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Is ‘Mexico’ a country? A state? A city? An identity? The answer is yes

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Guillermo del Toro at Hollywood Walk of Fame
When film director Guillermo del Toro received his star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, he proudly displayed his Mexican identity.

We foreigners know Mexico sort of from the “outside in” … the country which has a capital of the same name. But that is both simplistic and inaccurate.

When I first came to Mexico, I lived in Toluca, a small city in the central part of the country. I quickly became confused and curious because locals referred to Mexico City simply as México and as residents of México state called themselves mexiquenses as well as mexicanos.

Much of the country calls Mexico City México without the Ciudad de part, but that is not true everywhere. In Mexicali, when I referred to Mexico City as México, I was strongly corrected: “Ciudad de México,” they said. “Mexicali is part of Mexico, too.”

The word México originates in the Mesoamerican era with the Náhuatl word Mēxihco (pronounced Meh-SHI-ko) originally referring to the Valley of México. A people called the Mexica migrated south from a place they called Aztlán, established a city on a marshy island in Lake Texcoco, then expanded their domain over the entire valley and beyond.

That valley came to be known as the land of the Mexica, or the Valley of México. The capital, Tenochtitlán, was called both Tenochtitlán and (the city of) Mexico.

Diego Rivera from History of Mexico murals
Tenochtitlán as imagined by Diego Rivera. Excerpt from one of the History of Mexico murals that was commissioned for the National Palace.

The empire later came to be known as Aztec, a term coined by historian Alexander von Humboldt. Not all Aztecs were Mexica, although the terms today are often used interchangeably.

The 500th anniversary of the fall of the Aztec Empire is this year, specifically on August 13, commemorating the taking of Tenochtitlan by Hernán Cortés’ army of Spanish and (more importantly) indigenous allies. The Spanish simply substituted themselves as the heads of the old Aztec social order.

But Tenochtitlán is difficult for Spanish speakers to pronounce, so México was adopted with a pronunciation change to fit Spanish phonetics.

When New Spain was created, it was divided into five provinces, the most important of which was — you guessed it — México, based roughly off the borders of the old Aztec Empire. Mexico City became the capital of both the province and the colony of New Spain.

So during the colonial period, México could refer to Mexico City, the valley in which it is located or the colonial-era province.

In the early 19th century, New Spain fought for and gained independence from Spain. One reason the rebellion succeeded was a shift in identity among those of European heritage born in the colony.

Map of the Aztec Empire as of 1519, just before the Conquest
Map of the Aztec Empire as of 1519, just before the Conquest.

Under the social order, those born in New Spain were second in status to peninsulares (those born in Spain), yet they felt that they were the “true Mexicans.” For this reason, when independence was achieved in 1821, the choice of name for the new country was Mexico.

This did not change the name of the city, valley or province. During the 19th century, the colonial Mexico province was a state, a département or a province, depending on which of the constantly warring forces were in control of the country at the time.

But shortly after independence, there began a process of breaking up these lands. The first was separating out Mexico City proper with the adoption of the 1824 constitution. Similar to Washington, D.C., the idea was that the capital was of the entire country, not just one part of it.

The city would remain under direct control of the federal government until 2016.

The remaining Aztec lands were called the state or province of Mexico. For various socioeconomic and political reasons, these vast lands were eventually divided into various entities, the core of which are Morelos, Guerrero, Hidalgo and México state.

The first three are named after Independence War heroes, and the rest is the Valley of Toluca, with a curious panhandle that almost completely surrounds Mexico City. That panhandle is the result of the expansion of the territory of the federal district of Mexico City after the Mexican-American War.

Layout of the Spanish Viceroyalty in Latin America in 1794.
Layout of the Spanish Viceroyalty in Latin America in 1794.

There have been a number of official name changes to the country since independence, but all refer to Mexico in some way. With the current constitution, adopted in 1917, the official name became the Estados Unidos Mexicanos or United Mexican States.

Colloquially, the country is referred to as the República Mexicana (Mexican Republic), or simply México, in part because the official name sounds too much like that of the country’s northern neighbor.

As if all this was not confusing enough, in 2016 Mexico City was recategorized from being a federal district to a state.

That is right — México state is a state, and Mexico City is a state too. If I had to bet, my money would be on México state changing its name at some point to Toluca to end the confusion. The panhandle might even get absorbed into Mexico City.

The use of México reflects that the identity of the country is still highly tied with the city and is reinforced by history, legends and symbols such as the eagle and cactus (from the Aztec origin myth) and the Virgin of Guadalupe.

However, that identity has not been absolute. It weakens as you get farther away from the lands identified as Mesoamerica (Aztec and other pre-Hispanic empires). For this reason, the countries of Central America broke away shortly after independence and the United States was able to keep Texas and the southwest after the Mexican-American War.

conchero dancers
The Mexico name reflects how tied the country’s identity still is to its indigenous heritage. Alejandro Linares García

Mexico almost lost Yucatán and Chiapas as well.

In northern Mexico, the idea of being Mexican is complicated both because of influence from the United States in the north and a cultural and political rivalry with the seat of power to the south.

If you live anywhere in Mexico, it is worthwhile to visit Mexico City at least once to get a feel for it as the ombligo del mundo (the navel of the world). It is a Mexican’s point of reference, economically, politically and culturally, even if the Mexican in question hates it …

Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico 18 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.

Families of Metro crash victims will receive 700,000 pesos in compensation

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'Next station, justice,' reads the sign of a marcher during a protest Friday
'Next station, justice,' reads the sign of a marcher during a protest Friday calling for justice for victims of the incident, which they said was a result of negligence.

Families of victims of last Monday’s deadly train crash in Mexico City will receive 700,000 pesos (US $35,160) in compensation, according to an announcement on Saturday by Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum.

The payout is a result of negotiations with the Metro train line’s insurer. According to the transportation system’s policy, families of victims would normally receive 350,000 pesos. The Metro agreed to increase the amount to 650,000 pesos, and the Mexico City government will chip in 50,000 pesos for each of the 26 victims of the crash, which occurred on Line 12 in southeastern Mexico City.

Sheinbaum estimated that the compensation will be paid out starting May 10, after beneficiaries have been identified.

In addition to 26 deaths, 33 people remain hospitalized after the crash, which injured more than 80. Of those, 12 remain in critical condition. The families of the injured will receive a payment of 10,000 pesos (US $500).

“We will not leave them alone, we will not leave them defenseless, and they will have the full support of the government so that in this painful moment, they will not have [financial] worries,” Sheinbaum said.

The city is also working on a wider support program including psychological support, social programs, job placement and education.

The federal and city Attorney General’s Offices are both investigating the crash, as well as an external auditor from Norway.

Sources: Expansión (sp), Reuters (en)

Methamphetamine is new drug of choice in Mexico’s domestic market

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A National Guardsmen stands watch at a meth lab found in Sonora.
A National Guardsmen stands watch at a meth lab found in Sonora.

The Mexican marines carefully stacked the plastic drums one by one, dressed head to toe in white hazmat suits with gas masks tightly fastened around their faces to shield themselves from any toxic fumes.

Deep in the sierra of the state of Sinaloa, long the cradle of the country’s drug trade, authorities counted the solid crystal and liquid methamphetamine, precursor chemicals and equipment found at the clandestine lab.

On that Friday, August 17, 2018, security units in the air and on the ground had flanked the town of Alcoyonqui, nested into the surrounding mountains less than an hour east of the bustling state capital, Culiacán. Beneath the main production site, the mega-lab was outfitted with two underground warehouses to store some of the partially processed liquid methamphetamine.

In total, authorities seized at least 50 tonnes of methamphetamine and precursor chemicals used to produce the synthetic drug. It was the largest such seizure in the country’s history, evidence of just how much organized crime groups — in this case the Sinaloa Cartel — had ramped up production to feed growing demand for the drug in the United States.

The seizure was another sign of the spectacular rise of illegal synthetic drugs, in particular the stimulant methamphetamine and the synthetic opioid fentanyl. The spike in production in Mexico and use in the United States has coincided with a similar spike in Mexican use, particularly of methamphetamine.

Mass production has led to drastically lower prices in both countries, and methamphetamine use now rivals other commonly consumed drugs in Mexico like marijuana.

From US to Mexico production

It wasn’t always this way. Until the early 2000s, most of the methamphetamine consumed in the United States was produced in domestic laboratories, either tucked away in quiet suburbs outside of major cities or in rural communities. But by the 1990s and 2000s, mounting concerns regarding the dangers of the drug pushed lawmakers and law enforcement officials into action.

In 2004, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) recorded almost 24,000 domestic methamphetamine incidents, which included seizures of labs, dumpsites and chemical or glass equipment. Something had to be done. In 2005, U.S. lawmakers passed the Combat Methamphetamine Epidemic Act which, among other things, sought to limit access to over-the-counter cold medicines that contain ephedrine and pseudoephedrine, key precursor ingredients for methamphetamine production.

The United States pushed for similar legislation in other countries, including Mexico, which adopted stricter drug controls starting in mid-2007.

At the same time, Mexican criminal organizations were evolving, developing increasingly sophisticated means of mass-producing methamphetamine and distributing it in vibrant U.S. drug markets. The Mexico-produced methamphetamine was both higher in purity and lower in price, and when the new controls on precursors began, the Mexican groups simply shifted gears, moving to more accessible and harder to control precursors. The U.S.-based producers could not compete.

highest impact drugs

The combination of the U.S. crackdown and the flood of Mexico methamphetamine gutted the U.S. production market. In 2019, the DEA recorded just 890 domestic methamphetamine incidents.

Now, Mexican organized crime groups are the “primary producers and suppliers of low cost, high purity methamphetamine” sent to U.S. consumers, leading to “significant supply” of the synthetic drug in the U.S. market, according to the DEA.

The rise of methamphetamine in Mexico

As production ramped up, public health officials in Mexico started to notice the emerging threat methamphetamine posed amid a rise in addiction around 2009 or 2010. A decade later, the civil society-led Youth Integration Centers (CIJ), which work with the state’s health sector to combat drug use among youth, reported that methamphetamine use was rising exponentially, becoming the drug most reported by users seeking treatment in their facilities nationwide.

What’s more, the CIJ report found that through the first half of 2020, a growing number of people in their care — more than ever before — reported using methamphetamine at least once in their life. Methamphetamine just barely outpaced cocaine, and fell behind only alcohol, tobacco and marijuana, which may soon be completely legal in Mexico.

“We need to look at methamphetamine as the current substance that’s creating the most problems for people who use drugs in Mexico. We’ve seen an increase in consumption around the country and are suffering the unintended consequences of both preferences for substances and drug policy changes,” said Jaime Arredondo, a professor at the Drug Policy Program at the Center for Economic Research and Teaching (CIDE) in Aguascalientes.

Methamphetamine is attractive for many reasons. It’s powerful, offers an intense high and is extremely cheap. A user in Mexico can buy one “rock” on the streets for 50 pesos, or around US $2 per dose. Combined with its easy accessibility and the fact that it can be produced in any climate, it comes as little surprise that methamphetamine has spread across the country as crime groups have boosted production to keep up with U.S. demand.

Indeed, in Baja California state, a key drug trafficking corridor home to the border cities of Tijuana and Mexicali, the CIJ reported that methamphetamine was the drug most cited by users in their care between the second half of 2015 and the end of 2018, exceeding all other drugs, including marijuana.

Last year in Tijuana, authorities seized 3,386 kilograms of methamphetamine, more than any other city and almost three times as much as Ensenada, which saw the second-highest rate of such seizures, according to government data compiled by the non-profit Mexico United Against Crime (MUCD).

However, local drug users likely aren’t getting the high-quality product that consumers are in the United States. North of the border, the potency and purity of seized methamphetamine averages more than 97%. The drug is also increasingly being marketed – often unbeknownst to users – as counterfeit Adderall pills in places like New England. In 2019, the DEA made 115 methamphetamine seizures in pill form in that region. Before that, between 2015 and 2018, there were only 13 such pill seizures.

But while headline-grabbing news reports in Mexico often showcase the famous blue pills, Arredondo, the CIDE professor, says it’s extremely rare to see the regular users he interacts with in Tijuana and Mexicali using methamphetamine in pill form.

“It could be that the best product just gets exported to its final destination in the United States, while users continue to use lower quality drugs here in Mexico,” Arredondo told InSight Crime.

meth lab
With precursor chemicals, the infrastructure and the ability to follow a recipe anyone can set up a meth lab.

Another side effect: violence

Given the rise of the market in the United States, securing safe transport of the high-quality product across the U.S.-Mexico border has become even more important, evidenced in the battles between drug trafficking groups and corrupt security officials operating along these routes. Baja California – just across the border from the San Ysidro port of entry, the busiest land border crossing in the Western Hemisphere – had the highest homicide rate of all of Mexico’s states in 2020, with nearly 80 per 100,000 citizens, more than double the national average.

Of the 34,515 homicides recorded nationwide in 2020, the border city of Tijuana accounted for more than 4,000, or about 12% of all killings, the most of any town.

That said, rates of violence are not tied solely to the drug trade. Local economic and political interests also influence how power brokers use violence as a resource to establish order and maintain power, or to set new rules and configurations.

Further complicating things is the increasingly atomized nature of Mexico’s criminal landscape. Producing methamphetamine takes no agricultural know-how, unlike cultivating poppy for heroin or coca for cocaine. Anyone with access to precursor chemicals, the right infrastructure and the ability to follow a recipe can do it. This low bar of entry allows smaller startup groups to carve out a place for their own operations, taking advantage of a massive market with rising demand and prices.

As things stand now, the lucrative trade shows no signs of slowing, and use of the drug in Mexico is likely to continue. In 2019, Mexico’s National Statistics and Geography Institute (Inegi) reported that the number of citizens addicted to amphetamines jumped 775% since 2000.

With use growing, the array of players is widening. Last month, a former mayor was arrested for his role in brokering a multimillion-dollar deal on behalf of the so-called Cárteles Unidos to deliver half a tonne of methamphetamine hidden in concrete tiles and house paint to south Florida by truck.

Not long after the arrest, members of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) — one of the main producers of synthetic drugs like methamphetamine — reportedly stormed Aguililla, the town in Michoacán state the former official once presided over, in what was the start of just the latest power struggle to be waged.

This is the third and final part of a series (read chapters one and two) in which InSight Crime has explored changing drug consumption patterns in the region and its impact on criminal dynamics. Parker Asmann is a writer with InSight Crime, a foundation dedicated to the study of organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Hyatt announces six new hotels over the next 4 years

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Ultra-upscale Park Hyatt hotels are planned in Mexico City and Los Cabos.
Ultra-upscale Park Hyatt hotels are planned in Mexico City and Los Cabos.

Hyatt Hotels and Resorts has announced plans to open six new hotels in Mexico over the next four years, aiming to strengthen its presence in popular locations like Cancún and to capture more of the high end hotel market.

For 2021, Hyatt said it will open the Hyatt Ziva complex in the Riviera Maya and will introduce a hotel from its location-specific Unbound Collection brand in San Miguel de Allende. The hotelier currently has 22 hotels in Mexico, operating under nine of its brands.

“Mexico is a very strong destination, with huge potential,” said Thierry Guillot, vice president of Hyatt’s operations for Latin America and the Caribbean. “We have an opportunity to develop new brands in the market to satisfy the different types of guests and clients we could receive.”

In the next year or two, the company plans to open a Thompson complex in Monterrey and two hotels in Mexico City and Los Cabos belonging to its ultra-upscale brand Park Hyatt. Another Unbound Collection hotel is planned for Todos Santos, Baja California Sur, by 2025.

The Unbound Collection, according to Guillot, is designed to highlight the cultural attributes of well-known destinations.

“In a country like Mexico, which has such a long history, it is a very good opportunity to add this brand to the portfolio,” Guillot said.

He noted that performance for beach destination hotels has outpaced urban hotels.

“Hotels have grown between 50% and 60% in beach destinations, depending on the day of the week. But on the other hand, for city hotels that depend on business tourism, large groups and conventions, it’s a different story.”

Guillot said that urban destinations are recovering very slowly, with occupation rates between 20% and 30%. It is expected that the numbers will improve at the end of this year.

Source: Expansión (sp)

Migration, corruption, tree-planting on agenda of López Obrador-Kamala Harris meeting

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López Obrador and Harris during Friday's meeting.
López Obrador and Harris during Friday's meeting.

President López Obrador pledged to support the United States’ migration policies during a video call with U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris on Friday.

“We agree with the migration policies you are developing and we are going to help, you can count on us,” the president told Harris in his introductory remarks.

López Obrador also told the vice president that he was happy that President Joe Biden had given her the job of attending to “the migration issue.”

“This means that it is an issue that President Biden cares about a lot, because he decided to appoint you, the vice president of the United States, to attend to this issue,” he said.

His remarks came after Harris said the United States and Mexico must work together to stem migration from Central American countries.

“Our nations face serious challenges, Covid being an obvious one, economic repercussions coming from the Covid pandemic, as well as the surge of migrants arriving at our shared border,” the vice president said.

“Together, we must fight violence, we must fight corruption and impunity. It is in our countries’ mutual interest to provide immediate relief to the Northern Triangle [Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador] and to address the root causes of migration,” she said.

“You and I have discussed before an understanding and belief [that] most people don’t want to leave home and when they do it is often because they are fleeing some harm or they are forced to leave because there’s no opportunity in their home. And so this is in our mutual interest to address some of these root causes,” said Harris, who is scheduled to visit Mexico and Guatemala early next month.

The Biden administration has said it is determined to improve the rule of law and reduce corruption in Central American nations as part of its strategy to stem migration to the United States, which has increased significantly since the new U.S. president took office in January. Harris recently announced US $310 million in additional aid for the region, which has been hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic and recent hurricanes.

The U.S. vice president’s chief spokesperson said in a statement after the meeting that “the leaders agreed to work together to establish a strategic partnership to address the root causes of migration from countries in the Northern Triangle region.”

“Through this joint initiative, the United States and Mexico will leverage their expertise and resources to tackle a range of challenges, including lack of employment, limited market access, and deforestation and regional instability caused by climate change,” the statement said.

lopez obrador and kamala harris
The leaders agreed to work together to address the root causes of migration.

It also said that United States and Mexican officials discussed “their desire to advance a bilateral effort against migrant smuggling and human trafficking that will bring together law enforcement from both nations to dismantle criminal networks.”

The statement made no mention of support for López Obrador’s proposal for the United States to support financially the expansion of Mexico’s tree-planting employment program into Central American nations and issue U.S. work visas and eventually citizenship to people who participate in the scheme for three years.

The president proposed the scheme to Biden at a climate summit last month and raised it again with Harris on Friday.

“We have a specific proposal that I believe could be convenient,” he said in his introductory remarks.

In addition to proposing an expansion of the Sembrando Vida (Sowing Life) tree-planting program, López Obrador thanked the United States government for sharing 2.7 million AstraZeneca Covid-19 vaccines with Mexico, according to a statement released by the president’s office.

“In addition, he praised the United States’ decision to support the suspension of Covid-19 vaccine patents. In accordance with the bonds of solidarity and cooperation between both countries, he asked the United States to increase cooperation with Mexico to accelerate the pace of immunization in the country,” the statement said.

The meeting between López Obrador and Harris came a day after the federal government sent a diplomatic note to the United States to ask it to explain why it has provided funding to Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity, a civil society organization that the president has accused of attempting to “sabotage” his administration. However, prior to the meeting López Obrador said he wouldn’t raise that issue.

He chose instead to focus more on what unites Mexico and the United States rather than the issues that divide the two countries.

“We have a border of more than 3,000 kilometers that unites us and we have to seek understanding, not fight. There is a phrase attributed to the president Porfirio Diáz, ‘ ‘Poor Mexico, so far from God and so close to the United States,'” López Obrador said, drawing laughter from Harris and other U.S. officials.

“Now, because the relations are much better, we can say, blessed Mexico, so close to God and not so far from the United States,” he added, repeating the same message he conveyed to President Biden in March. “We’re going to continue understanding each other, we have many things in common.”

Source: Reuters (en) 

Literary Sala to interview Matthew McConaughey in public online event

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Matthew McConaughey interviewed by San Miguel Literary Sala
Matthew McConaughey, author of the memoir Greenlights, will be interviewed by the San Miguel Literary Sala in a public online event on May 14.

The San Miguel Literary Sala continues its online series of interviews, talks and discussions with distinguished authors with an unusual guest on May 14 — Academy Award-winning actor Matthew McConaughey.

McConaughey will be interviewed live on Zoom about his book Greenlights by comedian and author Jamie Brickhouse, a fellow Texan. Viewers who tune in will be allowed afterward to talk to McConaughey briefly.

The book, published in 2020, was a New York Times bestseller for over 25 weeks. The unconventional, raucous memoir reflects McConaughey’s well-documented adventurous, shamanistic explorer personality as he pores through memories of his childhood and younger years as a single man.

“I wore the leathers. I rode the Thunderbird. I took a lot of showers in the daylight hours, rarely alone. I partook,” he says.

McConaughey has confirmed he is considering a run for governor of Texas, saying he wants “to get into a leadership role in the next chapter of my life.” He is currently polling ahead of current Governor Greg Abbott.

Brickhouse is a standup comedian and author of the one-man show, Dangerous When Wet: A Memoir of Booze, Sex, and My Mother, described by author Wally Lamb as “a poignant, hilarious and sharply observed story of a gay man’s exchange of self-destruction and self-loathing for wisdom and a mature understanding of love.”

The Literary Sala is known as the organizer of the annual San Miguel Writers’ Conference in San Miguel de Allende, Guanajuato, which has a tradition of allowing audience members to have one-on-one time with authors after events. The tradition will be allowed at this Zoom event as well, where audience members will be able to get a few moments to talk with McConaughey and Brickhouse over Zoom.

Tickets for the event are available on a sliding scale price from US $5.00 to $50.00 and may be purchased at the San Miguel Literary Sala Website.

Gang warfare in northeastern Jalisco forces residents to flee their homes

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A bullet-riddled vehicle in Teocaltiche.
A bullet-riddled vehicle in Teocaltiche.

Clashes between cells of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) and the Sinaloa Cartel have forced residents of Teocaltiche, Jalisco, to flee their homes.

Since Thursday, there have been several confrontations in the municipality, located 170 kilometers northeast of Guadalajara on  Jalisco’s border with Zacatecas and Aguascalientes.

According to preliminary reports, a convoy of 18 vehicles emblazoned with the CJNG initials was in Teocaltiche on Thursday. The Jalisco cartel, generally considered Mexico’s most powerful and violent criminal organization, is fighting the Sinaloa Cartel for control of the municipality and surrounding area.

The newspaper Reforma reported that at least one man was killed in the clashes that occurred in several communities, including El Saucito, El Rosario, Rancho Mayor and Rancho Nuevo. Cattle have also been killed and one home was set on fire, Reforma said.

Two burnt-out vehicles and three that were riddled with bullets were located on Friday morning as was a slain, handcuffed man. All told, authorities seized seven abandoned vehicles on Friday, four of which were armored. They also found two grenades and large numbers of spent bullet casings but no arrests were reported.

[wpgmza id=”297″]

The news agency Quadratín reported that some Teocaltiche residents have fled their homes due to the violence and that municipal and church authorities have set up temporary shelters. Residents of a neighboring municipality have donated food, medications, footwear and personal hygiene products to the displaced people.

On its official Facebook page, the Teocaltiche council published a statement Friday calling on residents to keep their calm despite the violence. It said that it is working hand in hand with the Jalisco government and security authorities to restore peace.

“This is a time at which we must act with caution, responsibility, calmness and unity,” the council said. It also urged people to ignore rumors about the security situation in Teocaltiche, especially those spread on social media.

“We ask the public not to disseminate information that doesn’t come from official sources in order to avoid creating panic,” the council said. Its statement was criticized by some social media users.

“Is this serious?” wrote Miriam Álvarez, adding that it was irrational to ask people who cannot return to their homes to remain calm. “I would like to see you in the shoes of those people,” she said.

The outbreak of violence occurred just a few weeks after the presence of state and federal security forces was bolstered in the Altos Norte region of Jalisco, which includes Teocaltiche. But the deployment of additional state police as well as members of the National Guard and army has not put an end to the violence in the area.

There was also a series of attacks in the Altos Norte region late last month. On April 27, a group of armed men opened fire on state police in Lagos de Moreno, located east of Teocaltiche on Jalisco’s border with Guanajuato. The police returned fire and two criminals were killed.

There was another clash the next day in Encarnación de Díaz, which is situated between Teocaltiche and Lagos de Moreno. No deaths were reported but a tortilla shop was set ablaze and two reporters covering the violence were beaten, Quadratín reported. A day later, on April 29, a state police officer was shot dead in Tepatitlán and three others were wounded.

The CJNG is also involved in turf wars in several other states, including Michoacán where it is facing off against the Cárteles Unidos and Guanajuato – Mexico’s most violent state – where it is feuding with the Santa Rosa de Lima Cartel.

Source: Quadratín (sp), Reforma (sp)

Narco-tunnel found in Tijuana in front of National Guard base

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The Tijuana narco-tunnel
The Tijuana narco-tunnel was outfitted with ventilation and rails.

A narco-tunnel at least 200 meters long has been found in Tijuana at a house directly across from a National Guard base.

The tunnel had no connection on the United States side but it is located near another tunnel discovered years ago. Authorities suspect the goal was to connect to the older one. The new tunnel had systems for ventilation and lighting as well a cart and rails.

The tunnel was discovered after a package of marijuana was found on the street outside the house. A search of the houses revealed electrical cables ready to be installed in the tunnel.

In the last three years, border authorities have found at least 200 narco-tunnels, including one discovered in August of 2019 that connected Tijuana to San Diego. According to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), there are at least 13,300 narco-tunnels in Mexico, most of them built in territory where the Sinaloa Cartel is active.

The DEA said that jailed drug lord Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzmán was the mastermind behind the construction of the tunnels, which run up to 450 meters in length. The tunnels have been used to transport drugs, cash and sometimes migrants.

Source: Infobae (sp)

New coronavirus risk map reflects decline in cases; third wave fails to materialize

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coronavirus map
The new coronavirus map is predominantly green.

Mexico’s improving coronavirus situation is reflected on the federal government’s updated coronavirus stoplight map, which shows that all but three of the country’s 32 states are either low risk green or medium risk yellow.

There are 14 green states and 15 yellow states on the new map, which was presented by the Health Ministry on Friday and will take effect on Monday. There are just three high risk orange light states and none at the red light maximum risk level.

The 14 green states, an increase of eight compared to the map currently in force, will be Chiapas, Campeche, Coahuila, Veracruz, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Sonora, Nuevo León, Sinaloa, Durango, San Luis Potosí, Oaxaca, Tlaxcala and Nayarit. The first six states are already green while the other eight will switch from yellow.

The 15 yellow states, a decrease of five compared to the current map, will be Baja California, Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Colima, Michoacán, Guerrero, Morelos, Puebla, Querétaro, Tamaulipas, México state, Yucatán, Baja California Sur, Hidalgo and Mexico City. The first 12 state are already yellow while the last three will switch from orange.

The three orange states for the next two weeks will be Chihuahua, Tabasco and Quintana Roo, all of which are already at the high risk level.

Coronavirus cases and deaths in Mexico as reported by day.
Coronavirus cases and deaths in Mexico as reported by day. milenio

Each stoplight color, determined by the Health Ministry using 10 different indicators including case numbers and hospital occupancy levels, is accompanied by recommended restrictions to slow the spread of the virus but it is ultimately up to state governments to decide on their own restrictions.

In addition to presenting the updated stoplight map, health official Ricardo Cortés displayed a graph at Friday night’s coronavirus press briefing that showed that the national hospital occupancy rate has declined 82% from the peak recorded at the start of the year, when many hospitals were overwhelmed with Covid patients. Only 11% of general care beds set aside for Covid patients are currently occupied while 16% of those with ventilators are in use.

Cortés also presented a graph that showed that Mexico’s epidemic curve has declined significantly in recent weeks. The number of new cases reported in April was 30% lower than March, while during the first seven days of May an average of 2,445 cases was reported daily, a 31% decline compared to last month’s daily average.

There are currently 21,706 active cases in the country, according to Health Ministry estimates. That number was above 100,000 at the peak of the second – and worst – wave of the virus in January.

Reported Covid deaths also declined in the first week of May to an average of 250 per day from 456 in April, a 45% drop.

The data on new cases for April and early May show that Mexico avoided a spike in infections that authorities warned could occur after last month’s Easter vacation period. Deputy Health Minister Hugo López-Gatell acknowledged Thursday that the feared third wave didn’t occur.

“Very fortunately, the third wave didn’t arrive,” the coronavirus point man said, adding that health authorities had an obligation to warn of the risk as it urged the public to continue to take precautions over the Easter period. “There was success,” López-Gatell declared.

Still, the fact remains that Mexico has been one of the world’s worst affected countries by the coronavirus pandemic. The national accumulated case tally – considered a vast undercount due to low testing rates – currently stands at 2.36 million, the 15th highest total in the world, according to data compiled by Johns Hopkins University.

The official Covid-19 death toll – also widely believed to be a significant undercount – is 218,657, the world’s fourth highest total after those of the United States, Brazil and India.

Source: El Universal (sp) 

Oaxaca mayor arrested in case of missing British-Mexican citizen

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Mayor Huerta
Mayor Huerta, in custody for enforced disappearance.

Oaxaca police have arrested a mayor and two other government officials who are suspected of kidnapping British-Mexican citizen Claudia Uruchurtu.

Uruchurtu disappeared the evening of March 26 after taking part in a protest outside government headquarters in the Mixteca municipality of Asunción Nochixtlán, where Mayor Lizbeth Victoria Huerta is now in custody.

Witnesses said Uruchurtu was grabbed and pushed into a vehicle, according to Uruchurtu’s family.

The arrests come after her family lobbied the British foreign ministry, the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to demand justice. The family said Uruchurtu had denounced Huerta before state authorities for embezzlement of public resources before her disappearance.

The family said they received death threats via phone calls and acts of intimidation at their homes in Oaxaca after Uruchurtu disappeared. The Oaxaca human rights commission established a security escort for the family in response, and demanded that security and justice officials not harass the family or violate their human rights.

Uruchurtu disappeared in Nochixtlán in March.
Uruchurtu disappeared in Nochixtlán in March.

Uruchurtu’s accusations of financial impropriety were not the first for Mayor Huerta. On September 14 of last year, the state elections council said Huerta broke the law when she used public resources to fund personal propaganda. She faced other accusations of using public funds for her personal political goals in April and May 2020.

The March 26 protest where Uruchurtu disappeared was in response to the beating and arrest of a local man, allegedly on Huerta’s orders. Alfonso Avendaño, a supplier to the Nochixtlán government, showed up at government offices asking to be paid money he was owed. The mayor allegedly ordered local police to beat the man, leaving Avendaño with a fractured skull, according to his family. A witness who filmed the beating said she was later threatened by Huerta.

The mayor is currently seeking reelection as the Morena party’s candidate after having been chosen in an internal party survey. In reference to Uruchurtu’s disappearance, Huerta claimed to be the victim of a “dirty game” aimed at quashing her political ambitions. She also said she was the victim of political gender violence and demanded authorities find Uruchurtu.

The latter’s family has called the incident the first enforced disappearance during President López Obrador’s administration and have sought the intervention of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

Sources: El Universal (sp), Aristegui Noticias (sp)