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AMLO’s former legal counsel files accusations against attorney general

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Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero.
Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero. File photo

President López Obrador’s former legal counsel has accused Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero and four other high-ranking law enforcement officials of influence peddling, criminal association and collusion.

Julio Scherer Ibarra, who left his advisory position last year, filed a criminal complaint late last week against Gertz and four of his colleagues at the federal Attorney General’s Office (FGR).

In his complaint, which he filed with the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office, Scherer said he was obliged to report the officials because they had committed acts that “probably” constituted crimes. He accused Gertz and the other officials of making “factious use” of the FGR for “perverse personal interests,” claiming that they have opened investigations against companies and individuals to take revenge against “enemies” of the attorney general.

The lawyer said he has also been a victim of their allegedly improper conduct. The FGR initiated an investigation after he was accused of extortion, money laundering, criminal association and influence peddling by Juan Collado, a lawyer for former president Enrique Peña Nieto who is currently in prison on money laundering and organized crime charges.

The president’s former legal counsel, described by López Obrador as “like his brother”, claimed in March that former interior minister Olga Sánchez and Gertz put together a “perverse trap” to implicate him in an extortion scheme. He also claimed that both were “traitors” to the 4T, or Fourth Transformation – the federal government’ self-anointed nickname.

Julio Scherer Ibarra, former presidential legal counsel (left) and Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero (right) sit together at a 2019 government event.
Julio Scherer Ibarra, former presidential legal counsel, left, and Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero, right, sit together at a 2019 government event.

Scherer partially supported his criminal complaint by citing the imprisonment of Alejandra Cuevas, the daughter of the wife of Gertz’s deceased brother. Cuevas was held in preventative custody for over 500 days on charges of “homicide by omission” for allegedly failing to provide adequate medical care to the attorney general’s brother, who died in 2015 at the age of 82.

The Supreme Court ordered her release late last month and also dropped the case against her nonagenarian mother, Laura Morán, who was accused of the same crime. Leaked recordings of telephone conversations Gertz had with his colleague Juan Ramos López – one of the four other FGR officials accused by Scherer – appeared to reveal the attorney general had interfered in the case.

Scherer also raised questions about the FGR’s investigations against Santiago Nieto, the former chief of the federal government’s Financial Intelligence Unit, who was accused of illicit enrichment, and 31 scientists and researchers, who were accused of corruption.

“Today the enemies of the head of the federal Attorney General’s Office are the sole targets of justice – his justice,” his complaint said.

“Proof of that are the various investigations (fabrications), prosecutions and inquiries that he has initiated against his in-laws, scientists, people related to the Puebla University of the Americas, women, companies, businesspeople and other people unconnected to his vision or interests.”

In addition, Scherer accused Gertz of using his position to help his “old client and partner” Gabriel Alarcón Velázquez, who was accused of defrauding his own family, and giving preferential treatment to former Pemex CEO Emilio Lozoya, who has been in prison on corruption charges since November.

“The conduct of … Gertz Manero is not new: he has remained in the public memory and in the memories of witnesses and victims as a conveniently biased, eminently vengeful and poisonous man,” he said.

“The territory of the federal Attorney General’s Office is today swampy. Discredited and exposed, the head of the agency, assisted by officials servile to the interests of their boss, decided to betray his historic role as the republic’s first autonomous attorney general,” the complaint said.

With reports from El Economista and Reforma

Mexico ‘folded’ under pressure of customs duties: Trump

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Marcelo Ebrard and Mike Pence
Ebrard, right, leading a delegation of Mexican officials at the White House on June 5, 2019, seen with then U.S. vice president Mike Pence. SRE

Former United States president Donald Trump said Saturday that Mexico “folded” and agreed to place troops on its northern border to stem illegal immigration to the U.S. when he threatened in 2019 to impose blanket tariffs on Mexican imports.

Speaking at a rally in Ohio for U.S. Senate hopeful J.D. Vance, Trump recounted a June 2019 meeting with a Mexican delegation led by Foreign Affairs Minister Marcelo Ebrard.

“So in comes the highest representative of Mexico, right under the top, right under the boss who happens to be president … and he laughs at me when I tell him, ‘We need 28,000 soldiers along the border free.’ He looks at me like, ‘Free? Why would we do that?’” the former president said.

Referring to the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), which force migrants to wait here while their asylum claims in the U.S. are resolved, Trump said he also told Ebrard, “We need something called ‘Stay in Mexico.’”

“And he said, ‘We wouldn’t do that,’” the 45th U.S. president told the rally.

Trump at JD Vance rally
At an Ohio rally, Trump boasted that in 2019, he used threats of 25% tariffs to push Mexico into posting soldiers at the Mexico-US border. Screen capture

Trump claimed he then told Ebrard at a Friday meeting that a 25% tariff would be imposed the following Monday morning on all Mexican imports to the United States, including vehicles, if Mexico didn’t agree to what he wanted.

“And he looked at me and said, ‘Sir, it would be an honor to have 28,000 soldiers on the border, it would be an honor to have Stay in fricking Mexico,” Trump said.

“… I’ve never seen anybody fold like that; they said it would be an honor to have 28,000 free soldiers, and for two years we did, and that’s one of the reasons we had the best numbers in the history of the border. Thank you very much, Mexico,” he said, referring to a reduction in illegal border crossings.

The core of Trump’s story may be true, but there is little doubt his recollections are embellished.

On June 24, 2019 — more than two weeks after Mexico and the United States reached an agreement to stave off what was reported at the time as a threat of a 5% tariff on Mexican goods — the Mexican government said that almost 15,000 federal security force members had been deployed to the northern border to stop migrants crossing illegally into the United States, while an additional 10,500 were deployed to Mexico’s southern border.

The MPP, commonly known as the “Remain in Mexico” policy, began in January 2019 — months before Trump’s meeting with Ebrard — although the program ramped up after they met. All told, more than 71,000 asylum seekers were returned to Mexico between January 2019 and January 2021, the month Trump left office.

During his rally address, the former U.S. president also referred to President López Obrador as a socialist.

“[He’s] a really nice guy; I really like him. He’s a socialist, but I like him. He’s one of the socialists I like,” Trump said.

The two men met at the White House in July 2020, at which time López Obrador said that Trump had never tried to “impose” anything on Mexico that violates the country’s sovereignty and hadn’t tried to “treat us as a colony.”

For his part, Trump declared he had an “outstanding” relationship with López Obrador and said that the United States had been “helped greatly by Mexico in creating record numbers in a positive sense on our southern border.”

With reports from Reforma and El Universal 

7 killed in Oaxaca bus accident

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The crash occurred around 5 a.m. Friday morning.
The crash occurred around 5 a.m. on Friday morning. Twitter @carreraOax

Three children were among seven people killed in a bus accident in Oaxaca on Friday morning. Another 26 people were injured.

The bus driver lost control of the vehicle, which rolled over near kilometer 38 of the Río Grande-Santa Catarina Juquila highway at about 5 a.m. The highway connects Oaxaca’s Southern Sierra to the coast.

The news site Diario Marca reported that the driver fell asleep and went off the road, falling 10 meters into a ravine. The 70-year-old driver survived the accident and was arrested.

The tourist bus had traveled from Puebla to the Virgin of Juquila Sanctuary, a pilgrimage site 200 kilometers south of Oaxaca city. It was on its way to the coastal town Puerto Escondido when the accident occurred.

The three children that died in the accident were all boys, ages 7, 8 and 10.

Three injured people were taken to Oaxaca city by air ambulance, and one child was taken by ground transport to the children’s hospital in the city. Another 18 injured people were taken to Puebla by ground transport, including two young children, and another child was taken to a community hospital in Santa Catarina Juquila, Oaxaca. Three adults were also treated at the hospital in Santa Catarina Juquila.

The governments of Puebla and Oaxaca collaborated to provide emergency services to the passengers and their work continued into Friday afternoon.

The state government of Puebla said in a statement that it was providing all possible support to the victims.

“On the instructions of Governor Miguel Barbosa Huerta, the Interior Ministry will provide all the necessary support to the victims of the tourist bus that crashed this morning … [Barbosa] has given the instruction to grant everything necessary to the seriously injured with transfers by air ambulance … the state government stands in solidarity with the victims and their families and will coordinate with the Oaxaca authorities to provide the necessary help in this case,” it said.

With reports from El Sol de Puebla and Diario Marca

During the week that a woman was being sought in Nuevo León, 80 others disappeared

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Protesters march in Monterrey after investigators found the body of Debanhi Escobar, in a case of suspected femicide.
Protesters march in Monterrey after investigators found the body of Debanhi Escobar, in a case of suspected femicide. Twitter @jeeveswilliams

At least 80 women and girls disappeared during the 13 days that authorities were searching for Debanhi Escobar, an 18-year-old Nuevo León woman whose body was found late last week.

Escobar was last seen in the early hours of April 9 after getting out of a taxi near Monterrey. Her body was found in a cistern at a motel near the state capital last Thursday.

Between April 9 and 21, at least 80 women and girls disappeared in 19 states across Mexico, according to the national missing persons registry. Morelos, a small state that borders Mexico City, recorded the highest number of disappearances with 14, followed by México state with 10.

Jalisco and Mexico City each recorded nine disappearances of women and girls in the 13-day period, Sinaloa registered eight and Nuevo León – where a protocol to expedite searches for missing women and girls was recently implemented due to the high number of recent disappearances –  reported seven.

More than half of the 80 females who disappeared were aged between 10 and 19, including 18 girls aged 14 or younger. Three foreigners – women from Honduras, the United States and Germany – were among those who disappeared.

New York Times journalist Oscar Lopez shared an image from Debanhi’s funeral on Twitter.

Women and girls accounted for 45% of all disappearances between April 9 and 21, whereas only about one-quarter of all missing persons in Mexico are female.

Disappearances of women and girls – which in many cases end in murder – are part of the broader gender violence problem in Mexico, where approximately 10 females are killed every day and countless more are attacked, raped and abused. The federal government has been accused of not doing enough to address the problem, but President López Obrador has rejected the claim.

Despite his assurances that the government is committed to combating violence against women, only a minuscule fraction of the federal budget is spent on programs that are designed to do just that. Less than 0.02% of the approximately 7-trillion-peso 2022 budget, or under 1.2 billion pesos (US $59.2 million), was allocated to four such programs, the newspaper El Universal reported.

Guadalupe Ramos Ponce, deputy coordinator of the Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defense of Women’s Rights, described the resources allocated to the programs – among which are ones designed to prevent violence and provide refuge to victims – as “an insult.”

“They’re crumbs. There’s no recognition of [women’s] rights, of the problem, of anything. They’re not even crumbs – I think that … [the level of funding] is an insult given the seriousness of the problem in the country,” she told El Universal.

The director of the National Network of Shelters (RNR), which supports female victims of violence and their children, said that the 79 shelters that make up the network have not yet received the 2022 funding that was pledged to them.

“The shelter program doesn’t only have a significantly lower percentage of the budget [compared to previous years], but to date the resources haven’t been released,” Wendy Figueroa said.

“In other words the resources are limited and their delivery is inadmissibly late because we’re talking about human rights, the lives of women and children,” the RNR chief said.

The coordinator of Aquí Estamos (Here We Are) – a collective of female journalists dedicated to exposing the killing of girls of Mexico and pressuring the government to do more to combat the problem – said that the fact that there are so few anti-violence and victim-support programs, and the scant funding for them, are together “a reflection of the disinterest” of the government to address the gender violence scourge.

“Assigning this minute budget in the face of the seriousness of the problem is a mockery,” Perla Blas said.

With reports from Reforma and El Universal 

Fast internet, a good bed, a clean room: what digital nomads want in Mexico

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Since the pandemic started, more workers than ever have been able, or been required, to work remotely.
Free high-speed internet on the beach? Quintana Roo's government and provider GigNet have signed an agreement to implement this in parts of Cancún, Tulum, Puerto Morelos and Playa del Carmen. (Tulum Circle)

The vacation rental market will increase 20% in 2022 due to demand for accommodation from digital nomads, according to the CEO of a vacation rentals chain.

Javier Cárdenas Ibarra, founder and CEO of Rotamundos, told the newspaper El Universal that many foreigners are staying in Mexico for extended periods due to their ability to work remotely.

Mexico City neighborhoods such as Roma and Condesa as well as coastal destinations including Puerto Vallarta, Los Cabos and Tulum have seen an influx of mainly younger digital nomads during the pandemic as employees of foreign companies continue to enjoy the opportunity to work from wherever there is a reliable internet connection.

Their presence in the country has driven up rental prices in some areas as entrepreneurs with properties listed on sites such as Airbnb take advantage of higher demand for short term accommodation.

Digital nomads “look for properties with certain standards,” Cárdenas said, citing “a good connection to the internet, a good bed, housekeeping service and dwellings that are also sustainable and ecological.”

Many short-term rentals now cater to digital nomads, like this Sayulita Airbnb, which advertises its high-speed fiber optic internet as "ideal for working."
Many short-term rentals now cater to digital nomads, like this Sayulita Airbnb, which advertises its high-speed fiber optic internet as “ideal for working.” Mi Espacio Sayulita

Mexico is especially popular with digital nomads from the United States due to its proximity to that country and affordability for people earning good salaries in US dollars.

The Riviera Maya – an area of coastal Quintana Roo that includes Cancún, Playa del Carmen and Tulum – began attracting such people early in the pandemic.

“Tourists stopped coming because there were no planes but as soon as the lockdown was lifted they started to return,” said David Padrón, director of Click & Home, a company that offers short term accommodation in Tulum and Playa del Carmen.

“Before they stayed for 14 days but now they come to work remotely for three months,” he said, adding that digital nomads will change their accommodation arrangements if they’re not happy with amenities such as the internet or laundry service.

Padrón said that remote workers from Mexico are among the long-term tourists in Quintana Roo, “but right now we’re full of people from New York, California and Texas.”

“A lot of Russians are arriving as well,” he said.

Softec, a real estate research and consultancy firm, estimates that approximately 2,700 vacation dwellings will be added to the market this year alone in Tulum, where there are already some 6,000 holiday rental properties. It also estimates that the construction of some 9,000 properties that are destined to become short term holiday accommodation will commence in 2022.

Claudia Velázquez, Softec operations director, told El Universal that 2022 is shaping up to be a good year for Mexico’s vacation rental sector.

“Inflation in Mexico is lower in comparison with the United States and people with greater purchasing power can live better here,” she said.

“There is also more professional administration of rental dwellings,” Velázquez added.

“There are companies that manage the whole service for you. They promote [the rentals] on [internet] platforms, pay the maintenance [fees], do the reservations. They take care of everything and give you your return as an investor,” she said.

AirDNA, a provider of data and analytics for the short-term rental industry, reported earlier this year that there were over 31,000 Airbnb lodgings in Quintana Roo alone.

Airbnb co-founder and chief strategy officer Nate Blecharczyk said late last year that “traveling to Mexico has become a real trend for travelers from the United States,” including digital nomads.

He also said there are Airbnb hosts in almost all of Mexico’s 132 Pueblos Mágicos, or Magical Towns, among which are Valladolid, Yucatán; Tepoztlán, Morelos; and Tequila, Jalisco.

With reports from El Universal 

How Asia came to influence the design of Mexico’s iconic rebozo

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Mexican rebozo on loom
A rebozo still on the loom. The dyeing technique used is influenced by a centuries-old one developed in Asia. Photos by Alejandro Linares García

Few traditional garments have the nationwide iconic status of the long, rectangular shawl called the rebozo. Not an everyday garment by any means, it comes out of most Mexican women’s closets for patriotic occasions.

Many places in Mexico have traditional regional textile designs, but some of the finest are made not in the former Mesoamerica but just northeast in a small town called Santa María del Río in San Luis Potosí.

The great Mesoamerican empires had little respect for the nomadic people to the north. But after they were conquered, they did accompany their Spanish overlords to help “civilize” them as the Europeans expanded their hold on the continent. This means that Santa María (established in 1589) has Baroque-style churches and traditional dress based on those from farther south.

The town was established with two main neighborhoods, one for the Mesoamericans (primarily Otomi) and one for the local native Guachichils who, pre-contact, occupied the most extensive territory of all the indigenous Chichimeca nations tribes in pre-Columbian central Mexico. Various handcrafts were introduced, including the weaving of the rebozo.

The Otomis brought with them the ikat technique — where threads are bunched, tied off and dyed before weaving — which the Spanish originally brought to Mexico from Asia.

Mexican rebozos
Displays of fine silk rebozos for sale in Santa María del Río, San Luis Potosí.

Otomi garments were made with cotton, but Santa María’s twist on the garment would be the use of silk. The Spanish had introduced silkworms to Mexico as the silk trade was still quite lucrative at the time.

Silk threads are harder to work with since they are thinner and break easily, but the resulting garment is extremely fine. The best examples of these rebozos can literally be pulled through a wedding ring, a method used to prove that the garment was truly made of 100% silk. These items were favored by wealthy women of San Luis Potosi city and some other areas during the colonial period.

Today, such silk rebozos are still made here, but they are pricey, starting at 2,500 pesos for a small, simple one. After that, the sky’s almost the limit.

As most customers can’t or won’t pay that much, most weavers  are also adept at using acrylics and other “false silks.” They are what you see all over town in Santa María hanging in doorways. But they can be works of art as well.

Artisans in the town make both solid color and patterned rebozos. The former are often called chalinas and come in a wide variety of colors. Those with patterns are still made with the ikat method. The pattern is not seen until the dyed threads are woven.

There are seven traditional designs, and all are still available today, generally referred to by the numbers one to seven. The distinctions between the numbers relate to the designs’ pattern and color combination. For example, No. 1, known as the bolita, consists of small black dots and lines on a white background and is the most representative of the area.

Santa María’s rebozos are similar to, and may have their origins from, ones in Tenancingo, Mexico state, which happens to be an Otomi area.

The production of silk in San Luis Potosí died out long ago. True silk threads are now imported from China. Natural dyes, with only a few exceptions, are also gone, mostly because they are impossible to use with synthetic threads, which won’t pick up the dye.

Tying off the edges is an art form in itself. It is usually done by specialized artisans who work the edges with their fingers. They are not knotted simply to keep the piece from unraveling. Complicated patterns have been established with names such as “the duck’s tail,” “the pine arch” and the daring “make me if you can.”

The best and most traditional rebozos are still made on Mesoamerican backstrap looms. But cheaper versions now use foot pedal looms, and a few are made with more modern devices. However, most consider those made on the backstrap loom to be of superior quality because the ikat technique requires very precise thread placement to get the pattern exact. Each rebozo takes one or two months to make, but time is of the essence. A piece left on the loom too long stretches and becomes distorted.

Bolita rebozos
Bolita rebozos. The one on the right was woven on Mesoamerican backstrap looms, making them superior to those woven on a European floor loom, left.

The best way to see and buy fine silk or acrylic rebozos is to visit Santa María. Those displayed outside are entirely of acrylic and also tend to be the cheapest. Some are even knockoffs from other places.

There are two reliable places to buy good and great quality rebozos. The first is the Escuela de Rebozo (Rebozo School), established in 1953 by the state to revive the craft. Just off the main plaza, it has a store with a small selection.

The Taller Escuela de Rebocería (The Teaching Workshop of Rebozo Making) on Ocampo street — often referred to as the Cooperativa — dates back to the 1980s and represents a number of artisans in the area. It has a larger selection.

Most rebozos today are shorter than those made in the past, primarily because they now are almost exclusively used as fashion accessories rather than as a modesty garment or for carrying babies and goods.

Although the craft is in a far better position than before, its survival is not assured. Even when made of silk, it is hard to convince many buyers that the thousands of pesos they charge is worth paying for what is basically a very beautiful rectangular piece of cloth. But the cost comes from the time needed to make that rectangle and fringe by hand.

And when all is said and done, that price translates only to a subsistence income for artisans. So it’s understandable that the temptation to make more money more easily in the capital draws the younger generation away.

Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico 18 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.

‘The lithium is ours,’ but can Mexico actually do anything with it?

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Mexican Senator Gustavo Madero
National Action Party Senator Gustavo Madero argues against the lithium nationalization amendment in the Senate on Tuesday. Mexican Senate

“The lithium is ours.”

After heavy criticism of the president in last week’s column, on this point, I at least partially agree with him.

That asterisk of mine is admittedly a gigantic one, but I like to start with the positive.

The slogan refers to a reform to Mexico’s Mining Law approved in Congress on Tuesday that nationalizes lithium. The change in the law explicitly prohibits the offering of lithium concessions of any kind to any private companies — foreign or Mexican — putting the government in charge of all aspects of managing Mexico’s lithium via a to-be-created public entity. The law goes into effect immediately, and according to its text, the government must create that managing entity within 90 days of the law’s passage.

If a natural resource that can be extracted has originated on Mexican soil, then it rightfully belongs to Mexico — at least more so than to China, Russia, Canada or the United States. If this lithium is eventually exploited — and the state’s ability to do so on its own is very much in question — then Mexico should reap the rewards from that extraction (as well as the responsibility for the inevitable environmental damage it causes).

But as National Action Party Senator Gustavo Madero pointed out earlier this week, however, the Mexican Constitution already established de facto state ownership of lithium in 1917:  Article 27 of the document says, “… in the Nation is vested the direct ownership of all natural resources …”

So why the reform if there’s nothing to actually reform?

Many critics have speculated that this nationalization move was simply a balm to soothe the pain of failing to pass the reform that would have guaranteed the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) 54% of the energy market.

Predictably, the president has designated those who voted against that reform as “traitors to the nation,” an unsurprising response given his habit of lashing out at anyone that criticizes or prevents him from pushing through something he wants.

But back to the lithium. It’s ours. Well, “ours.”

To what extent will the Mexican people benefit if the state does actually manage to both start and run its own lithium mining company?

Before Pemex was privatized, I remember one particular slogan repeated against privatization: “The petroleum is ours.” Sounds familiar, right?

It’s a phrase I didn’t quite understand, though: could Mexicans simply go to the gas station and fill up their cars free of charge because it was “theirs?” Were average citizens getting monthly checks in the mail representing their designated portion of petroleum? Certainly not.

Still, even if it’s mostly symbolic, I think it’s fair to say, “No, you cannot come into our country and mine our lithium resources.”

Of course, several foreign companies are already doing so. (When asked about it, the president responded, “These contracts have to be reviewed.”)

If mining experts are to be believed, there is absolutely no way that Mexico will establish a state lithium mining company while AMLO is still in office; in addition to lacking the funds, it simply wouldn’t be possible in that short amount of time. And given the inefficient track records of our other national companies, I’ve personally got my doubts about the viability.

This is probably for the best as, ironically, lithium – used to make batteries for “green” technology like electronic vehicles as well as batteries for everyday electronics like our cell phones — is extremely dangerous and environmentally hazardous to extract. It also uses tons (literally) of water per minute, and Mexico’s got enough trouble with a lack of water.

In addition to this, Mexico’s supply of lithium seems to be held within clay deposits, which experts tell us is extremely expensive and difficult to extract.

The president will surely say that he “has other information.” Or perhaps he’s banking simply on not being in office anymore by the time a state company could actually be formed.

In the meantime, I highly suspect that the private companies already exploring Mexico’s lithium will be allowed to quietly go about their business. After all, not quite a year ago, Economy Minister Tatiana Clouthier said in a radio interview that Mexico was interested in a public-private partnership with lithium mining companies, suggesting that the state might seek to secure a 51% stake in the sector. And around the same time, a Morena lawmaker and close AMLO ally told the news agency Reuters, “We’re convinced that we need private investment, and we’re allies of domestic investors and also foreign investors who respect us,” hinting at plans for a regulated but market-friendly lithium sector.

But stating that “the lithium is ours” (uh … yeah, we know) is good politics and also serves to give the illusion that we’re marching happily toward the president’s goal of complete energy independence by the end of 2023.

I’m concerned about the environment, though, a concern that the president does not seem to share in the least. The goal is energy (and economic) independence above all else, despite the cost to the environment and despite commitments that Mexico made under previous administrations to cut emissions.

Sembrando Vida and a handful of hydroelectric dams are just not going to cut it.

That said, I know that demand for energy will not go away. We need electricity. We need batteries for our phones and computers. We need at least some vehicles. And as the story of lithium shows, even when we want to be “green,” it’s a nearly impossible task.

You might buy an electric car to avoid pumping pollution into the air, but the battery used for that car requires lithium, the extraction of which is very dirty and very dangerous (a caveat, though: most experts agree that the overall damage to the environment is still less with an electric car).

We also depend on lithium to store energy from green technology like solar and wind energy. After all, the sun doesn’t always shine, and the wind doesn’t always blow. So far, lithium is one of the only ways we have of stocking up on it.

Is there any way to win?

I pray that we can find a “clean” way to get what we need (though mining is never clean) or find another way to store our energy. But until we do, this is what we’ve got.

For now, I’m reminded of the Netflix satirical film Don’t Look Up. In the movie, a huge meteorite is headed straight for Earth, guaranteed to destroy it if it hits. A plan is quickly made to pulverize it, avoiding disaster…until some eccentric Elon Musk-type character tells the president about the lucrative potential for mining it. So a new plan is formed to simply break it up so that “jobs can be created and money made.”

Unsurprisingly, it doesn’t work, and the Earth and everything on it is destroyed.

The moral? If we continue thinking we can trick the gods, there is no way around paying for that. Nature will do what it does despite our human, fallible will. Hopefully, AMLO and all the other world leaders will realize how seriously at stake our future is before it’s too late. It’s the hope.

But in the meantime, I’ll be staring at the sky, not holding my breath.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sdevrieswritingandtranslating.com and her Patreon page.

Got milk?

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Irish coffees
Creamy cold drinks like this are where you really notice the difference in what your milk is made of.

A popular 1960s advertisement featured a smiling, aproned Mom pouring 7-Up soda into a glass of milk with the slogan, “For children who won’t drink milk … for adults who want the nourishment of milk with a decidedly different appeal … Mothers know that this is a wholesome combination.”

Hmmm.

Suffice to say that’s not the case, although I don’t go so far as thinking cow’s milk is as evil as some make it out to be. Local friends call packaged milk agua blanca (white water). It’s easy to understand why. Pasteurized, homogenized and pumped full of vitamins and extra proteins, commercial brands like Lala are a far cry from the natural goodness of real, actual milk.

What exactly is lactose-free milk? Why is milk always homogenized and pasteurized? Is raw milk OK to drink? Let’s explore some of these questions.

Lactose is a naturally occurring sugar found in milk and milk products; for some folks, it’s difficult to digest. Lactose-free milk is usually made by adding the enzyme lactase to the milk, which breaks down the lactose so the body can digest it better. Some brands completely filter lactose out of the milk. There’s no noticeable taste difference between lactose-free and pasteurized, homogenized milk.

7-Up ad from 1950s
Did you ever drink this concoction? What was it like?

Pasteurization is the simple process, used all over the world, of heating and cooling milk to specific temperatures to kill harmful bacteria. While some say it changes the nutritional content or flavor of milk, scientific evidence says the contrary.

Homogenization is another story; it breaks down natural (and delicious) fat molecules to disperse them more evenly throughout the milk. Some say these microparticles are absorbed directly into the bloodstream, leading to an increased risk of heart disease; tests remain inconclusive. In terms of taste and mouthfeel, though, homogenization practically destroys both. If you’ve had raw or pasteurized-not-homogenized milk or cheeses, you know what I mean.

Most commercial milk has all the milkfat skimmed off right away. It’s then added back in varying percentages, depending on whether the end result will be “whole” (entera), “reduced-fat” (leche lite), etc. Skim milk has no milkfat at all and can seem sweet because of this. Commercial whole milk contains between 3.25% and 4%. Cream categories are all about milkfat: half-and-half (12%), light cream (20%) or heavy cream (34% to 38%).

The whipping cream found in Mexican supermarkets has about 34% milkfat but is also full of additives to make it whip better and preservatives to prolong its shelf life. Serious cooks, check out this dried heavy cream powder with 72% butterfat. I’m fortunate to have a local dairy here where I can buy pasteurized-not-homogenized milk and dairy products. Each liter has about two inches of thick, buttery cream on top. My cats — who won’t touch packaged milk — happily lap it up.

One of my favorite recipes for using milk is Japanese Milk Bread — tender, fluffy, flavorful loaves that make beautiful sandwiches or toast. The base is tangzhong, a warm flour and water paste. (This is what panko breadcrumbs are made from.)

 Drop Biscuits

  • 1½ cups flour
  • 2 tsp. baking powder
  • 1 tsp. salt
  • 1 stick cold unsalted butter (4 oz.), cut into ¼ -inch cubes and refrigerated
  • ¾ cup whole milk

Preheat oven to 400 F (200 C). Line baking sheet with parchment or grease with butter. Whisk together flour, baking powder and salt. Working quickly, cut butter into flour until it resembles coarse meal. Add milk. Stir with a fork until the mixture just comes together into slightly sticky, shaggy dough.

For small biscuits, use a teaspoon to mound walnut-sized balls of dough onto a prepared baking sheet. For large biscuits, mound ¼-cup balls of dough. Bake until golden brown, about 15 minutes for small biscuits and 20 minutes for large ones. Cool slightly; transfer to wire rack and serve.

Mashed Cauliflower

Milk’s the secret to making this dish taste like what you have in restaurants.

  • 1 large (2-pound) cauliflower, cut into small florets
  • 2 cups whole milk
  • 2 garlic cloves, smashed and peeled
  • 4 sprigs fresh thyme, plus more for garnish
  • Salt and pepper
  • 3 Tbsp. Mexican crema or sour cream
Chicken in milk recipe
Chicken in milk — comfort food at its purest!

In medium saucepan over medium-high heat, combine cauliflower, milk, garlic, thyme and 1 tsp. salt. When mixture begins to bubble around the edges, reduce heat to low. Simmer, stirring occasionally, until cauliflower is very tender, 10–15 minutes.

Drain cauliflower, reserving milk. Discard thyme sprigs. Return cauliflower and garlic to pot and mash with a potato masher or purée with an immersion blender until smooth.

Add reserved milk 1 Tbsp. at a time, mashing or blending in between, until cauliflower reaches desired consistency. (About ¼ cup milk total.)

Stir in sour cream/crema; season with salt and pepper.

Jamie Oliver’s Chicken in Milk

  • 1 (3-4 lb.) whole chicken
  • Salt and pepper
  • ¼ cup unsalted butter
  • ¼ cup olive oil
  • 1 small cinnamon stick
  • 10 whole cloves garlic, skins on
  • 2½ cups whole milk
  • 15-20 fresh or dried sage leaves
  • 2 lemons

Heat oven to 375 F (190 C). Season chicken generously with salt and pepper. Using an oven-safe pot that the chicken will fit snugly inside of, melt butter and olive oil. When butter melts and starts to foam, place chicken in the pot and sauté, turning every few minutes, until browned all over.

Turn heat to low, remove chicken from pot onto a plate. Drain off all but a few tablespoons of fat from pot. Add cinnamon stick and garlic to pot; cook 2 minutes. Return chicken to pot along with milk and sage.

Using a vegetable peeler, cut wide strips of skin off the lemons; add them to pot. Place pot in oven; bake approximately 1½ hours, basting occasionally, until chicken is tender and cooked through and sauce has reduced to be thick and curdled. (If sauce is reducing too quickly, cover pot halfway with foil.) Serve over rice, pasta or potatoes.

Frozen Irish Coffee

  • ½ cup vanilla ice cream
  • 1¼ cups whole milk, frozen in an ice cube tray
  • 4 oz. chilled strong coffee
  • 2 oz. brandy
  • 2 oz. coffee liqueur
  • ¼ tsp. fresh coffee grounds, for garnish

Mix ice cream, frozen milk cubes, chilled coffee, brandy and coffee liqueur in a blender on high until ice is crushed and drink is smooth.

Divide between highball glasses and swirl a pinch of coffee grounds on top of each.

Janet Blaser is the author of the best-selling book, Why We Left: An Anthology of American Women Expatsfeatured on CNBC and MarketWatch. She has lived in Mexico since 2006. You can find her on Facebook.

Betrayal and battery power: the week at the morning press conferences

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President López Obrador at his Monday press conference.
President López Obrador at his Monday press conference. Presidencia de la República

Lawmakers voted last Sunday on the electricity reform. The proposed constitutional change riled energy company leaders in the United States by promising to give 54% of the power market to the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) and to nationalize future lithium exploration.

However, the president faced an uphill battle to gain the required two-thirds majority, after opposition parties pledged to vote the reform down.

Monday

The elephant in the room roamed freely through the report on consumer prices and videos of the government’s projects until, eventually, the president addressed it.

“Yesterday was an act of betrayal to Mexico, committed by a group of legislators who, … instead of defending the public, became outspoken defenders of foreign companies,” he said, after the electricity reform failed to pass in the Chamber of Deputies.

“This isn’t over because we were prepared for betrayal. We knew of the interests that were in question. Very powerful interests,” he added.

The president said that the vote showed the deficits of representative democracy. “If we did a survey, I believe that 80% of Mexicans would be in favor of the electricity industry being in the hands of the nation,” he said.

The tabasqueño quoted French feminist philosopher Simone de Beauvoir to accuse his opponents of complicity with powerful forces. “The oppressor would not be so strong if he didn’t have accomplices among the oppressed themselves,” he cited.

Later in the conference, the president extended his condolences to one woman who spent much of her life battling authority. Missing persons activist Rosario Ibarra de Piedra, the first woman to run for the presidency, died on Saturday at 95.

Amor y Control (Love and Control), a song by Panamanian salsa artist Rubén Blades closed the conference in tribute to Ibarra.

Tuesday

Deputy Health Minister Hugo López-Gatell waits to give the weekly COVID update on Tuesday.
Deputy Health Minister Hugo López-Gatell, right, waits to give the weekly COVID update on Tuesday. Presidencia de la República

After the weekly COVID-19 update, the president claimed that all told, the pandemic had gone well in Mexico. In international terms, “our country was one of the least affected in the American continent and
in the world. This was everyone’s achievement,” he assured.

Mexico’s death rate was the 33rd worst in the world out of more than 200 countries, according to the statistics website Worldometer.

The tabasqueño said the battle over the Maya Train, which had its construction suspended by a judge on environmental grounds, was a class battle. “They feel like they own Mexico … they know the truth … they have the right to privileges, not the people,” he said of the project’s opponents, before recounting a woman’s public snub: “Andrés Manuel, you’re a peasant,” she’d shouted out her car window.

Still nursing his wounds after Sunday’s vote, the president celebrated the Senate’s speedy approval of a law to nationalize lithium. He said the precious metal was powerful enough to topple governments and change the course of history.

“I’m not sure, but there are those who argue that the coup d’état in Bolivia [in 2019] had to do with lithium,” he mentioned as an example. “I can’t say for sure.”

Wednesday

The president highlighted the importance of security on Wednesday. “Security is fundamental so that we can live in peace … without that, nothing is possible. You can advance economically, even socially, but if there is no peace or tranquility, there is no meaning to life,” he said.

Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez said federal crimes in March were at their lowest in seven years and that murders were down 13.5% compared to their historic peak.

Later in the conference, the president referred back to peace and tranquility. “Yesterday was not such a bad day in terms of homicide, there were 56 in the country, but the day before there were 90,” he said.

In the section on media lies, Elizabeth García Vilchis said it was untrue that a National Guard airplane was making trips to Houston, where AMLO’s son lives, and that a photo of timber trading was taken near the Amazon, not near the Maya Train. The 1,525 kilometers of track being laid “protects and strengthens the environment,” she assured.

López Obrador was confident in the harmlessness of the project, and invited two of its opponents, actors Eugenio Derbez and Laisha Wilkins, for a chat at the National Palace. “I’m going to invite them, to see what their doubts are and clarify them. Let’s see if they accept it,” he said.

Thursday

Thursday's conference featured a presentation on recent national security trends.
Thursday’s conference featured a presentation on recent national security trends. Presidencia de la República

The president confirmed that people could sleep easier. The Colombian drug trafficker known as El Boliqueso (The Cheeseball) had been caught by security forces in Mexico City.

However, AMLO was less impressed with U.S. security forces, confirming that a collaboration with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) had ended more than a year ago, and criticizing its arrest of General Salvador Cienfuegos in 2020. “They made that decision without informing us and they fabricated the crimes,” he said.

The president also addressed criticism he received for calling senators who voted against the electricity reform “traitors,” and defended the label as a fair description. “Things have to be called by their name. Enough of the hypocrisy and agreements in the dark between elites that people don’t know about,” he said.

On appropriate names, the president assured that a new public lithium company wouldn’t be called AMLITIO, a combination of his nickname and the Spanish word for lithium, as some had suggested.

Friday

The president headed east to Veracruz city for Friday’s conference. He said he was in the coastal state to remember the U.S. invasion there in 1914 and that he’d join a meeting with U.S. Ambassador Ken Salazar and U.S. and Canadian businesspeople to promote trade.

The body of 18-year-old Debanhi Escobar had been discovered in a motel in Nuevo León 10 days after investigators had searched the property. “We send a hug and our condolences to the relatives of the young woman, to her friends … We believe that, in addition to corruption, what has most damaged Mexico, because they go hand in hand, is impunity,” the president said.

Later in the conference, López Obrador announced that Derbez, Wilkins and other artists who oppose the Maya Train would meet him on Monday. He mentioned that the same artists had posed no objections to the construction of the XCaret tourist park in Quintana Roo.

“Maybe they did not see it, like it just happened overnight …  they drilled through cenotes and underwater rivers,” he said.

The president signed off from another week of conferences by attempting to charm his hosts. “It gives me great pleasure to be here in Veracruz, in my land … My mother was from Tabasco, but my father was from Veracruz … the children of people from Veracruz are from Veracruz,” he asserted.

Mexico News Daily

‘My daughter is dead because of incompetent people’

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Debanhi Escobar disappeared from Escobedo, Nuevo León on April 9 after attending a party with friends.
Debanhi Escobar disappeared on April 9 after attending a party near Monterrey with friends. Instagram @debanhi.escobar

The father of an 18-year-old Nuevo León woman whose body was found in an underground water tank at a motel on Thursday asserted Friday that the state Attorney General’s Office (FGJ) is partially to blame for his daughter’s death.

The FGJ “didn’t do its job,” Mario Escobar told reporters, asserting that it should have done more to locate his daughter, Debanhi Escobar, while she was still alive.

“…My daughter is dead because of incompetent people, because of people who harass … young women, because of sexual harassers,” he said.

Debanhi Escobar disappeared on the night of April 8 after getting out of a taxi on the highway between Nuevo Laredo and Monterrey in General Escobedo, a municipality that is part of the Monterrey metropolitan area.

Mario Escobar said Friday that prosecutors told him that footage showed the taxi driver touching his daughter’s breasts.

Mario Escobar holds missing person flyers with his daughter, Debanhi's name and image.
Mario Escobar holds missing person flyers with his daughter, Debanhi’s name and image.

“I suppose that my daughter did not put up with the harassment,” he said, explaining her apparent reason for getting out of the taxi early. “It’s harassment where the attorney general says there is no harassment. I publicly accuse [the taxi driver] Juan David Cuéllar for all this.”

Escobar said that the taxi driver – who has been arrested – triggered his daughter’s death by putting her in a vulnerable situation. After getting out of the taxi, Debanhi asked for help at Alcosa, a transport company.

Escobar said that some of the company’s security footage had inexplicably disappeared. It is unclear what happened to Debanhi after she sought help at Alcosa.

A decomposing body that is believed to be hers was found Thursday in a subterranean water tank at a General Escobedo motel nor far from where Debanhi got out of the taxi.

Deputy Security Minister Ricardo Mejía said that the body had a crucifix necklace and clothing that Debanhi was wearing the night she disappeared. “The alert was sounded by hotel workers, because of the fetid odors coming from the area,” he said.

Escobedo rejected an FGJ theory that his daughter had fallen into the tank and drowned. “It’s a lie,” he said, adding that the authorities must do everything they can to apprehend those responsible so that “there is no danger” to other women.

Mario Escobar talks with reporters after a meeting with Nuevo León Governor Samuel García on Friday.
Mario Escobar talks with reporters after a meeting with Nuevo León Governor Samuel García on Friday.

President López Obrador said Friday that the federal Attorney General’s Office could carry out an investigation into the case.

Nuevo León Security Minister Aldo Fasci questioned why the body wasn’t found until the FGJ’s fifth visit to the motel.

“It’s a massive human failure – they were there four times and found nothing,” he said.

Escobedo suggested his daughter’s body was planted there. “Why does it appear the fifth [time they looked]?” he asked. “Question. Did they plant it [there]?”

Nuevo León Governor Samuel García called on the FGJ to release all the evidence it has gathered about the case.

“I urge the Attorney General’s Office to … today make known … the videos, photos, evidence [as well as] searches and routines [carried out] because I firmly believe we have the right to know what is in the investigation so that the truth comes to light,” he said in a video message Friday.

“We have the right to be informed,” said García, who acknowledged that “everything seems to indicate” that the body is Debanhi’s but added that we “obviously we have to wait for an autopsy.”

Femicides – murders of women and girls on account of their gender – are common in Mexico, but impunity for such crimes is high. Nuevo León has recently seen a spate of disappearances of women, leading the governor to announce last week the implementation of a protocol to expedite searches for missing women and girls.

Debanhi’s case, the Associated Press reported, “made headlines because of a haunting photo taken by a driver who was supposed to take her home that night.”

“… The driver, who worked for a taxi application, took the photo to show Escobar got out of his car alive on April 8 on the outskirts of the city of Monterrey. There she was, a young woman standing alone at night on the side of a highway, wearing a skirt and high-top sneakers,” AP said.

With reports from Milenio, Reforma and Associated Press