Monday, August 18, 2025

AMLO renews attack on journalist with a history lesson to show media can’t be trusted

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AMLO dedicated some of his morning press conference to showing old news footage of a 2005 televised arrest that turned out to be restaged by police for the Televisa news network.
AMLO dedicated a portion of his morning press conference to showing old news footage of a 2005 televised arrest that turned out to have been restaged by police.

To support President López Obrador’s claims that the injection of a man with an empty syringe at a Covid-19 vaccination center in Mexico City may have been staged and that the media can’t be trusted, the federal government on Wednesday recalled a 2005 case in which two people were arrested for kidnapping on live national television in what was in fact a setup.

At the president’s regular news conference, the government screened footage originally broadcast on the Televisa network in December 2005, showing the arrest of Israel Vallarta and Florence Cassez, his French girlfriend, by federal police.

Interior Minister Olga Sánchez noted that the pair were in fact arrested the day before the staged arrest was broadcast.

The day after their arrest on the Mexico City–Cuernavaca highway, Vallarta and Cassez were forced to participate in a staged arrest at a cabin where they were supposedly holding their kidnapping victims hostage.

There was “no agreement” between the first arrest and the staged, televised arrest with regard to the place, time and way in which they occurred, Sánchez said.

She said that the head of the federal investigative police at the time, Genaro García Luna — currently in custody in the United States on drug trafficking and bribery charges — later admitted that the televised arrest was a “dramatization unconnected to reality.”

García declared on television that the televised arrest was a “setup,” the interior minister added.

President López Obrador, who is frequently critical of the media, said the 15-year-old case was being revisited to show that the press cannot always be trusted.

“We’re going to look at the issue of setups that are carried out by the media with the intention of manipulating public opinion,” he said.

López Obrador suggested Monday that the injection of a senior with an empty syringe was staged, asserting that the media is “capable of everything.”

“… I know a journalist and a television channel that were specialists in setups, so I don’t trust [the media],” he said.

Journalist Carlos Loret de Mola, who broadcast the faked arrest footage for Televisa in 2005, said he didn't know that the apprehension was staged by police (from Twitter).
Journalist Carlos Loret de Mola, who broadcast the faked arrest footage for Televisa in 2005, said he didn’t know that the apprehension was staged by police (from Twitter).

It became clear on Wednesday that the president was referring to Televisa, which has long had a cozy relationship with the once-omnipotent Institutional Revolutionary Party, and the journalist Carlos Loret de Mola, the presenter of the news program on which the staged arrest was broadcast in 2005.

López Obrador, who has clashed previously with Loret de Mola — an outspoken critic of the federal government — said that setups have long been a part of the Mexican media landscape.

“Things like this that we’ve just seen were presented during the neoliberal period [which the president defines as occurring between 1982 and until he came to power in 2018] and, of course, in earlier times,” he said.

The president charged that setups occurred because of the “close and even criminal association that existed between the political power and the media.”

The public were left in a “state of defenselessness,” he said. “They could be manipulated with complete freedom,” he  added before asserting that his government will never participate in any media setups designed to deceive the public.

Despite his condemnation of media deceit, López Obrador, accused of stigmatizing the press in a new Amnesty International report, stressed that his administration will not seek to legislate to make media manipulation a crime.

“Freedoms are guaranteed; there is no censorship. There is no repression of the media … but there is no longer this perverse relationship [with the government],” he said.

Later on Wednesday, Loret de Mola posted a video message to social media in which he said that he wasn’t aware that the arrest of Vallarta and Cassez was staged at the time it was televised and noted that he has apologized for the deceitful broadcast on numerous occasions.

The journalist claimed that the president’s motivation for screening footage of the 15-year-old staged arrest — which he described as “an ambush against me” — was to provide a distraction from corruption accusations leveled against members of López Obrador’s government and family, including his brother Pío López Obrador who, in two videos that surfaced last year, is shown receiving large amounts of cash from an advisor to the Chiapas government.

Loret de Mola said the injection of a person with an empty syringe simply requires an investigation and the imposition of penalties if it is determined that the simulated vaccination occurred on purpose. But López Obrador instead sought to find a scapegoat in the media, he said.

The journalist charged that what the president did on Wednesday was a “precise representation” of the federal government: “in the face of any difficulty, any error or improper action, the fundamental interest is not to respond to the worries of his constituents but rather to desperately look for who to blame.”

Loret de Mola said the government targeted him because he hasn’t succumbed to the president’s belief that the media should “flatter and applaud him.”

López Obrador and his administration went after him, Loret de Mola added, because they weren’t capable of articulating a “simple response about a vaccine that wasn’t administered.”

“This says everything about the current government and he who leads it. Who’s important is him, only him, his image and his grudges,” he said, adding that it was ironic that the president was accusing him of deceit when he has said “27 times” that the pandemic is under control, lied about the real Covid-19 death toll and claimed that there is no economic crisis.

“He has lied 45,000 times in just over two years of morning press conferences; this is a hard fact. I accepted my error 16 years ago, and I’ve offered public apologies on several occasions and faced legal consequences. But he [López Obrador] doesn’t [own up to his mistakes]. To hide the reality, he reverts to farce every morning. I will continue doing journalism whatever the cost,” Loret de Mola concluded.

Source: Reforma (sp), Infobae (sp)

Amnesty International report critical of human rights violations in Mexico

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The killing of Giovanni López by police for not wearing a face mask, which sparked protests
The killing of Giovanni López by police for not wearing a face mask, which sparked protests, was cited in the Amnesty International Report.

Unlawful killings, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances and violence against women and girls are among a range of human rights violations cited by Amnesty International (AI) in a new report.

In the Mexico section of its 2020-2021 human rights report, AI cited three unlawful killings perpetrated by Mexican security forces last year.

They were the death of 30-year-old Giovanni López Ramírez, who was allegedly killed by municipal police in Ixtlahuacán de los Membrillos, Jalisco, last May after being arrested for not wearing a face mask; the army’s execution last July of 19-year-old Arturo Garza, an unarmed survivor of a shootout in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, between the military and a criminal group; and the alleged murder last October of 35-year-old Yéssica Silva by the National Guard, which opened fire on her vehicle in Delicias, Chihuahua, as she returned home from a farmers’ water rights protest.

In the “Extrajudicial Killings” sub-section of its Mexico report, AI said that the federal Attorney General’s Office attempted to close the investigation into the killing of 22 people by soldiers in Tlatlaya, México state, in 2014, before having properly investigated chain-of-command responsibility in the case.

However, the attempted closure was halted by victims’ representatives, the organization said.

It came to light last week that the Ministry of National Defense last month secretly rearrested seven soldiers in connection with the incident, known as the Tlatlaya massacre.

AI noted that President López Obrador signed a decree last May ordering the armed forces to be permanently deployed in public security operations until March 2024. But the decree didn’t include “substantive regulations to ensure their conduct was consistent with international standards,” the report said.

AI also raised concerns about the arbitrary detention of at least 27 people during protests in Guadalajara last June triggered by the death of Giovanni López.

“Protesters were abducted in unmarked vehicles, and their whereabouts were unknown for several hours. Local organizations reported that at least 20 of these detentions could amount to enforced disappearances,” the report said.

It added that such disappearances by state agents and disappearances carried out by nonstate actors continued to be a concern. “Those suspected of criminal responsibility enjoyed almost total impunity,” AI said.

Entitled The State of the World’s Human Rights, the report noted that almost 7,000 people were registered as missing in Mexico in 2020, and almost 64,000 disappeared over the past decade.

In the “Violence against Women and Girls” subsection, AI acknowledged that the femicides in February 2020 of 25-year-old Ingrid Escamilla, whose body was skinned by her partner, and 7-year-old Fátima Cecilia Aldrighett Antón, whose body was found in a plastic bag, “sparked outrage, leading to unprecedented attendance at social protests on International Women’s Day.”

“… During 2020, 3,752 killings of women were reported, 969 of which were investigated as femicides,” the report said.

It also said that up to December, there were just over 260,000 calls to the 911 emergency line to report incidents of violence against women, a 32% increase compared to the entire previous year.

The NGO also noted that the government slashed 75% of the National Women’s Institute operational funding last July and asserted that President López Obrador “continued to downplay the issue of violence against women, questioning the validity of calls made to emergency services to report domestic violence and criticizing women’s protests against femicides.

In addition, AI noted that the National Human Rights Commission’s Mexico City headquarters was taken over by women protesting the lack of progress by authorities on the issue of violence against women, adding that “alerts of gender-based violence against women” remained operational in 18 states.

With regard to sexual and reproductive rights, the human rights organization noted that the Supreme Court rejected an injunction request last July that sought to change the legislation criminalizing abortion in Veracruz. Abortion activists had been optimistic that the court would deliver a landmark ruling that would pave the way for the decriminalization of abortion across Mexico.

The report said that human rights defenders continued to be attacked and harassed, noting that 24 such people were killed last year.

“Defenders of environmental and indigenous peoples’ human rights expressed concern about the Maya Train mega project. The president responded by publicly accusing them of being ‘false environmentalists,’” it said.

AI also noted that media workers continued to be threatened, harassed and attacked last year and that at least 19 journalists were killed.

“The president stigmatized human rights defenders and the media on various occasions,” the report said.

“… In September, a letter signed by 650 journalists and academics accused the president of actions harmful to freedom of expression, including a series of public statements undermining the press, permitting an environment conducive to censorship, administrative sanctions and misuse of the law to intimidate the press.”

AI also noted in the report’s “Freedoms of Expression and Assembly” subsection that police in León, Guanajuato, arbitrarily detained 22 women and beat and sexually assaulted several women and girls during a women’s protest last August.

“In November, in Cancún, police used live ammunition on a series of mostly peaceful protest by women protesting against femicides,” the report added.

AI also said that torture and other ill-treatment by Mexican authorities remained a concern in 2020 and that migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers continued to face excessive use of force and arbitrary detention by authorities, as well as abductions, assaults and killings by nonstate actors.

“Civil society organizations presented several injunctions between April and the end of the year requesting the release of all people in immigration detention and an end to such detentions due to the Covid-19 risk. A federal judge in Mexico City ruled that all those in immigration detention should be released. However, authorities failed to comply with the ruling and detentions continued, depriving migrants not only of their right to health but also to liberty,” the report said.

Mexican authorities have further ramped up enforcement against migrants in recent weeks.

Amnesty International also raised concerns about the federal government’s management of the coronavirus pandemic, which has claimed more than 205,000 lives, according to the official tally, which is widely considered a significant undercount.

“The government responded to the Covid-19 pandemic with cuts to public spending in various areas. Health workers reported that they lacked access to personal protective equipment [PPE] and the benefits needed to ensure a safe working environment,” the report said.

At least 2,397 health workers died with Covid-19 in Mexico last year, AI noted. It also acknowledged that several health workers were physically attacked in public places or on public transport during the pandemic.

In the broader Americas region, “government responses to the [coronavirus] crisis had far-reaching impacts on human rights, with frequently devastating consequences for vast numbers of people,” the report said.

“The region, home to just 13% of the world’s population, recorded 49% of all Covid-19-19 deaths globally [in 2020]. Lack of PPE plus poor and precarious working conditions, exacted a terrible toll on health workers, who were often prohibited from speaking out and sanctioned if they did.”

Mexico News Daily 

How an accident led to one Oaxacan woman’s revival of a dying handcraft

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Doña Rosa
Born Rosa Real Mateo, Doña Rosa, as she is known, figured out how to burnish the black clay that has been for centuries in her hometown of San Bartolo.

Mexico’s handcrafts are folk art in the truest sense of the word. Influenced by changes going on around them, ordinary people living and working outside of vaunted artistic circles reinterpret culture and traditions that can be millennia old. Sometimes that innovator is even “just a housewife.”

San Bartolo Coyotepec is a pottery town located in the Central Valleys of Oaxaca — three valleys that join together at the state capital. The state has a strong international reputation for handcrafts and indigenous cultures, but San Bartolo’s barro negro (black clay) more than holds its own here.

Barro negro pottery has been important economically and culturally in San Bartolo for centuries, with examples found in various local archaeological sites. The local clay had been used primarily to make storage containers, particularly for liquids such as water and mezcal. Such containers are still made from small monkey-shaped bottles with cork or corn-cob stoppers to giant lidded amphoras called tibors.

Barro negro clay has some unique properties. Fired containers are impermeable and resistant to knocks, which made them highly suited for storage and transport. The color was always a matte gray — not very aesthetic, but it made a pleasant ringing sound, making it suitable at times as a musical instrument.

Because of the rise of mass-produced, cheaper and much lighter containers, barro negro might have disappeared from San Bartolo if it weren’t for the ingenuity of one woman with good timing.

Doña Rosa's discovery led artists like Carlomagno Pedro to explore new possibilities with the medium, into the realm of fine art.
Doña Rosa’s discovery led artists like Carlomagno Pedro to explore new possibilities with the medium, into the realm of fine art.

Born Rosa Real Mateo (with “de Nieto” added after marriage), she is known simply as Doña Rosa, one of many traditional women living and working in the home here, including working with clay. Sometime in the 1950s, she discovered on her own that if she rubbed a nearly dry piece of barro negro clay with a smooth stone before firing, the result was a shiny black instead of a dull gray finish.

What she (re)discovered was a very old technique called burnishing, which other Mesoamerican pottery makers had used to give a shine to their wares. It is likely that someone discovered the same thing earlier, but burnishing this particular clay has its downsides.

Burnished barro negro is more fragile and porous, meaning that although the jars look a lot nicer, they cannot be used for liquid or food.

Then, in the mid-20th century, Oaxaca began to share in Mexico’s booming tourism industry. But instead of focusing on its hard-to-get-to beaches, Oaxaca promoted its indigenous and traditional cultures, which includes a wide variety of handcrafts. This meant that many of them would not disappear, but the demand for decorative items meant that they would change, sometimes drastically.

Doña Rosa’s experiments fit with this new market for visitors wanting to take a piece of Oaxaca home with them.

Doña Rosa not only made the pottery shiny, she had artistic talent as well. In her book Mexican Folk Art: From Oaxacan Artist Families, Arden Rothstein recounts having the privilege of seeing Doña Rosa at work in the 1960s, an experience she calls “unforgettable.”

“Despite her diminutive size, she earned renown for her expertise in creating beautiful forms and applying [a] quartz [stone] to the clay before firing,” she said.

Doña Rosa died in 1980 after a long life, but not before her workshop became a mecca for famous admirers such as Nelson Rockefeller and former American president Jimmy Carter. Her work recreated the town’s pottery industry, which now boasts over 300 workshops dedicated just to barro negro.

Doña Rosa’s family still runs her workshop. It is located off the main road, but there is a large sign indicating the turnoff as you enter on the highway from the city of Oaxaca. It has one of the largest selections of decorative items in a wide range of styles, from traditional motifs to the modern. Different family members specialize in different kinds of pieces, but they do not sign their work, selling everything collectively. However, if you ask who made a specific piece, they can tell you.

Decorative objects are the lifeblood of the town, but some creators have taken barro negro into the realm of art. The other important ceramic family in town is the Pedros, headed by notable artist Carlomagno Pedro.

His workshop is quite humble, but his work is anything but. His education in pottery was begun by his parents, but he also took artistic training at the Tamayo Museum in the city of Oaxaca. The extra education is evident in his designs, many of which are one of a kind. He does everything from miniatures to full wall murals, such as the one at the Oaxaca Baseball Academy. His work has been exhibited as both art and handcraft in Mexico and abroad, and his fame led to becoming the director of MEAPO, Oaxaca’s state-sponsored handcraft museum in San Bartolo.

The Doña Rosa and Pedro families dominate barro negro pottery, with dozens of them becoming notable in their own right. However, there are others, especially up-and-coming artisans, worth checking out.

Piece of artwork made with black clay from San Bartolo.
Piece of artwork made with black clay from San Bartolo. Courtesy of Friends of Oaxacan Folk Art

One of these is Abdiel Cardozo Calderón, who can be reached at [email protected]. Most of his work is related to his Zapotec heritage but reinterpreted as works of art, not folklore. For almost a decade, his work has been recognized and promoted by the New York-based Friends of Oaxacan Folk Art, whose website is a valuable resource for background and contact information about outstanding barro negro and other Oaxacan artisans.

Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico 17 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture. She publishes a blog called Creative Hands of Mexico and her first book, Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta, was published last year. Her culture blog appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.

Mexican women are sick of turning the other cheek. Who can blame them?

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Women in Mexico City writing femicide victims' names onto metal barriers authorities had installed in anticipation of International Women's Day.
Women in Mexico City write the names of femicide victims' names onto metal barriers authorities had installed in anticipation of violence on International Women's Day in 2021.

Oh no, I thought as I read the headline: “A new take on the Stations of the Cross: Feminists give Jesus a beating.” That’s certainly not the way to get anyone on our side.

Let’s face it: as righteous as a social movement might be, it’s still made up of humans, and humans are great at messing up. And as the underdog, you have to be perfect in ways that the dominant side simply does not.

They can keep pretending, for example, that the killing of 10 women a day is perfectly normal and acceptable, but if you spray-paint a building or break some glass or scream, then it’s all, “That’s it! We’ve had it with you ruffians!”

Upon seeing the headline, I thought it might be one of those badly-thought-out ideas that tend to make their way even to the noblest of causes. You know, the way “defund the police” makes it sound like liberals just want police officers gone from the planet rather than the implementation of a list of very reasonable suggestions they have for things like demilitarizing it and some serious de-escalation training.

But no, thank goodness, this was not “the feminists’” idea. Instead, it was basically an act of defamation against the feminist movement by students at a Catholic seminary that was filmed live on Facebook.

Religious conservatives demonizing women’s rights? Well, color me not surprised.

Here’s the basic gist of what happened in the video: at the eighth station of the cross, as depicted in the Bible, the one where Jesus comforts the women who are crying for him, instead, the students dressed as Mexican feminists in black and purple — the current “uniform” for the women’s movement in Mexico — beat him with sticks instead.

While this happened, the speaker in the video (which has been wisely removed since) said, “2,021 years later, the Lord returns to find women very different than those he consoled, women trapped in an irrational collective, demanding rights by insulting and destroying everything in their path, fighting for feminism and respect for women when they do not even respect themselves. Violent women committing acts of vandalism, women who enter temples and profane the Eucharist, laughing at the Virgin Mary.”

And, of course, some antiabortion stuff was thrown in there as well, because they just can’t resist condemning women in general without condemning the audacious idea specifically that they should be in charge of their own bodies. (Cue the inevitable hate mail; what-up, gentlemen?)

Y’all. This would almost be funny if it weren’t guaranteed to raise the level of contempt already felt toward women in general and feminists in particular.

So you want to talk about Jesus? Fine, let’s talk about Jesus. Easter just happened, after all.

While I don’t consider myself particularly religious at this point in my life, I did grow up in the Baptist church and attended a religious college with several related required classes. I know my way around the Bible, and even around books about the Bible.

My later contempt for organized religion — which I’ll admit lasted for quite a while — has softened considerably as I’ve aged. At this point, my feelings are more generous, with a “live and let live, whatever gets you to nirvana, great” philosophy as long as others aren’t trying to force the rest of us to live under the rules of their particular beliefs.

But back to Jesus. Jesus, who gave food and wine for free without lecturing poor people about how what they should be doing is working harder and wanting it more. Who let a woman who everyone else thought was a dirty loser anoint his feet and be his best buddy — which, as others surely warned him, was terrible optics. Who told the powerful guys that they were a bunch of freaking hypocrites and didn’t apologize for it later.

Did all those things really happen? Who knows; it matters little. As sociologist W. I. Thomas said, “If a person perceives a situation as real, then it is real in its consequences.” And if that’s not an easy illustration of the power that religion holds, I don’t know what is.

The stories of Jesus’ life and teachings have certainly been invoked in all kinds of social movements. The late representative John Lewis’ autobiography, Walking with the Wind, explains one of those connections well.

“Turn the other cheek” isn’t about passivity, he explained, but about radical love. It’s about refusing to give back hate and vitriol, even when you receive it, and trying to change hearts and minds instead. It forces the other side to hold up a mirror to themselves and their actions. Turn the other cheek, says Jesus, the radical-acts-of-love revolutionary.

And guess what? That’s what the SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) practiced, filing into “white” diners impeccably dressed, only to be yelled at, humiliated, beaten. And it was revolutionary and did change many hearts and minds.

After a while, though, a more militant and antiwhite style of protest emerged. And why wouldn’t it? People can only take so much.

I’d argue that we women have been actively practicing “turn the other cheek” for millennia too. How well has it worked? Have we charmed men into giving us some actual power and agency with our brilliantly subversive feminine wiles?

The answer, unfortunately, is no. I wish it had worked; it would be a hell of a lot easier than organizing gigantic protests and constantly looking over our shoulders, both at home and in public.

At some point, everyone is pushed too far. Some black activists eventually started fighting back. Women got mad and spray-painted some statues in their desperation. Jesus went into the temple and flipped over a bunch of tables and drove the moneychangers out with a whip, which I’ve always thought was super badass.

Everyone’s got their limits. The message is all the same: “That’s it. We’ve had it!”

The Mexican Holy Week processions can be extremely moving, elaborate and really a sight to behold. If only we could get that kind of emotion and fervor going about the very real femicides happening daily in this country.

In the meantime, I’ll pray as I always do for clarity, peace and the kind of renewal that makes even my wildest dreams for justice in this world feel possible. Happy Easter, y’all.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sdevrieswritingandtranslating.com.

Court finds Catholic priest guilty of 2019 homicide

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Leonardo Avedaño
The victim, Leonardo Avedaño, was a deacon in the church of his convicted killer, the Rev. Francisco Javier Bautista. Avedaño's brother said that Leonardo respected and admired the clergyman.

A Catholic priest was found guilty on Tuesday of the 2019 homicide of a 29-year-old deacon in Mexico City.

Francisco Javier Bautista Ávalos, former parish priest at the Cristo Salvador church in the Tlalpan borough of Mexico City where his victim, Leonardo Avendaño, was a deacon, will be sentenced on Thursday. The victim’s family is seeking the maximum penalty of 50 years in prison.

Avendaño’s brother told the newspaper Milenio on Tuesday that ample evidence against Bautista was presented in a Mexico City criminal court.

The court determined that “he was responsible for the murder, and there was also betrayal and premeditation on his part,” Josué Avendaño said.

He said security camera footage and cell phone data showed that his brother and the priest were together on the day the  murder occurred.

“I felt great peace when I heard that they found him guilty. I never had any doubt that he was responsible for the death of my brother,” Avendaño said.

“I wouldn’t have been happy if there was injustice and they released someone who deprived someone of life. … The hearing today was satisfactory,” he said, adding that the guilty verdict was the culmination of a commitment he made to fight for justice in the case.

“I will ask for the maximum penalty, which is 50 years,” Avendaño said.

Bautista was arrested on June 18, 2019, in connection with the homicide a week after Avendaño’s body was found in his pickup truck. Before that, the priest officiated at the slain deacon’s funeral service and expressed hope that the murderer would be caught.

But after interviewing Bautista, police noted inconsistencies in his testimony. After reviewing messages on Avendaño’s cellphone, they discovered that the two had met the night Avendaño went missing.

A judge subsequently ordered the priest to stand trial on murder charges and remanded him in custody.

Josué Avendaño said in late June 2019 that his brother was beaten and tortured before he was killed and rejected a version of events that suggested that he was accidentally strangled to death during a sex game.

“My brother was tortured. [His injuries] weren’t from a game or anything like that. It was something that was planned in advance. My brother was tortured, and then, after that, the cause [of death] was asphyxiation,” he said, adding that his brother’s body was badly bruised, his nose was broken, his face was swollen and some of his teeth were missing.

The deacon’s family said shortly after his death that the murder was motivated by a desire to stop Avendaño from going public with certain accusations, but they didn’t offer further details.

Avendaño told Milenio that the priest was very close to his family and visited his brother at home on several occasions. He also said that his brother “loved, respected and admired” Bautista.

“Unfortunately someone so close [to him] ended his life. It’s a great disappointment that someone who dedicated himself to preaching the word of God became a murderer,” Avendaño said. “… He premeditated it and took the time to torture him [before] killing him. … It wasn’t a murder with a gunshot but rather with his own hands.”

Avendaño added that there was no reaction from the priest when the guilty verdict was delivered.

“He did absolutely nothing, he didn’t react at all,” he said.

Source: Milenio (sp) 

Mural project aims to educate residents about their town’s unique history

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Iván Galeazzi Cahuantzi and Zuri Merlo with one of the murals they're together bringing to life in the town of Chipilo, Puebla to illustrate aspects of its history.
Iván Galeazzi and Zuri Merlo with one of the murals they're bringing to life in the town of Chipilo, Puebla, to illustrate aspects of its history. Photos by Joseph Sorrentino

Chipilo, a small pueblo south of Puebla, has a lot going for it. Settled in October 1882 by Italians from Veneto, Italy, chipileños (as they’re known) have retained their language, customs and food for generations.

But Zuri Merlo, the director of Chipilo Nostro, the fiesta celebrating the pueblo’s founding, thought there was something missing. “I felt that Chipilo lacked color,” she said.

And so she and chipileño artist Iván Galeazzi Cahuantzi have undertaken an ambitious project to paint 15 colorful murals throughout the pueblo. “I talked with Iván about murals that would show the history of Chipilo,” Merlo said.

Galeazzi liked the idea, in part, because his art would be accessible to more people. “When I make something for a client, it is shown in a private space, but a mural,” he said, “a mural is for everyone.”

Although Merlo and Galeazzi have been friends since they were children, this is the first time they’ve worked on a project together. Merlo takes care of a lot of the nuts-and-bolts aspects needed to keep moving the project forward.

Zuri Merlo (r) handles a lot of the logistics, like finding locations and obtaining paint, while artist Iván Galeazzi Cahuantzi handles the lion's share of the artwork.
Zuri Merlo (r) handles a lot of the logistics, like finding locations and obtaining paint, while artist Iván Galeazzi Cahuantzi handles the lion’s share of the artwork.

“I get the permits from the municipio [municipality] when we want to paint a mural in a public space,” Merlo said. “For those in private places, we do not need permits; we just need to talk to the owners. People may say, ‘I have this wall, and I would like a mural there.’ We go and look at it. Iván decides what to paint there.”

She has also solicited supplies from the Comex paint store in Chipilo.

Getting to the finished mural is a team effort. “I read about the history of Chipilo, the history of Veneto. I study old photos and paintings. I start with a sketch. Zuri may make suggestions, may suggest colors.” She also helps to paint the murals. “One of the most important aspects,” he continued, “is to show the chipileño identity. We are a small pueblo that has a lot of stories to tell.”

The first mural, on 3a nte. colonia Centro, a small side street just a short distance away from a church, is a painting of a cow. “Cows are very much a part of Chipilo,” Galeazzi said.

He’s greatly influenced by master painters, and his cow is based on one painted by Dutch Renaissance artist Pieter Brugel. It took Galeazzi and Merlo five days to complete the mural, working five to six hours a day.

The second mural, a much larger one, is located on the side of the Hotel Albergo Strada Stretta and depicts a campesino (farmer) cutting plants with a scythe. “The idea for that mural was to show when Chipilo was more rural,” Galeazzi said. “It was to have a campesino working.”

Merlo and Galeazzi Cahuantzi collaborating on conceptual art for a future mural.
Merlo and Galeazzi collaborating on conceptual art for a future mural.

The farmer is two stories tall. Like the painting of the cow, Galeazzi based him on a figure by another master painter, this time Vincent van Gogh. He’s accompanied by his dog, a ratonero (rat terrier), which is by far the most popular dog in Chipilo. Galeazzi and Merlo worked for a month on that mural, putting in about 60 hours.

The two hope to complete 13 of the 15 murals this year, covering a variety of aspects of daily life in Chipilo as well as the pueblo’s history. They’ll paint one about the men who gather to play bocce on Sundays, another about La Befana, a ceremony brought over from Italy where a figure of a witch is burned on the evening of January 5 and one about El Fontanón, an old site where people used to swim and wash clothes. There will also be one that depicts how Chipilo’s economy has changed over the years.

The majority of chipileños used to have dairy farms, and Chipilo was mainly famous for its cheeses and other dairy products. Now the pueblo is also known for its furniture, and there are more carpinterías (carpentry shops) and furniture factories than there are dairy farms.

“There will be a mural about the carpenterías,” said Galeazzi. “That mural will go on the building that housed Seguisimo, the first furniture factory in Chipilo.”

The last two murals, which won’t be completed until next year, may be the most impressive; they’ll certainly be the most extensive. One will be painted on two sides of the building that houses the presidencia, a municipal building. “That mural will depict the history of Chipilo,” said Merlo, “from its beginning to the present.”

The other will be a series of murals on a small hill called Monte Grappa. The hill in Chipilo is named for the mountain in Italy where a battle was fought between the Italian and Austro-Hungarian armies during World War I. On top of that Italian mountain is a cemetery containing the bodies of almost 23,000 soldiers who died in the war.

This mural of a larger-than-life farmer is meant to evoke Chipilo's history when it was more a rural area than now, says artist Iván Galeazzi.
This mural of a larger-than-life farmer is meant to evoke Chipilo’s history when it was more a rural area than now, says artist Iván Galeazzi.

“When I went to Italy, I had no idea about what happened there, nothing about Monte Grappa,” Galeazzi said.

He decided to show that history to Chipilo, where there’s a memorial at the top of the hill dedicated to chipileños who died in World War I. A plaque to their memory sits beneath a stone brought from the Italian mountain in 1924. Nearby is a large statue of Christ, and below it, Galeazzi plans a painting of Veneto’s Monte Grappa.

He has other ideas for the low walls along the periphery, where there are benches. “There will be four murals depicting the first world war, which in Italy is called ‘The Great War,’” he said. “The murals there will show the battles [and] the graves.”

When they’re not working on murals, the two are occupied with their individual work: in addition to organizing Chipilo Nostro, Merlo has a business promoting and selling artisanal foods made in the pueblo. Galeazzi has a busy art and design studio.

Although the mural project will take up much of their time over the next year or so, they’re committed to completing it. “It is a labor of love,” said Merlo. “Love of art, love of Chipilo.”

Merlo and Galeazzi are looking for funding to help complete the project. Anyone interested in donating may contact them via [email protected].

Joseph Sorrentino, a writer, photographer and author of the book San Gregorio Atlapulco: Cosmvisiones, is a regular contributor to Mexico News Daily. More examples of his photographs and links to other articles may be found at www.sorrentinophotography.com  He currently lives in Chipilo, Puebla.

Raw sewage from Mexico continues to pollute California beaches

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A sign warns Imperial Beach, California residents about water contamination originating from Baja California.
A sign warns Imperial Beach, California, residents about water contamination originating in Baja California.

Raw sewage from Mexico continues to pollute the ocean and coastline north of the border in southern California, a problem that has persisted for decades.

Last year, Tijuana and Baja California authorities completed some repairs to antiquated sewage infrastructure in the northern border city, and officials said at the time that the cross-border pollution problem had been resolved.

But the apparent fix only lasted a few weeks, according to the news website Border Report, which said that 113 to 151 million liters of raw sewage is currently flowing every day from Mexico into the Tijuana River Valley and out to the Pacific Ocean north of the border.

“They make repairs here, they make a repair there, and the tendency is to make a big claim: ‘We fixed it, we fixed the issue,’” said Paloma Aguirre, a member of the city council of Imperial Beach, a San Diego county city just north of the Mexico-U.S. border.

She said more than 2 million people in Tijuana are using a sewage system built in the 1940s and that it can’t keep up.

“We have an ongoing sewage and public health crisis related to the sewage for the better part of the last 30 years,” Aguirre said.

In a report published Tuesday, Border Report said that beaches just north of the border are closed because of high levels of fecal coliform.

Aguirre said that she and her city council colleagues have become ill as a result of the sewage flowing across the border.

“You’re living exposed to these pollutants. I myself have gotten sick, gone to urgent care. Everyone on the city council has gotten sick. It affects overall quality of life in this community,” she said.

A few weeks ago, the United States Congress paved the way for the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to oversee efforts to clean up the Tijuana River Valley and minimize the effects of sewage spills.

However, help is still a few years away, Border Report said, noting that resources for cleanup projects will be provided via the new North American free trade pact, the USMCA, which took effect last July.

Source: Border Report (en) 

AMLO’s Teflon: an opposition divided, masterful PR and common touch

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AMLO just before the 2018 election. Over a year later, he hadn't lost his touch with voters, according to a recently declassified US diplomatic document from 2019.
AMLO just before the 2018 election. Over a year later, he hadn't lost his touch with voters, according to a recently declassified US diplomatic document from 2019.

Despite record levels of violence, President López Obrador maintained high levels of support in his first year in government thanks to a divided opposition, masterful public relations and his common touch, according to a 2019 United States diplomatic cable.

Signed by then-ambassador Christopher Landau and sent to the U.S. Department of State in December, the cable said López Obrador faced a range of challenges, including soaring homicide numbers, in his first year in office yet maintained a high approval rating.

AMLO, as the president is widely known, hadn’t lost his Teflon, said the recently declassified cable, a copy of which was obtained by the newspaper Reforma.

The term “teflon president” — which was first used to describe former U.S. president Ronald Reagan — refers to a leader who manages to remain popular despite scandal or general dissatisfaction with the government or state of affairs in a country. Like a Teflon pan, nothing unwanted sticks.

Three months before the coronavirus arrived in Mexico, the diplomatic cable said, the president was ending 2019 with an overwhelming lists of challenges yet explained that he had benefited from divided opposition parties — which suffered humiliating defeats at the 2018 elections — as well as impressive PR and his way with the average Mexican.

His reputation has been enhanced despite government budget cuts, the document said, adding that López Obrador increased his popularity by visiting parts of the country that had long been abandoned.

The cable likened AMLO’s daily morning press conferences, or mañaneras, to former U.S. president Franklin D. Roosevelt’s fireside chats. It noted that López Obrador’s interactions with the press contrasted sharply with those of his predecessor, Enrique Peña Nieto, who routinely read scripted remarks at infrequent news conferences and rarely took questions from reporters.

AMLO’s campaign against inequality and corruption, his combative rhetoric against his political adversaries and his close contact with the people all helped to prop up his popularity, said the document endorsed by Landau, who left his post when the U.S. government changed in January.

Noting that the National Guard had not managed to reduce violence, the diplomatic cable said that one of the significant challenges faced by the federal government was security: there were more than 34,000 homicides in 2019, a new record. It also said the government had only achieved mixed results in the areas of corruption, human rights and regional foreign policy.

Despite the record homicide numbers in 2019 and respondents to polls citing security, corruption and poverty as their biggest concerns, the cable said that López Obrador was still easily the most popular politician in Mexico. Supporting that claim is a Reforma poll that found that AMLO had a 68% approval rating the same month the cable was dispatched.

The United States Embassy’s “Teflon president” assessment in 2019 could equally apply today.

Now, despite an official Covid-19 death toll above 200,000, widespread condemnation of the government for its management of the pandemic and an economic slump of 8.5% last year, López Obrador’s approval rating is still high — 61%, according to a recent poll conducted by the newspaper El Financiero.

Source: Reforma (sp) 

Funeral ceremony makes unique campaign kickoff in Ciudad Juárez

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Federal deputy candidate Carlos Mayorga kicked off his campaign in Ciudad Juárez by arriving in a coffin.
Candidate Carlos Mayorga kicked off his campaign in Ciudad Juárez by arriving in a coffin.

A candidate for federal deputy launched his campaign in a bizarre fashion in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, on Tuesday: he emerged from a coffin after a staged funeral procession and proceeded to blast politicians for their indifference amid crime and the coronavirus crisis.

Carlos Mayorga, a candidate for the Solidary Encounter Party (PES) in the June 6 elections, arrived at an international bridge between the northern border city and El Paso, Texas, on Tuesday morning inside a coffin transported by a hearse.

Video footage shows men kitted out in full personal protective equipment (PPE) removing the gold-colored coffin from the hearse and placing in on a table.

Apparently speaking from inside the casket as it is being removed, Mayorga says: “Representing a dead city, we need a real awakening.”

Assisted by one of the PPE-clad “undertakers,” the candidate, a former television presenter, rises from the “dead” and, without even a hint of a smile in acknowledgement of the absurdity of the situation, begins a prepared speech.

“I’m Carlos Mayorga, and I’m one of the 1.5 million residents of Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico, who has died due to the indifference of politicians,” the PES candidate said, asserting that state and federal lawmakers quickly forget those who elected them when they arrive in the halls of power.

“… From this coffin I honor those who have died because of government negligence, those who suffered because of politicians who don’t care about people’s lives and [let] organized crime do what it wants. From this metallic box I sympathize with those who have lost a loved one,” Mayorga said.

“… We decided to begin this political campaign inside a coffin to send a message to the politicians who have killed people because of their indifference. [The politicians] have remained silent about the high levels of organized crime, they’ve remained silent about the chaotic Covid situation,” he said.

Mayorga added that if he is elected and doesn’t fulfill his campaign promises he should be buried alive.

“But from here I tell you, I am going to legislate at the command of God and at the command of my city,” he said.

Ciudad Juárez has been plagued by high levels of violence for years. Between 2008 and 2012, it was widely considered the most dangerous city on earth. The border city has also been hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic, recording almost 30,000 confirmed cases and more than 2,800 deaths.

Footage of Mayorga’s mock funeral went viral on social media — as was undoubtedly the aim — where criticism of the candidate easily outweighed praise.

“This is how Carlos Mayorga of the PES [an ally of the ruling Morena party] begins his campaign: mocking the deaths of more than 200,000 Mexicans due to the pandemic,” one Twitter user posted to his more than 70,000 followers.

Source: Infobae (sp) 

Carlos Slim tops Forbes’ list of Mexico’s richest people

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Carlos Slim (center) in 2017, chatting with then-president Enrique Peña Nieto and actor Leonardo DiCaprio.
Carlos Slim (center) in 2017, chatting with then-president Enrique Peña Nieto and actor Leonardo DiCaprio.

The telecommunications, banking, infrastructure, energy and mining mogul Carlos Slim heads the new Forbes magazine list of Mexico’s richest people.

Although the coronavirus pandemic and associated restrictions hit the global economy hard (Mexico’s GDP slumped 8.5% in 2020), Forbes México said that the average wealth of the 36 Mexican billionaires on its 2021 rich list increased by 20% over the past year.

The 10 richest people in Mexico are presented below. The full list will be published in Forbes‘s upcoming print edition.

1. Carlos Slim Helú (interests in the telecommunications, industrial, finance, retail, infrastructure, energy and mining sectors)

Slim’s net wealth increased 7.4% over the past year to US $55.93 billion. The 81-year-old tycoon owns a range of firms across numerous sectors, including Telmex, América Móvil and Grupo Carso, a conglomerate that runs such companies as Grupo Sanborns, Carso Infrastructure and Construction (CICSA), Grupo Condumex and Carso Energy.

Last year, CICSA was awarded an 18-billion-peso contract to build a section of the Maya Train railroad, the federal government’s signature infrastructure project.

2. Germán Larrea (mining, transport, infrastructure and entertainment)

Larrea’s wealth surged 146.5% over the past year to US $27.11 billion, Forbes said. The main driver of the 67-year-old’s vastly improved position was the performance of Grupo México, the country’s biggest mining company. The publication said that higher sales volumes and higher metal prices were behind the company’s good results.

3. Ricardo Salinas Pliego (Retail, banking, entertainment, telecommunications)

The net worth of Salinas, president of Grupo Salinas, increased 7% to US $12.52 billion. However, the 65-year-old, who describes himself as a “bitcoin businessman” on his Twitter account profile, dropped one spot on the rich list due to the incredible surge in Larrea’s wealth. His best-known business is Grupo Elektra, a retail and financial corporation.

4. Alberto Bailleres (mining, retail, insurance, beverages)

Bailleres, owner of the upmarket department store chain Palacio de Hierro, also saw his wealth surge over the past year, although his position on the rich list didn’t change. His net worth is now US $10.48 billion, according to Forbes, a 63.8% increase compared to a year ago.

5. Juan Francisco Beckmann Vidal (Beverages)

The wealth of the majority owner of the José Cuervo tequila brand increased 67% over the past year to US $7.18 billion. The sales of his beverage company Becle, which has interests in tequila, whisky, vodka, rum, mezcal, gin and ready-to-drink brands, increased 18% in 2020 compared to the previous year.

6. María Asunción Aramburuzabala (investment, real estate)

Aramburuzabala, whose grandfather was a founder of beer maker Grupo Modelo, retains her title as Mexico’s richest woman. The president of the private equity firm Tresalia and the real estate development company Abilia saw her wealth increase 1.1% over the past year to US $5.63 billion.

7. The Arango family (retail, investment)

The Arango family, which brought Walmart to Mexico, has a net wealth of US $4.3 billion. The family’s fortune neither increased nor decreased over the past year, according to Forbes.

8. The Servitje Montull family (food products)

The wealth of the owners of Bimbo, the world’s largest baked goods company, increased by 38.1% over the past year to US $3.59 billion. Forbes said that the company achieved record sales in 2020 but didn’t offer further details.

9. Antonio del Valle (chemicals, manufacturing, water, construction materials, finance)

Del Valle’s wealth increased 0.3% to US $3.01 billion over the past year. The 82-year-old’s most successful company is the chemicals firm Mexichem.

10. The Robinson Bours family (food products, telecommunications)

The wealth of the family, owners of the poultry producer Bachoco, increased 16.7% over the past year to US $3 billion. Bachoco’s sales increased 11.6% in 2020, Forbes said. One member of the family, José Eduardo Robinson Bours Castelo, was governor of Sonora between 2003 and 2009.

Source: Forbes México (sp)