Sunday, August 24, 2025

Puppetry duo brings rural communities entertainment, emotional support

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Ángel Ledezma onstage, acting as a narrator.
Ángel Ledezma onstage, acting as a narrator.

It sounds like a hippie’s dream, traveling around Mexico in a van, giving puppet shows to rural children to pay the bills.

“To do theater is a lifestyle choice,” says Sandra Reyes, who with Ángel Ledezma forms A Escena Teatro.  For 20 years, they have been driving around rural Mexico, continuing a long but vanishing tradition of traveling shows.

Reyes and Ledezma met working with a more conventional theater group called Trasluz. After it dissolved in the 1990s, it was Ledezma’s idea to look into puppetry, but Reyes was quite hesitant at first.

Reyes had loved the stage since she was a small child, following her father when he performed with his band. But she was unsure that she could shift her acting skills from her body to an inanimate object, nor did she have the skills to make the puppets. However, she says “…when I began to animate the puppets and tell stories with them, I fell in love.”

Basically, A Escena’s training as puppeteers has been on the job. They began by traveling to wherever there were workshops on the making and working of puppets, which led to traveling performances.

Reyes and Ledesma on stage with a puppet. The two do not hide themselves during performances, but Reyes says that they “melt” into the background.
Reyes and Ledesma on stage with a puppet. The two do not hide themselves during performances, but Reyes says that they “melt” into the background.

The focus on travel has been important because  “we became convinced that art and culture are rights for children, and we saw performing arts productions were limited to larger cities.”

There are still many places in Mexico where the mass media and the internet do not reach — highly isolated communities deep in rugged mountains. The lack of connectivity and infrastructure leaves a large gap in cultural services, one that A Escena tries to fill.

That means many days and hours on winding mountain roads in a van filled to the brim with everything they need. From their base in Puebla, they have visited many parts of Mexico and even abroad, although their work is concentrated in the center of the country into Oaxaca.

Driving back mountain roads can be dangerous but rewarding as well. Some are so narrow and in poor condition that only one car can pass at a time. They have had run-ins with paramilitary groups and decided to cut back travel in some of the most dangerous areas of the country.

But even this aspect of rural Mexican travel can have its silver lining. Reyes says that when they get stopped at military checkpoints by soldiers who want to know what is in the van, their faces cannot help but soften when they are confronted by a myriad of puppets. The pair also gets to take in some of the most beautiful natural scenery in the country.

However, their main reward is performing for their audiences. Their plays are original works written by Ledezma. The puppets are the stars, but the puppeteers are visible onstage.

Finger puppets created during a workshop as part of the Sueños a Mano program.
Finger puppets created during a workshop as part of the Sueños a Mano program.

Reyes states that there are cultural differences among children in Mexico. Those from warmer climates tend to be more engaging, and those from colder climates more reserved. Perhaps a little shocking is that children from the border areas tend to encourage conflict and even violence with their shout-outs during shows. Reyes attributes that to the violence they live with on a daily basis.

Even after the pair have left, they receive letters and drawings from children about how the shows affected them.

Although the shows are important, the Reyes found that they were not enough. A Escena has added workshops for the making and working of puppets for the same children that they perform for. Several years ago, Reyes took a workshop on art dolls by master craftswoman Mayra René which not only introduced her to new techniques to create more sophisticated pieces, it also focused on the importance the human figures can have even outside of a stage.

The experience led her to create a new project called Sueños a Mano (Dreams by Hand).  The project’s first workshop was working with parents and other relatives of people who have disappeared in southern Veracruz. It resulted in 14 dolls, many with embroidered “tattoos” that the participants used to express their feelings. Reyes hopes to exhibit the collection soon.

Bringing culture to marginalized communities requires ingenuity even in the best of times. With a pandemic, the challenge increases exponentially. Previously, all of their equipment was loaded into a truck and performances took place in kiosks and other public spaces. With these cordoned off, Reyes and Ledezma decided to make the van itself the stage to allow them to perform anywhere they were welcome, even if just at individuals’ homes. This innovation brought them a new round of attention from both cultural authorities and Mexican media.

For all the importance that creativity has in this “lifestyle choice,” there are practical reasons why Reyes and Ledezma have been able to do this work for over 20 years: first, the two have an exceptionally good working relationship. Reyes stresses that there is no romantic involvement, but the respect and trust they have for each other as artists is very evident. She is the stronger performer, and he is the writer and “lander” of projects.

Ledezma performing at a rural hospital (pre-pandemic) in Puebla.
Ledezma performing at a rural hospital (pre-pandemic) in Puebla.

Perhaps more importantly, they manage the financial ups and downs of show business better than most performance organizations, making sure that there are funds set aside to take advantage of the next opportunity, and, of course, get by when a pandemic strikes.

Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico 18 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.

National Guard offers victims 1 million pesos to withdraw charges against guardsmen

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National Guardsmen at a crime scene in Nuevo Laredo.
National Guardsmen at a crime scene in Nuevo Laredo.

The National Guard offered 1 million pesos (US $50,300) to the families of two people killed in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, earlier this month in exchange for withdrawing charges against the security force who were involved in the deaths.

According to a report by the news website Animal Político, the army has also offered large sums of money to the family members of people killed by soldiers in recent months.

Published Wednesday, the report said the wife of Jorge Alberto Rivera Cardoza, a 42-year-old man who was shot dead by a member of the National Guard on April 8 as the security force was involved in a car chase, and family members of Martha Leticia Salinas Arriaga, who died after she was struck by the car Rivera was driving when he was killed, were both offered 1 million pesos.

To receive the money, they were asked to sign documents to authorize the federal Attorney General’s Office (FGR) to close its investigation into the case.

After two men were killed by the army in Nuevo Laredo in February and March, and a Guatemalan man was shot dead by a soldier in Chiapas last month, the family members of the victims were also offered payments in exchange for dropping charges, Animal Político said.

“They offered me a million not to make a [criminal] complaint,” said Viridiana Promotor, the widow of Rivera, with whom she had two children.

She said she was in a government morgue waiting to receive the body of her slain husband when she was approached by a person in uniform who identified himself as a member of the National Guard and three other people who said they were officials with the Executive Commission for Attention to Victims (CEAV), a federal agency.

Promotor said she attended several meetings with them and ended up signing the documents they asked her to sign. She said she was confused, didn’t know what she was signing and was led to believe that she would go to jail if she didn’t follow their instructions.

“They implied that if I reported [the guardsmen to authorities] I would go to jail for reporting them,” Promotor told Animal Político. “… I did what they told me to do because I thought I had to do it so they would give me the body,” she added.

Animal Político said that family members of Salinas, the pedestrian struck by Rivera’s car, also signed documents that authorized the withdrawal of charges against members of the National Guard.

But after burying her husband – who worked at a customs processing office in Nuevo Laredo not far from where he was killed – Promotor regretted her decision and didn’t attend an appointment at FGR offices at which she would have received a check for 1 million pesos.

“I want justice to be done, for those who did it [killed Rivera] to pay,” she said.

Promotor said her husband wasn’t involved in any illegal activities and there was no reason for him to be shot.

“Instead of helping us, they’re killing our family members, who are innocent people. My husband wasn’t involved in anything bad,” she said.

However, according to witnesses, guardsmen planted drugs, a firearm and two-way radios in Rivera’s car to make it appear that he was a criminal.

Promotor questioned why the National Guard would offer her 1 million pesos if in fact her husband was a criminal. She has now sought assistance from the Nuevo Laredo Human Rights Commission to seek justice in the case and determine the identity of the guardsman who shot her husband and why he did what he did.

“… The question of why has affected me. Why [did it happen] if he wasn’t involved in anything bad. There is no explanation, I can’t give an answer,” said Promotor, who is concerned about how she will be able to support herself and her two young children in the absence of her husband.

Animal Político said it asked the National Guard why it had offered the payments to Promotor and the family of Salinas but didn’t receive a response.

There are also questions about why the army offered payments to the family members of a 26-year-old man and a 20-year-old man who were recently killed by soldiers in Nuevo Laredo. The army accused the former of being armed and the latter of acting aggressively prior to his death, even though he was traveling to an ultrasound appointment with his wife when he was killed, according to the Animal Político report.

The report said it was unknown how many cases have been resolved by offering payments to family members of victims, how much money the National Guard and the army have paid out and how many guardsmen and soldiers have avoided investigation.

However, the news website said it was able to determine that the army has compensated 187 victims in the last 10 years via an “opaque process that avoided the intervention of other institutions.”

Michael Chamberlin, a former director of compensation at CEAV, said he never witnessed money being paid out in exchange for people agreeing to drop charges against security force members.

“The law says that [people] have a right to truth, justice and compensation. I never saw a case like this,” he said, referring to the money offered to the families of Rivera and Salinas. “It should not be allowed to be like this.”

Source: Animal Político (sp) 

Is going home to get a vaccine ‘jumping the line’?

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Mexican television presenter Juan José Origel was mocked for getting a Covid shot in the US. How should expats feel about getting vaccinated in their home country?
Mexican television presenter Juan José Origel was mocked for getting a Covid shot in the US. How should expats feel about getting vaccinated in their home country?

Since writing my article last week about the slow-moving pace of the vaccine roll-out in Mexico and the travesty of ignoring or otherwise swatting away private healthcare workers, I’ve been thinking a lot about the ethics of traveling home to my country to get the jab myself, as it seems that it could be a while if I decide to wait it out here.

Not all of the responsibility for the slow rate down here is carried by Mexico. The powers that be aren’t all-powerful gods, and they can’t simply make vaccines appear out of nowhere if shipments are delayed, canceled or otherwise unexpectedly unavailable or late.

Add to that the country’s fame for not being even close to the most efficient when it comes to distributing public goods and services, and it’s hard to have much faith that we’ll be on the other end of this pandemic anytime soon around here.

All that said, there’s some good news. In my state of Veracruz (as well as in Chiapas, Nayarit, Tamaulipas, and Coahuila; other groups of states are set to follow shortly), for example, it was announced that all teachers and school personnel of any sort — public and private — will be receiving their first shots this week. All of them. This week.

It sounds too good to be true, but I pray that it’s not. In my particular university town, teachers and other school workers account for a sizable portion of the population. This means that many of those who are younger and wouldn’t otherwise be eligible for the vaccine until what will very likely be next year will get their shots. Granted, they’ll be inoculated with the single-dose Chinese Cansino vaccine, which comes in at only a 65.7% effectiveness, but hey: that’s better than the 0% those of us without the vaccine are looking at.

Well done, Mexico. Credit where credit is due. I’m still upset about private medical workers, but I’m not a “throw the baby out with the bathwater” kind of girl. I’ll take incremental, maddeningly frustrating, halting change and improvement over no improvement at all.

I do have a few questions: will it only be for those actively employed? What if they were working at one of the many private schools that has since shut their doors, as unable to survive as the other million-plus businesses during what has now been a one-year-plus-long closing?

Furthermore, does the government have a list of everyone who works in a private school and is therefore eligible? I ask because they didn’t have a list of private healthcare workers, which as Mexico City Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum explained, was the reason that so many private health personnel were left out (this in spite of AMLO’s doubling-down on his insistence that, no, really, they should “wait their turn”).

Further investigation (from me) has revealed that the SEP will be the ones to determine those who are currently in the system. Boy, do I hope they’ve got more updated records of their people than the Ministry of Health does.

Despite all this, I refuse to fall victim to total cynicism. I am totally willing to concede (and do hope) that we may all be pleasantly surprised. And for now, I’m cautiously optimistic: all of the personnel at my daughter’s private school will be receiving their vaccines this week. That’s a lot of under-40 people, after all! Great!

But back to my own decision. Like many well-off Mexicans have been doing, I want to go to the United States (of which, to be fair, I am a tax-paying citizen) in order to get vaccinated sooner rather than later. This is a unique privilege that I have and, consequently, the root of some very real existential guilt. As much as I try to convince myself that it’s not something I should feel guilty about at all, here we are.

From what I can observe, most people who are well-off do not waste their time feeling guilty about taking advantage of the many privileges they have because they don’t see themselves as responsible for the absence of privilege in others. I don’t either — at least not directly — but I do recognize my place in a system that benefits some and hurts others, and that’s the part that’s so hard for me to ignore.

The truth is that after all these years, I am still at a stage where I feel like a bit of a fraud. I’ve always felt like an imposter on the privileged “team,” and it feels as if I’m being disloyal by arriving in Mexico and suddenly finding myself on the side that always wins when I know so deeply what it feels like to lose.

It seems easy for most, at least from what I can tell, to shrug their shoulders and see only the positive side: they’ll be vaccinated, and by virtue of that, they’ll help in the collective effort to have as many people vaccinated in their communities as possible, period. It’s an attitude I’m trying hard to cultivate.

Logically, they’re right. Me denying myself just on principle is stupid. It’s not going to help anyone else — and actually might hurt them if I were to later contract and then pass on the coronavirus.

But I’m not going to pretend that it’s a totally selfless move. My impending trip both squarely places a tick on one side of the inequality scale and adds one more vaccinated person to the community, which helps us collectively.

Do I need it much more than others? No, I do not. I’m healthy, young-ish and do not need (but very much want) to go out much.

Even before the pandemic hit, I had no office to go to, no school or clinic or store. It’s been hard for me the way it has for everyone, but it has by no means been disastrous in the way that it has been for so many others.

What right do I have when others do not? I both do and don’t feel good about it. Seriously, y’all…at my most existentially angsty, I’m basically Chidi from The Good Place.

In the end, like many of my fellow well-off hosts, I will very likely go to the U.S. for a vaccine as I try my best to quiet the childish and anxious insistence that my doing so is unfair.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sdevrieswritingandtranslating.com.

INAH denounces construction project in protected archaeological area

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Mexico's historical preservation agency reported to México state authorities about illegal construction on private land at the protected Teotihuacán site.
Mexico's historical preservation agency reported to México state authorities about illegal construction on private land at the protected Teotihuacán site.

The National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) filed a complaint on Tuesday against an illegal construction project on land that is part of the Teotihuacán archaeological site in México state.

Work on a construction project believed to be an amusement park has been suspended twice by Teotihuacán Archaeological Zone (ZAT) authorities, but builders have returned, according to site director Rogelio Rivera Chong.

The project is being built on private land in Oztoyahualco, an area that is known as the “old city” because it is believed that the Teotihuacán settlement began there.

Rivera told the newspaper Reforma that there are bases of some 24 pre-Hispanic structures on the site that haven’t been excavated.

Sergio Gómez, an INAH archaeologist, said that renowned researchers have “acknowledged the … importance of the place [Oztoyahualco] to explain the origins of Teotihuacán,” which is now a popular tourism site with two large pyramids.

Construction scaffolding found on the land parcel in Oztoyahualco.
Construction scaffolding found on the parcel of land in Oztoyahualco.

“In several parts of this area, there are openings that are mistakenly thought of as caves. However, it is known with complete certainty that they are old mines where the Teotihuacán people extracted the tezontle [a kind of volcanic rock] with which they built the great city,” he said.

According to Rivera, illegal construction is underway on at least three privately-owned lots in Oztoyahualco, which is part of zone B of the Teotihuacán site. The largest project — that which is believed to be an amusement park — is being built on a 7-hectare parcel owned by former Mexico City police chief René Monterrubio, who was also mayor of San Juan Teotihuacán between 2013 and 2015.

Rivera said that Monterrubio has failed to file the required paperwork to regularize the project — even though all construction in zone B is ostensibly prohibited — after it was suspended by ZAT authorities on two separate occasions in March. Asked about speculation that Monterrubio intends to build an amusement park on the Oztoyahualco land, the Teotihuacán site director responded:

“Some businesspeople in the region believe that the visitor comes [to Teotihaucán] to have fun and needs an amusement park. I don’t know if the intention is to build a recreational park; Mr. Monterrubio didn’t say that, the people say that.”

Rivera noted that INAH has previously rejected a proposal to build a Ferris wheel at Teotihuacán because it is a UNESCO World Heritage site and the existing landscape must be preserved.

As a result of INAH’s complaint, which was filed with the México state Attorney General’s Office, it is expected that state police will investigate and request further documentation from the institute to support its grievance. The filing of the complaint came after Teotihuacán researchers wrote to INAH to ask it to intervene to stop the destruction and alteration of pre-Hispanic heritage at Oztoyahualco.

The researchers implored INAH to act urgently to offer all its legal support to the ZAT authorities in order to stop the construction.

“We know that since approximately a month ago, several projects and constructions began at this place … [due to] the scant supervision by INAH,” said the March 29 letter sent to INAH director Diego Prieto and other high-ranking officials.

INAH also owns property in the area, but according to the researchers it, too, has been subjected to “destruction and looting.”

“… In recent years clandestine and illegal construction has increased exponentially [at Teotihuacán], even on the immediate boundaries of zone A, damaging the archaeological heritage …” the letter said.

A petition calling for an end to destruction of the Teotihuacán archeological zone was launched on the website change.org and attracted more than 12,000 signatures of support before it closed.

Source: Reforma (sp), El Universal (sp) 

Both ancient and modern roots influence a Xochimilco Holy Cross fiesta

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San Gregorio Atlapulco’s Barrio La Cruz neighborhood celebrates the Feast of the Holy Cross with a mix of indigenous and Catholic traditions going back centuries.
San Gregorio Atlapulco’s Barrio La Cruz neighborhood celebrates the Feast of the Holy Cross with a mix of indigenous and Catholic traditions going back centuries. Photos by Joseph Sorrentino

Shouts and laughter fill the air as a group of women struggle to haul a cross that weighs about 250 pounds up an incline leading to Xilotepec, a hill on the outskirts of San Gregorio Atlapulco.

That cross, and two others, are being returned to their place on the crest of the hill two days after they’d been taken down, repainted and decorated. Toting the crosses back up the hill is the culmination of Día de la Cruz (Day of the Cross), which is actually a three-day event that takes place May 1–3 in San Gregorio and in many Mexican pueblos every year.

The hills outside of San Gregorio, located in the Xochimilco borough of Mexico City, are filled with unexcavated ruins. Guarding one of the entrances to the ruins — believed to be in large part the remains of a Mexica religious center — are two giant boulders, referred to in the pueblo as los monolitos (the monoliths).

One of these depicts a priest of Xipe Totec, the Aztec god of, among other things, vegetation and spring. That monolith is still erect, but next to him, lying on the ground, is a monolith depicting Cihuateteo (locals call her La Malinche), the Aztec fertility goddess.

“That monolith was toppled by the order of Franciscan friars sometime in the decade of 1770,” said Javier Márquez Juárez, who has authored two books and several articles about the ruins.

While maintaining the crosses on a hill above San Gregorio Atlapulco is a solemn duty, the women entrusted with bringing it uphill do the work with joy and laughter.
While maintaining the crosses on a hill above San Gregorio Atlapulco is a solemn duty, the women entrusted with bringing it uphill do the work with joy and laughter in this pre-Covid photo.

They probably tried to knock down the priest as well — there’s a small hole in his center that may have been drilled so that they could place a pole in it, in an attempt to dislodge him — but if they did, he wouldn’t budge.

Despite the Franciscans’ efforts, the monoliths maintained their grip on the people.

“Sometime in the late 18th century, Franciscan friars discovered that indigenous people were still performing their ancient rituals in front of the monoliths,” continued Márquez.

This apparently didn’t go over well with the friars. “They placed three large crosses on the top of the hill above them,” he said.

This is similar to what Spaniards did during the Conquest when they frequently built churches or chapels atop pyramids to assert Catholicism’s dominance over indigenous religions.

Día de la Cruz has an extremely long history. Its roots stretch back to 326, when St. Helena, mother of the Roman emperor Constantine, went to Jerusalem to search for remnants of the cross on which Christ is said to have been crucified.

Reinstalling the crosses at the top of Xilotepec, a hill outside San Gregorio Atlapulco where the wooden constructions overlook the town.
Reinstalling the crosses at the top of Xilotepec, a hill outside San Gregorio Atlapulco where the wooden constructions overlook the town.

On May 3 of that year, she found pieces of wood on Calvary, the traditional site of Jesus’s crucifixion. One of the pieces supposedly healed the sick and raised the dead, marking it as the True Cross, the one that held Jesus. Día de la Cruz was first celebrated in Spain on May 3, 1625, when a cross was erected in the district of San Lázaro. It’s still celebrated in Spain as well as in Mexico and many other Latin American countries.

While the religious holiday is a Catholic celebration, its occurrence in the early part of May coincides with the beginning of the rainy season, “a critical time for indigenous cultures,” said Uriel Muñoz Garcia, the mayordomo (lay religious leader) who organized the day in Barrio La Cruz, the neighborhood in San Gregorio that’s responsible for caring for the crosses.

Pre-Colombian cultures performed ceremonies during that time to ensure a good rainy season and harvest. This coincidence almost certainly led to the celebration being more easily accepted by indigenous groups, and as Márquez pointed out, the cross is also a potent symbol in indigenous religions.

“For the Náhuatl cosmovision, the four cardinal points form a cross: Quetzalcóatl is east, Xipe Totec is west, Tezcatlipoca, north and Huitzilopochtli, south. But the indigenous cross has arms of equal length,” he said.

Although the ceremony’s roots go back almost 1,700 years, it wasn’t observed in San Gregorio until about 50 years ago. “One of the crosses was broken,” explained Muñoz, “and they took it down and fixed it.”

In Mexico, the day is also celebrated by construction workers. “When working, they’ll place a cross at the worksite,” said Márquez.

Decorating a cross in preparation for the feast day.
Decorating a cross in preparation for the feast day.

On May 1, a group of about 20 men from Barrio La Cruz make their way to the top of Xilotopec. Large rocks at the base of the crosses are moved, and the crosses are carefully lowered and hoisted onto the men’s shoulders.

Although not dangerous, the path is narrow, rugged and steep in places, making the descent tricky and slow. The group makes its way through the pueblo to Barrio la Cruz, where the crosses are stored on a street that’s been blocked off. Then, of course, a meal is served. Later in the day, the crosses are stripped of old paint and a fresh coat applied.

Early on May 2, neighbors, many of them Muñoz’s relatives, gather to decorate the crosses with red and white carnations. Like virtually all Catholic ceremonies in Mexico, there are pre-Hispanic elements to Día de la Cruz.

“During the pre-Hispanic era, they celebrated the fiesta of Hueytozoztli between April 29 and May 2,” explained Márquez. This is a festival dedicated to Tláloc, the Aztec rain god.

“During this fiesta, [Aztecs] climbed the mountain and decorated an image of Tláloc with flowers like they now do to the crosses. Carnations are used here because they last a long time, but roses, gladiolas and other flowers can be used. The red and white colors have a pre-Hispanic significance relating to war and agriculture.”

A cloth, called a sendal, is also tied on the crosses in three places.

The long haul back uphill is steep and the ground is tricky.The long haul back uphill is steep and the ground is tricky.
The long haul back uphill is steep and the ground is tricky.

“From the Catholic point of view, the sendal represents the three points where Jesus was nailed to the cross,” Márquez said. “They also symbolize the crowns and necklaces that [local Aztec] monarchs hung on the monolith carved with the image of Tláloc and those that hung on the head and feet of [the monarchs] according to the pueblo’s importance. The Aztec king placed the crown on his head, and the Xochimilco king placed it on his feet because it was the weakest pueblo.”

At night on May 2, there’s a velación, a ritual that takes place the night before important fiestas. Prayers are offered before the neighborhood’s cross, incense is burned and concheros, traditional musicians, sing and play stringed instruments.

After a midday Mass on May 3, another meal is served. Finally, sometime around 6 p.m., a crowd gathers, the crosses are lifted and cohetes — the bottle rockets that are ubiquitous in pueblos throughout Mexico — announce the beginning of the journey back to Xilotepec.

Márquez noted a relatively new aspect of this and other celebrations in San Gregorio. “Women now also carry the cross,” he said. “This did not happen before.”

The crosses are carefully placed back in their holes and stabilized. Then, more cohetes are lit, and tequila is usually passed around. Once the crosses are in place, a ceremony for the new mayordomo is held.

Being a mayordomo is a large, time-consuming and expensive responsibility. The mayordomo plans for and provides the meals for Día de la Cruz and for other events during the year.

The newly decorated crosses.
The newly decorated crosses.

But, said Muñoz, the outgoing mayordomo, “It is an honor to do this. My father and my grandfather were both mayordomos.”

Joseph Sorrentino, a writer, photographer and author of the book San Gregorio Atlapulco: Cosmvisiones and of Stinky Island Tales: Some Stories from an Italian-American Childhood, is a regular contributor to Mexico News Daily. More examples of his photographs and links to other articles may be found at www.sorrentinophotography.com  He currently lives in Chipilo, Puebla.

Security-focused NGO ranks 18 Mexican cities among world’s 50 most violent

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Violence in the NGO's list-topping city of Celaya, Guanajuato, is so rampant that last July, fed-up residents took to the streets to demand authorities do something.
Violence in the NGO's list-topping city of Celaya, Guanajuato, is so rampant that last July, fed-up residents took to the streets to demand authorities do something.

Seven Mexican cities were among the world’s 10 most violent in 2020, and 18 were among the top 50, according to a study by a Mexican nongovernmental organization.

The Citizens Council for Public Security and Criminal Justice (CCSPJP) ranked Celaya, Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, Ciudad Obregón, Irapuato, Ensenada and Uruapan in the top 10 in its annual ranking of the world’s 50 most violent cities.

Celaya, a midsized city in Guanajuato, topped the list with 109.38 homicides per 100,000 residents in 2020.

Mexican cities occupied positions 2 through 6 as well: Tijuana, Baja California, ranked second with a murder rate of 105.15 per 100,000 people, followed by Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua (103.61); Ciudad Obregón, Sonora (101.13); Irapuato, Guanajuato (94.99); and Ensenada, Baja California (90.58).

With a per capita homicide rate of 72.59, Uruapan, Michoacán, was ranked as the eighth most violent city in the world in 2020, one spot behind St. Louis, Missouri. Feira de Santana, Brazil, and Cape Town, South Africa, rounded out the top 10.

According to the NGO’s study, the 11 other Mexican cities among the 50 most violent were Zacatecas (15th), Acapulco (18th), Culiacán (25th), Cuernavaca (26th), Morelia (27th), Chihuahua (32nd), Colima (35th), Cancún (44th), Ciudad Victoria (45th), León (47th) and Minatitlán (49th).

Guadalajara and Reynosa were among the 50 most violent cities in 2019, according to the Citizens Council, but didn’t appear on the 2020 list.

Although a recent survey by Mexico’s statistics agency Inegi revealed that the crime-ridden city of Fresnillo, Zacatecas, has the distinction of being the Mexican city where the highest percentage of residents say they feel unsafe, it did not meet the population threshold to be considered for the Citizens Council’s list. The NGO only analyzes homicide data for cities with populations of 300,000 or greater. The municipality of Fresnillo has a population of 240,532, according to Inegi’s 2020 census.

Cities in war zones are also excluded from the annual list.

In a statement issued Tuesday, the CCSPJP noted that it was the fourth consecutive year that a Mexican city had ranked as the most violent in the world. Tijuana was placed at the top of the 2019 list.

The NGO also noted that Mexico has more cities among the 50 most violent in the world than any other country. Brazil ranked second with 11, followed by Venezuela with six and the United States with five.

“Mexico has now been the global epicenter of homicidal violence for two years. It’s not a coincidence,” the CCSPJP said, asserting that the government of President López Obrador implemented “the worst [possible] policy of crime ‘control’” in 2019 and 2020, years in which there were more than 34,000 homicides.

It criticized the government for believing that criminals will behave well if they are not bothered by official security forces. The NGO also censured the government for believing that its social programs will stop people from committing crimes.

In a nutshell, it believes that López Obrador’s so-called “hugs, not bullets” security strategy is not working.

The CCSPJP called on citizens’ organizations and religious groups to speak out and denounce crime.

“We have to keep raising our voices. This crisis of violence, impunity and insecurity, together with the pandemic, puts peaceful coexistence at serious risk in all of Mexico,” it said.

Mexico News Daily 

Environment ministry turns down 3 hotel proposals in Cancún

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The Environment Ministry insists that services cannot support more hotels.
The Environment Ministry insists that services cannot support more hotels.

Three hotel projects in Cancún’s hotel zone have been rejected by the Ministry of Environment.

The hotel chain Palace Resorts planned to build 1,356 rooms with an investment of US $270 million at Punta Nizuc.

According to the company’s application the three projects consist of the construction and operation of three 12-story hotels of 432, 428 and 496 rooms.

The application also highlighted the ecology of the proposed site, a mangrove forest with 22 species of fauna including birds, reptiles and mammals. There are also tortoises habitats in the vicinity, which would likely be affected by the construction.

The National Tourism Promotion Fund (Fonatur) warned at the beginning of 2020 that Cancún’s hotel zone could not support any additional hotel rooms. Essential services, like sewage treatment and the provision of drinking water were reportedly at the point of collapse. Despite that, there are 6,000 rooms under construction in the area.

Fonatur director Alejando Varela Arellano said it was opposed to the construction of more hotels in Cancún, such as the Grand Island and the RIU Riviera, which together total 3,530 new rooms, but those projects are going ahead.

“Fonatur is against the over densification … the number of rooms that they [Grand Island and RIU Riviera Cancún] are proposing exceeds the capacity of services that exist,” he said.

Sources: El Economista (sp), Inmobiliare (sp)

Cartels fight back in Aguililla, deploy drones to attack police convoy

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Armored cartel tank weighing more than 10 tonnes was found by Michoacán authorities Tuesday
Armored cartel tank weighing more than 10 tonnes was found by Michoacán authorities Tuesday while clearing a blockade from the Apatzingán–Aguililla highway.

The Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) is being accused of attacking a Michoacán police convoy with explosive-laden drones in Aguililla in the early hours of Tuesday morning, just hours after the same security force cleared highway blockades in the municipality.

Two officers were wounded in the attack, which occurred in the community of El Aguaje, but the Michoacán Public Security Ministry (SSP) said their injuries were not serious and they had been released from hospital.

In light of the attack, police bolstered their presence in Aguililla “to preserve order and avoid acts that place the safety of the public at risk,” the SSP said.

However, police were unable to stop gang members from reestablishing blockades on the Apatzingán-Aguililla highway.

Less than 24 hours after police reopened the highway, which had been blocked at seven locations with stones, trenches and vehicles, the road was once again cut off near the community of El Terrero. It is unclear whether the CJNG or the Cárteles Unidos — the two groups are engaged in a bloody turf war in Aguililla — set up the new blockades, which included a trench across the highway.

The newspaper El Universal has reported that the CJNG was responsible for the previous blockades — which have caused shortages of essential goods in Aguililla — whereas Reforma, citing local residents, has said that the Cárteles Unidos established them. State police had repaired the Apatzingán-Aguililla highway on Tuesday and reopened it to traffic.

By blocking the highway again so soon after it was cleared, criminals mocked authorities, said José Segura, a Catholic priest in Apatzingán.

“Criminals dug up the highway again. It shows the [lack of] respect that the criminals have for the authorities and also the inability of the authorities … to bring these people under control,” he said.

Other residents criticized the state police for not carrying out permanent security operations in Aguililla and the broader Tierra Caliente region.

“There is uncertainty in Aguililla. We have this problem; it’s not just now, it’s been going on for months. The government tells us that the highway is open, but they [the security forces] leave the next day and everything goes back to how it was,” one resident told Reforma.

Source: El Universal (sp), Reforma (sp) 

US raises Mexico travel advisory to level 4 ‘do not travel’ due to Covid

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Mexico hot spots according to the US State Department.
Mexico hot spots according to the US State Department.

Citing Covid-19 concerns, the United States has raised its travel advisory for Mexico to level 4, or “Do not travel.”

Previously, the Department of State’s advisory for U.S. citizens regarding Mexico was at level 3, or “Reconsider travel.”

“Do not travel to Mexico due to Covid-19. Exercise increased caution in Mexico due to crime and kidnapping. Some areas have increased risk,” reads the latest advisory, issued Tuesday. “… The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has issued a Level 4 Travel Health Notice for Mexico due to Covid-19, indicating a very high level of Covid-19 in the country.”

According to Mexico’s Health Ministry, there are currently an estimated 26,000 active coronavirus cases in the country.

The updated travel advisory came just a day after Mexico announced it was easing restrictions at the northern border to allow nonessential land travel from the U.S. via five of the six border states.

In addition to warning against all travel to Mexico due to Covid-19, the advisory warns U.S. citizens not to travel to Colima, Guerrero, Michoacán and Sinaloa due to crime and to Tamaulipas due to crime and kidnapping.

It advises U.S. citizens to reconsider travel to Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, Jalisco, México state, Morelos, Nayarit, Nuevo León, San Luis Potosí, Sonora and Zacatecas due to crime. Travelers are advised to exercise increased caution in the rest of the country.

The advisory states that violent crime such as homicide, kidnapping, carjacking and robbery is widespread in Mexico. It also says the U.S. government has limited ability to provide emergency services to its citizens in many areas since travel by U.S. government employees to certain areas is prohibited or significantly restricted.

People who do decide to travel to Mexico should keep traveling companions and family back home informed of their travel plans, use toll roads when possible and avoid driving alone or at night, according to the Department of State. It also advises U.S. citizens to exercise increased caution when visiting local bars, nightclubs and casinos and not display signs of wealth such as expensive watches or jewelry. Also, be extra vigilant when visiting banks or ATMs, the advisory says.

Additional advice for people traveling to Mexico and specific information about the security situation in each of the 32 states can be found on the State Department website.

Mexico News Daily 

Extending term of Supreme Court chief ‘an assault on justice:’ Human Rights Watch

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Americas director of Human Rights Watch José Miguel VivancoJosé Miguel Vivanco
Americas director of Human Rights Watch José Miguel Vivanco.

The federal government’s move to extend the term of the chief justice of the Supreme Court (SCJN) is an “assault on justice,” according to the Americas director of Human Rights Watch (HRW).

José Miguel Vivanco said the reform passed by the Senate last week to extend by two years the term of Arturo Zaldívar — considered an ally of President López Obrador — violates an article of the Mexican constitution restricting the maximum term of a chief justice to four years.

The reform, which hasn’t yet passed the lower house of Congress, would allow Zaldívar to remain at the head of the SCJN for six years and leave the position after AMLO, as the president is commonly known, finishes his term.

In the first of a series of Twitter posts on the subject, Vivanco — a Chilean lawyer and Latin America expert — asserted that “AMLO is threatening judicial independence in Mexico.”

He noted that the chief justice of the Supreme Court is also one of the seven members of the Federal Judiciary Council (CJF), adding that one of the other six is chosen by the president, two are elected by the Senate and three are selected by the SCJN.

President López Obrador (left) and Arturo Zaldívar (right) are widely considered to be allies.
President López Obrador, left, and Arturo Zaldívar are widely considered to be allies.

“By extending the mandate of the president of the Supreme Court,” Vivanco wrote, AMLO — “who has a majority in the Senate” and “has said he has ‘has confidence in’ Zaldívar” — is guaranteed a majority in the CJF.

“Why is it so worrying for AMLO to have an automatic majority in the [Federal Judiciary] Council? Because with four votes he can take momentous decisions, such as approving the forced withdrawal of judges,” the HRW director wrote.

“With one more vote, AMLO would have a qualified majority of five judges that would allow him to name, sanction and remove judges,” Vivanco wrote.

“In fact, not long ago AMLO tried to sanction a judge simply for ruling against him,” he added in another tweet, referring to López Obrador’s remarks that a judge who suspended the government’s new Electricity Industry Law should be investigated.

“… Do you have any doubt about this assault on justice? Listen to AMLO acknowledge his own chess move without any shame,” Vivanco concluded.

Below the post appeared a video of López Obrador endorsing the reform to extend Zaldívar’s term as chief justice and “especially” as president of the CJF.

The council Zaldívar heads is the body that can carry out the required changes to the judicial power, the president said last Friday.

He asserted on Tuesday that if the chief justice’s term is not extended, the government’s proposed changes to the judiciary — among which are Senate-approved reforms designed to eliminate corruption, nepotism and harassment in the court system — will not be carried out.

“I believe that it is very important for Chief Justice Zaldívar to continue because he is an upright, honest man with principles, and the laws that were approved to renew the judicial power need to become reality. And for that, an honorable person like the president of the court is needed,” López Obrador said at his regular news conference.

There is no other person who can lead the overhaul of the judicial system because most other Supreme Court justices were installed when corrupt former governments were in power, he said.

The president said he had received legal advice that the extension of Zaldívar’s term is not unconstitutional. He rejected any suggestion that he would seek to extend his own term as president, asserting that the extension of the chief justice’s term would not be a “prologue” to his reelection.

López Obrador reiterated that when his term as president ends, he will retire to his ranch in Palenque, Chiapas, where he intends to write a book.

“I’m going to live on my ISSSTE [State Workers Social Security Institute] pension,” he said, adding that he will also be eligible for an old-age pension.

AMLO said that he will completely withdraw from politics after he retires, explaining: “That’s why I’m working intensely [now], because I hope to fulfill my mission” to transform Mexico.

Source: El Universal (sp), Milenio (sp)