published a bird guide Aves de la Presa de la Vega, which you can download as a printable PDF file.

Many of these birds you can see simply by walking along an andador located just south of the restaurants. This is a two-kilometer-long walkway, a rather unusual one because it is bordered by water on both sides, allowing you to spot both marsh and lake birds.

Here you are likely to see white egrets, or jacanas (which walk on the lily pads), ibises, anhingas and cormorants, surely enough species to satisfy someone who is walking off a dinner of mariscos (seafood).

Snowy egret
A snowy egret wins the lake’s “Best Hairdo” award. Chris Lloyd

The true birdwatcher, however, will head down to the south end of the lake and launch a kayak from a little park near the dam.

Here, ornithologists can get close to roseate spoonbills, green herons, wood storks and black-bellied whistling ducks. With a little luck, they might even find themselves paddling alongside one of the otters that make their home in this lake.

At the end of this same little park, you also have easy access to a section of Las Vias Verdes. This project has converted many of Jalisco’s unused railway tracks into 91 kilometers of bicycle trails.

These are not dirt trails for mountain bikers but smooth slabs of concrete, perfect for family cycling. Although they were created for tourism, they are also very popular with country folk who use them to bicycle from one rancho to another without having to endanger their lives on a highway.

La Presa De la Vega was declared a RAMSAR site in 2010, categorizing it as one of the most important wetlands in the world. One of its main sources of water is the Teuchitlán river, which comes from warm springs located at El Rincón, very close to the ruins of the Guachimontones.

El Rincón is a popular balneario — a water park with both natural and artificial pools. It’s also home to several species of splitfins, small fish that instead of laying eggs, give live birth to their young.

La Vega Lake, Jalisco
A spring-fed pool inside Balneario El Rincón at the northern end of La Vega Lake provides refreshing fun.

Probably the most famous species of splitfin is Ameca splendens, the butterfly splitfin, which became a favorite of fish fanciers around the world not only for its beauty but also for its dietary preference: it just happens to love algae, which means a butterfly splitfin in your aquarium will keep it spotlessly clean.

In these waters, researchers from the University of Michoacán recently reintroduced two species that had gone extinct locally: the tequila splitfin (Zoogoneticus tequila) and the golden skiffia (Skiffia francesae),

To reach the restaurant area, ask Google Maps to take you to Zona Restaurantera, Teuchitlán, Jalisco. You’ll find the birdwatching walkway just south of the restaurants.

If you’d like to visit the dam, bicycle trail and little park at the south end of the lake, ask for Muelle La Vega, Jalisco. Both sites are less than an hour’s drive from Guadalajara.

The writer has lived near Guadalajara, Jalisco, since 1985. His most recent book is Outdoors in Western Mexico, Volume Three. More of his writing can be found on his blog.

 

Vias Verdes bike trail, Jalisco
The 91-km network of Vias Verdes bicycle trails can be accessed from La Vega lake.

 

La Vega dam and park, Jalisco
A quiet park at the south end of the lake offers a good view of the dam.

 

Otter at La Vega Lake, Jalisco
Otters in the lake attest to the healthiness of the ecosystem, says naturalist Manfred Meiners, who took this photo.Photo courtesy of Manfred Meiners

 

Fried frog legs in Jalisco restaurant
Frogs’ legs are on the menu at every restaurant on the lake, although they are no longer locally obtained.

 

Teuchitlan Frog Festival, Jalisco
A family proudly displays their knick-knack collection at the annual Frog Festival. “These are not for sale,” they say.

 

La Vega Lake, Jalisco
Fishing is a good way to pass the time while waiting for your order to arrive … at any of the lakeside restaurants.

 

guide to birds of La Vega lake, Jalisco
This free guide shows 78 birds often seen at Lake La Vega.

 

La Vega lake view and aqueduct view, Jalisco
View from inside one of the restaurants at the northern edge of the lake.

 

Restaurant at La Vega lake in Jalisco
View of the lirio-covered lake from Restaurante Soky.

 

work by artist Jorge Monroy
Watercolor by artist Jorge Monroy, showing the Guachimontones and the La Vega dam.

Nasty end for family torta business is symbolic of Mexico City affordability crisis

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Ortiz siblings
After losing their torta shop in Roma Norte, the Ortíz siblings say they could never afford to rent in the neighborhood where their family lived for 50 years.

“It was always about money, never about the law,” said Noemí Ortíz of her family’s forcible removal in February from their decades-old business in Mexico City’s Roma Norte neighborhood. “Fifty-four years of our life in that place, and that was the end of it.”

Since 1968, a storefront on the ground floor of Mérida #83, a large old residential building on the corner of Colima and Mérida streets, had been the home of the Ortíz family torta sandwich business, Tortería Colima, run for the last two decades by Noemí and her four siblings after their father acquired it to run a bakery in the early days.

This came to an abrupt end on February 11 when the family was removed against its will by agents of a property law firm that had been fighting to take possession of the building for some 12 years and now lists Mérida #83 as its address.

How this was able to happen is a more complicated story for a different article, but suffice it to say that the motivation for forcing the Ortíz family out of a location they’d occupied for half a century was likely the skyrocketing demand for rental properties and commercial spaces in Mexico City’s most desirable neighborhoods.

Merida #83 currently appears to be under renovation to create apartments. In Roma Norte, monthly rents for a two-bedroom apartment average around 21,150 pesos, according to the real estate platform propiedades.com.

Merida #83 in Roma Norte neighborhood Mexico City
The building at Mérida #83 where the Ortíz family built a life for 54 years, now under renovation.

Tortería Colima, which sold tortas and fresh juices, was an institution in the area, feeding visitors and passersby as well as neighbors and workers at local restaurants, hospitals and schools. Ortíz told Mexico News Daily that their most regular clients were waitstaff, cleaners and other workers on their lunch breaks or on their way home from a shift.

According to Observatorio 06000, an action group concerned with evictions and decreasing affordability of housing in the city center, Tortería Colima had been “one of those little corners of the neighborhood that remained standing despite the gentrification and ‘touristification’ of the area.” To be sure, the Ortíz family members were among the last remaining occupants of the four-story building, which contains 21 apartments and several storefronts.

The family said that over the years, the property law firm had deployed numerous legal challenges, as well as forms of physical harassment, to force them and other tenants out — including drilling holes into the walls and letting water run out. In response, the family behind the much-loved tortería got organized.

They hired lawyers at a cost of thousands of pesos and joined forces with tenants’ action groups in the city such as Observatorio 06000 and the Red de Desalojos (The Evictions Network).

In 2019, they held a giveaway of tortas “in defense of the neighborhood,” gifting free tortas to passersby, sharing the story of their long history in the building and their struggle to stay. They gathered hundreds of signatures from neighbors in the area on a petition expressing support for having the business remain.

Trevi building
The Trevi building in the Historic Center, seen here in 2018, suffered a similar fate to Mérida #83, with tenants slowly forced out. The new owners reportedly want to put a coworking space or hotel there.

According to Ortíz, the community support was palpable. “They did not want us to leave,” she said.

But in the end, all that organized resistance and community goodwill seemed to come to nothing: a group of men and women descended on Tortería Colima on February 11, throwing the business’ bar stools, milkshake makers and crockery out into the street. The aggressors physically attacked members of the family — punchingn and hitting and grabbing the women by the hair, Ortíz recounted — while others welded the doors of the store shut. 

“My niece, Isabel, received multiple blows,” she said. “She had bruises on her body.”

The Ortíz family’s dislodgement is not an isolated case in Mexico City, where public debate about families forced to move during the pandemic and the increase in both construction projects and living costs has been particularly aflame lately.

Never a cheap city in which to live, the capital has been, however, experiencing a property affordability crisis.

According to a study conducted by the Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)’s Institute of Social Research and the Habitat International Coalition, some 55% of households throughout the city were struggling to pay their rent or mortgage since the pandemic arrived in 2020, leading 30% to change their place of residence. And in the last several months, rent prices that were frozen or that fell in 2021 are now climbing back up, with monthly increases recorded at 0.3% in 2022 according to the real estate platform Inmuebles24.

The newspaper El Sol de México reported last month that judicially permitted evictions of those who inhabited or commercially rented real estate in Mexico City increased 27% from 2020 to 2021. But that eviction data only includes formal rental contracts.

Torteria Colima eviction
Tortería Colima’s eviction was abrupt and violent: a group representing the property firm taking possession of the building tossed out all the shop’s contents and welded the doors shut.

Habitat International Coalition’s Silvia Emanuelli told the newspaper that about 51% of rentals in the city are informal and these sorts of arrangements often do not involve legal proceedings when eviction becomes an issue.

So, to understand what’s really happening, it is also necessary to consider anecdotal evidence — like the story of the Ortíz family.

While it’s unlikely to be the only factor driving rising rents and evictions in areas like Roma Norte, there is one related phenomenon that currently is getting a lot of attention from Mexico City locals: the highly visible recent uptick in long-term visitors and new residents from the United States. 

As housing costs in cities like New York and Los Angeles have climbed astronomically and more companies are permitting their employees to work remotely, “gringos with laptops” have become a dominant feature of street life in Roma and surrounding neighborhoods.

The street occupied by Tortería Colima for the past five decades is no exception, hosting a growing presence of fancy cafes, pop-up fashion stores and art galleries to serve a U.S.-dollar-earning clientele that stays in Airbnb apartments priced well above what the average local resident can afford.

“Gringos with laptops” have become a visible phenomenon in some of the capital’s central neighborhoods, sparking ire and debate.

 

Social media has registered Mexico City residents’ criticism and frustration with this phenomenon. The visible domination of central capital neighborhoods by these digital nomads, the loose migration controls on U.S. citizens in Mexico and these newcomers’ ability to earn dollars and spend pesos is difficult for many chilangos to overlook.

When a visitor from Austin recently tweeted that remote working in Mexico City “is truly magical,” a storm of indignation among Mexico City residents about remote workers from the U.S. pushing locals out of their own neighborhoods ensued online. Referring to the dislodgement of Tortería Colima, Mexico City editor Brenda Mireles put it this way:

“Yes, come and see the magic of illegal evictions caused by the massive arrival of foreigners who impose their way of life at the expense of the original residents,” she said. “A marvel that cannot be missed!”

Ortíz agrees that the predominance of higher-income foreigners in the Roma Norte neighborhood — many from the U.S., Argentina, and France — is related to pressure on lower-income residents, but she does not blame them directly. 

The trouble, she said, comes “from those who want more money, who already have the money to pay lawyers, police, the whole system … to buy the buildings and vacate them all to remodel.”

“Give them a little manita de gato [touch-up] and sell them at the price that foreigners can buy,” she explained.

One Twitter user’s rebuttal to the infamous tweet in February about remote work in Mexico City that went viral.

 

Indeed, that’s the central proposition of a new documentary film called PUSH, which opened in Mexico in March: that the blame for residents around the world being pushed out of their neighborhoods must be directed at the investment companies and private equity funds that have turned housing everywhere into a commodity to trade and profit from.

“It’s an elusive-by-design global system that has turned people’s homes into abstract financial assets traded on the stock market — moneymaking machines for the already more than wealthy,” wrote the documentary’s filmmaker, Fredrik Gertten, in The Washington Post Español op-ed coauthored with the film’s protagonist, housing advocate Leilani Farha.

“The main culprit behind the housing crisis in Mexico,” the pair wrote, “… is not someone on Twitter sipping a cortado in between a yoga class and the next Zoom meeting.”

Regardless of the analysis, the outcome of Mexico City’s affordability crisis — marked by financialization and speculation and the replacement of lower income communities by higher income ones — has been devastating for individuals and families like Ortíz and her siblings.

Along with a traumatic uprooting of two generations of work and community connection, they have lost their livelihood.

“We can’t go and set up in Roma again; we cannot afford to rent anywhere there,” she said. “We do not know what we will do. There are very few jobs for older people [like us].”

PUSH - Teaser Trailer

 

“We are not asking for a lot,” she said. “It’s not just that we want to live where we work. More than anything, what we want is to work — we are used to working.”

And the Roma Norte community has lost too, she argues.

“Our tortas were healthy,” she said, “and they cost less than at the street stalls. People could rely on us selling exactly the same good food that we made for our family.”

Mexico News Daily

11 years later, navy marines go on trial for sexual torture

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Marines in uniform.
Navy marines detained the three victims in Tabasco in 2011.

Three marines accused of committing acts of sexual torture against two women and one trans man in 2011 have finally been put on trial.

Korina Utrera, Denís Blanco and Charly Hernández were arbitrarily detained by navy personnel in Tabasco on August 27, 2011, according to a press release issued by the Centro Prodh human rights organization.

They were then illegally held at a military facility for more than 30 hours, during which time they were victims of sexual torture, said Centro Prodh, which has worked on the case.

The three victims were accused of being members of the Zetas criminal organization and jailed for over five years until they were absolved and released in November 2016.

Warrants for the arrest of the marines on torture charges were issued last November and they were subsequently taken into custody. They are now on trial in a federal court.

Korina Utrera, Charly Hernández and Denís Blanco.
Korina Utrera, Charly Hernández and Denís Blanco. Amnesty International

“The beginning of the criminal process is an important step toward the justice that the survivors have sought since they regained their freedom,” Centro Prodh said.

“… We call on the federal judicial power to try [the accused] with a gender perspective and respecting due process,” it said.

The two women were in a relationship and living in Villahermosa when they were abducted from their home by hooded marines, according to a report by the newspaper El País.

They attempted to convince the marines they were not the people they were looking for, but their efforts were to no avail.

Utrera and Blanco, both originally from Veracruz, told El País that the marines’ aggressiveness toward them increased when they found out they were in a same-sex relationship. Their ordeal occurred during the government of former president Felipe Calderón, who launched a militarized war on drug cartels shortly after he took office in late 2006.

Homicides surged during Calderón’s 2006-12 presidency and the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) received more than 30,000 complaints against security forces for crimes such as torture, arbitrary executions and forced disappearances. Very few cases resulted in criminal punishment for the alleged perpetrators.

According to El País, the physical consequences of the sexual torture suffered by Utrera and Blanco lasted for years. One of the accused marines raped Utrera with his gloved hands in the bed of a pickup truck, causing injuries that were documented years later by the CNDH, the newspaper said.

“All this makes me very cold,” Blanco said, recalling the torture and the years she spent in jail.

When the two women found out that their aggressors had been detained, they felt a mixture of fear and anxiety rather than relief, El País said. Neither has yet received any compensation for the abuse they suffered and their wrongful imprisonment.

While the alleged perpetrators are yet to be convicted and sentenced, Centro Prodh lawyer Melissa Zamora said the arrest of the marines is an important step forward given the high rates of impunity for torture cases.

“But as in other cases,” she added, “only the direct culprits are accused and not the people … in charge of [ensuring] these practices don’t occur.”

With reports from El País

Mexico abstains in UN vote expelling Russia from Human Rights Council

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Mexico was one of 58 countries that abstained from the Thursday vote of the UN Human Rights Council.
Mexico was one of 58 countries that abstained from Thursday's vote at the UN Human Rights Council. Twitter @UN_HRC

Mexico on Thursday abstained in a United Nations vote that suspended Russia from the UN Human Rights Council over reports of “gross and systematic violations and abuses of human rights in Ukraine,” a move that drew harsh criticism from an international human rights organization.

Ninety-three countries voted in favor of Russia’s suspension, 24 voted against and 58 abstained.

Among those that voted against suspension were Russia itself, China, Cuba and North Korea. In addition to Mexico, the countries that abstained included India, Brazil, South Africa, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan.

After the resolution was adopted, Russian Deputy Permanent Representative Gennady Kuzmin abruptly announced that Russia had already decided to leave the council.

President López Obrador announced Thursday morning that Mexico – which has condemned Russia’s invasion but not imposed any sanctions – would abstain in the vote.

After being voted out, Russian Representative Gennady Kuzmin said Russia had already decided to leave the council anyway.
After being voted out, Russian Permanent Representative Gennady Kuzmin said Russia had already decided to leave the council anyway. Youtube screenshot/UN Human Rights Council

“What we have set out is that we shouldn’t vote for the expulsion of Russia nor be against it, we’re going to abstain,” he said.

“Why the abstention, which is also a position? Because … how can we resolve Russia’s conflict with Ukraine if we don’t have mediation? What is the UN for? How … [could we] blow up an instrument that is fundamental to achieving peace agreements and avoiding war …? Why not accept that this war exposed the failure of politics? Because politics was invented to avoid war,” López Obrador said.

“… The parties have to be called to negotiation, to dialogue, to stop the war. … If the UN is not able to speak with Russia, because they expelled Russia, who will speak with the Russian government?”

Mexico’s permanent representative to the United Nations gave a more succinct explanation for the abstention.

“Exclusions at this time don’t resolve the problem and that’s why Mexico abstained in this resolution,” Juan Ramón de la Fuente said.

“… I hope that … [the suspension of Russia from the Human Rights Council] won’t be an additional obstacle for other bodies of the UN such as the Security Council and the General Assembly itself to keep working. We need to find a diplomatic solution so Mexico is in favor of everything that will keep inclusion and dialogue on the table …” he said.

Tamara Taraciuk, acting director of the Americas division of Human Rights Watch (HRW) slammed Mexico’s decision to abstain, while the secretary general of the Organization of American States (OAS) was also critical, although he didn’t specifically mention Mexico.

“Mexico’s abstention stance, along with Brazil and El Salvador, is a disgrace because … there is evidence of possible war crimes [in Ukraine],” Taraciuk told the newspaper El Universal.

“We’ve documented cases of summary executions, illegal violence against [Ukrainian] citizens and repeated sexual violence,” the HRW representative said. “… In this context, saying or suggesting that Russia can have a place at the table of the Human Rights Council is a disgrace.”

OAS chief Luis Almagro said on Twitter that he supported the UN’s decision to suspend Russia and asserted that to be neutral at a time when crimes against humanity are being committed is to be an “accomplice.”

With reports from Reforma, Expansión Política and El Universal 

Supreme Court gives go-ahead to AMLO’s controversial electricity law

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President López Obrador applauds Supreme Court Chief Justice Arturo Zaldívar at the third annual report of the federal judiciary in Dec. 2021.
President López Obrador applauds Supreme Court Chief Justice Arturo Zaldívar at the third annual report of the federal judiciary in Dec. 2021. Gobierno de México

The Supreme Court (SCJN) has confirmed that the most important articles of a controversial electricity law can be implemented, delivering a ruling that is a significant victory for President López Obrador in his quest to reform Mexico’s energy sector.

The Electricity Industry Law (LIE), which gives power generated by the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) priority on the national grid over that produced by private and renewable energy companies, was passed by Congress in March 2021.

However, its enforcement was prevented by injunctions granted to private energy companies. The latest challenge to the LIE was brought by opposition party senators, the Federal Economic Competition Commission and the state of Colima.

Seven of 11 Supreme Court justices held that the LIE violates the right to free competition in the energy sector and hinders the transition to clean energy sources, upholding a federal court ruling that suspended the law shortly after it took effect.

But their opinions were insufficient to invalidate the law as eight votes were needed for its revocation.

The CFE relies nonrenewable energy sources for electricity, including its Carbon II coal-fired power plant in Nava, Coahuila.
The CFE relies on nonrenewable energy sources for electricity, including its Carbon II coal-fired power plant in Nava, Coahuila. Twitter

The key article that the SCJN ruled is valid is that which gives electricity generated by the CFE priority on the national grid.

The state-owned company relies heavily on coal and oil to produce electricity, meaning that Mexico’s greenhouse gas emissions are likely to increase as a result of the LIE. The federal government is pursuing a separate reform that would guarantee the CFE 54% of the electricity market, a significant increase over the share it currently holds.

The Supreme Court also ruled that several other LIE articles that benefit the CFE are valid, including one that eliminates a requirement to buy power from the supplier selling it at the lowest price.

With the law declared constitutional by the country’s highest court, injunctions preventing its implementation will have to be lifted.

But the United States government believes the ruling is unlikely to end legal challenges to the LIE.

“The U.S. government respects Mexico’s sovereignty and democratic processes.  It is in that vein of cooperation and respect that we are concerned that the 2021 electricity law is likely to open the door to endless litigation, creating uncertainty and impeding investment,” Ambassador Ken Salazar said in a statement on the Supreme Court’s decision.

Ken Salazar, the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, warned that the ruling could lead to "endless litigation."
Ken Salazar, the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, warned that the ruling could lead to “endless litigation.” Cuartoscuro

He noted that the measures now before the Mexican legislature – the proposed reform that would guarantee the CFE over half the electricity market – have impacts on North American competitiveness.

In that context, Salazar said, “we hope that the legal framework that emerges will support the creation of a North American clean energy powerhouse, protect current and future U.S. business investments in Mexico in accordance with Mexico’s obligations under the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement [USMCA], and protect the integration of U.S.-Mexico supply chains for the prosperity of our region.”

In a letter sent to Economy Minister Tatiana Clouthier last week, United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai warned that over US $10 billion in U.S. investment in Mexico was at risk due to the country’s energy policies.

Kenneth Smith, a former trade official who headed up Mexico’s negotiating team in USMCA talks with its North American free trade partners, warned that the United States and Canada could use the trade pact to take action against Mexico if the proposed electricity reform passes Congress in its current form.

The United States says that the bill – to which López Obrador has ruled out making changes – violates competition provisions in the USMCA.

If the bill becomes law, the U.S. and Canada could use chapter 31 of the USMCA to challenge it via an arbitration panel, Smith said, noting that that chapter sets out mechanisms to resolve disputes between countries.

“The decision of a panel could result in significant trade repercussions and retaliation against [Mexican] export products … [to] cover the damage caused,” he said.

Responding to Thursday’s court decision, analyst Carlos Petersen of Eurasia Group said it creates some legal uncertainty for businesses whose confidence has already been adversely affected by policy and political uncertainty in Mexico.

“That will likely discourage investment,” he told the Financial Times.

Lawyer José Maria Lujambio of Cacheaux, Cavazos & Newton said the situation could become chaotic. “There’s a whole salad bowl of arguments, so collegiate courts and judges can take whatever they want from it.”

With reports from Reforma, El Economista, Financial Times and Milenio

Probe uncovers billion-peso fraud in Michoacán hospital project

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Silvano Aureoles, then-governor of Michoacán, at the Nov. 2020 inauguration of the Ciudad Salud general hospital.
Silvano Aureoles, then-governor of Michoacán, at the November 2020 inauguration of the Ciudad Salud general hospital. Michoacán Health Ministry

An investigation has uncovered an apparent corruption scheme in which the previous Michoacán government awarded contracts for a hospital project to companies with links to political allies of former governor Silvano Aureoles.

Supported by a UNESCO journalism program and published by the newspaper Milenio, the probe detected irregularities in contracts worth over 1.1 billion pesos (US $54.5 million) in total, that were given to companies to complete work on the 3-billion-peso Ciudad Salud (Health City) project in the state capital Morelia.

Two new hospitals were built in the Ciudad Salud precinct, which opened in 2020: a 250-bed general hospital and a 100-bed children’s hospital. The federal government provided 2.6 billion pesos for the project – the largest completed by the Aureoles administration – while the other 400 million pesos came from the state government.

According to the UNESCO/Milenio investigation, some of the companies awarded contracts have links to political allies of Aureoles, who was the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) governor of Michoacán between October 2015 and September 2021.

GCQ Construcciones, which was awarded a contract worth 376.4 million pesos (US $18.7 million), has links to Carlos Herrera Tello, the government secretary in the Aureoles administration and the PRD candidate in Michoacán’s 2021 gubernatorial election.

Businessman and politician Carlos Herrera
Businessman and politician Carlos Herrera did well during Aureoles’ tenure: at least 14 of his businesses received irregular contracts, according to the now-defunct Michoacán Monitor, which shut down in March after its director was murdered.

Samedic, a health sector supplier, won a contract worth 160 million pesos (US $7.9 million). It has links to Alexis Nickin Gaxiola, son-in-law of former Tabasco governor Roberto Madrazo, the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s candidate in the 2006 presidential election.

The investigation also raised questions about a contract worth 430.2 million pesos that was awarded to a consortium made up of Roth’s Ingeniería and Constructora Tzaulan. More on that later.

The Federal Auditor’s Office (ASF) detected a range of irregularities related to Ciudad Salud contracts, among which were payments for work not carried out and payments higher than those agreed to. The irregularities the ASF detected added up to 751.6 million pesos (US $37.4 million).

Of Aureoles’ political allies that benefited from Ciudad Salud contracts, Carlos Herrera appears to have the clearest conflict of interest.

Described by journalists Concepción Peralta Silverio and Ami Sosa as Aureoles’ right-hand man, Herrera was the legal representative of Quality Construcciones, a company that changed its name to GCQ Construcciones in 2016, the investigation said.

“His power was so wide-ranging that he could even sell the company,” the report said.

Alexis Nickin Gaxiola
Alexis Nickin Gaxiola, son-in-law of former Tabasco Governor Roberto Madrazo, jointly owns a company with one of the owners of Samedic, which received at least US $16.8 million in contracts for the hospitals.

The investigation noted that GCQ had no experience in building hospitals, yet was awarded a 376-million-peso contract to complete work on the third stage of the general hospital. It formed an alliance with the company Constructora Pátzcuaro to complete the project.

The investigation cited four reasons why awarding the contract to GCQ represented a potential conflict of interest: Herrera is a former mayor of Zitácuaro and is thus prevented by a federal law from participating in bidding processes for government projects; one of GCQ’s owners is Herrera’s brother-in-law; the company was the subject of criminal complaints related to its failure to complete work on infrastructure projects in Tuxpan; and Herrera is a known friend of Aureoles and was appointed Michoacán government secretary in April 2019.

The investigation said that evidence suggests that the bidding process that resulted in GCQ winning the contract was not carried out in a fair way. Two competitors that presented lower bids were disqualified, allegedly because they made clerical errors on their applications. Those companies filed complaints about their treatment but they went nowhere.

A lawyer for GCQ said that Herrera was not a representative of the company when it was awarded the Ciudad Salud contract. The company was awarded two other lucrative contracts during the six years Aureoles was in office.

Michoacán-based construction companies told the investigative journalists that contracts were routinely awarded to the former governor’s favorite companies, which resulted in other firms going bankrupt due to a lack of work.

One construction company chief who asked not to be identified said that his firm did not participate in bidding processes because they were “rigged.”

Young patients being transferred on opening day to the Eva Sámano de López Mateos children’s hospital, which missed its second-stage construction deadline by 17 months.

The only Ciudad Salud contract that wasn’t awarded as a result of a (supposedly) competitive tender process went to Samedic, which supplied medical equipment to both the general and children’s hospitals.

Nickin, Madrazo’s son-in-law, jointly owns another company with one of the Samedic owners, the UNESCO/Milenio investigation said. The journalists didn’t point out any explicit links between Nickin and Aureoles.

They did say that Samedic subcontracted smaller companies to install medical equipment in the two hospitals, and that one of the subcontractors had complained about not being fully paid.

The report also said that Samedic was awarded four other contracts worth 338.5 million pesos during the six-year term of the Aureoles government.

The investigation raised a number of concerns about the bidding process that resulted in the Roth’s/Tzaulan consortium being awarded a contract for the construction of the second stage of the children’s hospital. It said that another company with the same owners as Roth’s, called Constructor Erlort y Asociados, was permitted to participate in the same process, resulting in a “clear simulation of competition.”

One company, Luviano, which built the first stage of the children’s hospital, was disqualified for presenting a bid higher than the authorized budget, while Edificaciones Tres Ríos was ruled out due to clerical errors on its application.

The investigative journalists questioned why the Roth’s/Tzaulan consortium was awarded the contract when the former company had no experience in building hospitals and the latter failed to meet the deadline for the construction of a hospital in Ciudad Madero, Tamaulipas.

The consortium was 17 months late in completing the second stage of the Ciudad Salud children’s hospital, and the project ended up costing 37% more than the amount specified in the original contract.

The two companies – which were paid a total of 590.3 million pesos, or 160 million pesos more than the amount originally agreed – were not sanctioned in any way for failing to meet the scheduled deadline. The second stage’s final price tag made it the most expensive Ciudad Salud project.

The investigation named the owners of Roth’s and Tzaulan but didn’t provide any details about the relationship they had with Aureoles.

With the exception of one company – ICA – the firms awarded contracts to work on the Morelia healthcare precinct had their biggest ever payday thanks to their association with the Michoacán government led by Aureoles, according to the civil society organization Poder, which has a public contracts database.

Despite the juicy contracts, some of the work on the two hospitals was substandard, the UNESCO/Milenio investigation said. The hospitals have been flooded by rain and wastewater and there are concerns about the foundations of the children’s hospital, it said.

The investigation said that current Michoacán Governor Alfredo Ramírez Bedolla is in a position to hold the previous government to account, but noted that he is in an uncomfortable situation because his health minister, Elías Ibarra Torres, worked for the Aureoles’ administration in the same position and his signature appears on some of the contracts in question.

With reports from Milenio