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New book suggests AMLO has betrayed leftist roots

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The new neoliberal?

President López Obrador has betrayed his leftist ideals and veered to the right since taking office in late 2018, according to some of the contributors to a new book of essays.

Eighteen essays in the book Balance temprano: Desde la izquierda democrática (Early Assessment: From the Democratic Left), analyze federal government actions (and inaction) across a range of areas.

Among them: the attack on autonomous institutions, the militarization of public life, the absence of a meaningful environmental policy, the abuse of government communication channels, the attacks on the scientific sector, the application of neoliberal policies (despite López Obrador’s frequently-stated opposition to neoliberalism) and the supposed fight against corruption.

One of the authors who asserts that López Obrador has turned to the right since becoming president is Jacqueline Peschard, the former president of the National Anti-Corruption System.

At a virtual press conference, she said that a “very large part of his policies are closer to the right and neoliberalism than to the left,” which he supposedly represents and identifies with.

Without offering concrete examples, Peschard charged that the president’s rhetoric belies his actions.

“There is an enormous gap between his discourse, … in favor of opening space for debate, in favor of democracy, in favor of inclusion” and his actions, she said.

To identify AMLO, as the president is known, as a leftist is to go against common sense, Peschard said.

She also said that the president, through his repeated assertions, appears to have convinced the public that corruption has decreased when in fact studies show that it has not.

Another contributor to the book claimed that López Obrador has shifted to the right in a range of areas.

Mariano Sánchez Talanquer, a politics professor at the Center for Research in Teaching and Economics, a Mexico City University, said at the same press conference that the government austerity drive is one example of the president’s conservatism.

Jacqueline Peschard
Peschard: many of AMLO’s policies are closer to the right and neoliberalism than to the left.

López Obrador has cut funding in a range of areas, slashed officials’ salaries and his response to the coronavirus-induced economic crisis has been widely criticized for its inadequacy.

Sánchez also cited the president’s “quasi-religious moralizing discourse,” attacks against several institutions and a greater dependence on the military – which is carrying out public security tasks and building the new Mexico City airport, among other non-traditional jobs – as examples of his shift to the right.

“He’s betraying a large part of the principles of a democratic leftist,” he said.

The academic also asserted that López Obrador’s opposition to tax reform and failure to strengthen Mexico’s education and health systems are examples of “neoliberalism from the left.”

In addition, Sánchez charged that AMLO displays intolerance on a daily basis – he frequently uses his morning press conferences to attack his critics and opponents – and has an obsession about concentrating political power in the executive, a criticism also made by a group of 10 dissident state governors.

Rolando Cordera Campos, coordinator of the development studies program at the National Autonomous University and another contributor to the book, was critical of López Obrador’s refusal to provide greater economic support to businesses amid the pandemic. Providing additional support would have prevented business closures and avoided the loss of jobs, he said.

Ricardo Becerra, an economist and one of two editors of the collection of essays, said he is not hopeful of a change of course from the president in his final four years in office.

He said the aim of the book is to “contribute to the public debate in Mexico,” not attack AMLO or other government officials.

“The issues and the problems are at the center of the debate, not people,” Becerra said.

Source: Reforma (sp) 

The nebulous, non-linear space that is Mexico’s southern border

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The jungle that covers most of Mexico's southern border.
The jungle that covers most of the border region.

Jorge lives in a middle-sized town about 30 minutes from the Mexico-Guatemala border. His wife is friendly with his neighbor’s spouse, but his neighbor is almost never there.

About once every month or so he returns, often with his brother, and they sit in front of their house, garrulous and talkative, catching up on the latest happenings. Jorge never asks what the neighbors do for work — when something isn’t obvious it can be better not to know.

Last summer the brothers invited Jorge on an overnight fishing trip, to what they said would be a secret spot in the jungle on the border. Jorge felt uneasy about it but felt he had no choice but to accept. The three men left after dark and started driving to the unknown spot, which Jorge had assumed would be 20 or 30 minutes away; three hours later they were still driving and by this point completely off-road, on tracks that were barely present as the vehicle passed through heavy brush.

At about 1:00 a.m., when they finally stopped in front of an enormous lagoon alongside a little wooden jetty and a rickety boat, Jorge was relieved. “At that point I thought maybe it was really just a fishing trip after all, and, honestly, I breathed a big sigh.”

The fishing for its part was quicker than expected, and within an hour they had filled the boat and four big boxes full of huge specimens. On returning to land they lit a fire and started cooking as much as they could eat, and as they finally left at dawn the brothers said they had one more stop to make.

Half an hour later the 4×4 full of fish pulled into another clearing, smaller this time, completely empty. They parked, got out, and 20 yards away from the vehicle the brothers started scratching around in the dirt, unearthing a metal door in the ground. They unlocked it with two separate keys, and motioned Jorge to join them, then stepped down into an underground concrete room.

One brother switched on an air-conditioning unit, the other an overhead light, then the first opened a fridge and pulled out a six-pack of beer. Now the room was lit, Jorge could see that the walls were lined with semi-automatic weapons and other high-end military hardware; the snack spot for the brothers also doubled as a concealed arsenal in the middle of the jungle.

Borders the world over are complicated, whether those divided by natural landforms or an artificially conceived line in the sand, what there is on one side is different to what there is on the other, and the push-me/pull-you of this division generates all manner of behavior and commerce, legal and illicit.

The Mexico-Guatemala border is no different but, outside of perhaps the only two significant border crossings at Chetumal in Quintana Roo and Tapachula in Chiapas, much of the rest of this frontier is really a nebulous, non-linear space which only exists in maps and legislative contexts. On the ground, the fundamentals are that it is a wild and rule-free place for both animals and humans.

In Mexico, the vast majority of media coverage and interest looks north, to the border between the supposed first and developing world, while Mexico’s southern edge with Guatemala and Belize receives scant attention. It is of little geopolitical interest beyond when journalists and news cycles cover migration from Central America, which in any case is also a topic which has more bearing on the northern border than its southern counterpart.

When Guatemala closed its borders at the very start of the ongoing pandemic, for instance, no one even blinked; there is almost no international cross-border commerce to speak of in the area, and those who flit across the imagined line do so unpoliced anyway, so nothing really changed.

The fundamentals of the southern border are that the section which Mexico shares with Guatemala runs for 871 kilometers (541 miles) and connects the Mexican states of Chiapas, Tabasco and Campeche with north and west Guatemala, and to the east a small section connects Mexico with Belize and runs for a much shorter 250 kilometers, almost entirely along the Hondo river which separates the two.

In large part, the majority of the border area continues to be jungle or river surrounded by jungle, an area which, both traditionally and more contemporaneously, was inhabited by bandits. Of late, these are not the recognizable bandits of yesteryear, but rather individuals and groups who find niches in the no man’s land to leverage local components of much bigger economies, most obviously the illicit movement of people and — of course — narcotics.

In some areas, indigenous communities continue to exist in relative, isolated autonomy, often leading a cross-border existence where the line of separation is largely nominal, except in times of geopolitical crisis. In Frontera Corozal, for instance, the Ch’ol Mayans of the area live on both sides of the Usumacinta River and have regular, daily contact as though there was no division at all.

In fact, on the Mexican side, all local cell phone numbers are Guatemalan, given that Tigo has much better coverage than Telcel in the area. Even more interestingly, during the Guatemalan civil war the Ch’ols from the eastern side almost all moved to the Mexican bank of the river to seek refuge, and stayed for 10 years until the situation cooled enough for them to return.

In many ways the southern border is a throwback to what borders used to be and so rarely are anymore: amorphous and unmediated spaces which consist much more of a border area than a line in the sand.

They are an entire region which operates to different rules, and give rise to drifting between communities, making stories like Jorge’s, outlandish as it may seem, a common occurrence.

Electronic counter marks the days since CDMX woman disappeared

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Installation of the counter Thursday outside the Attorney General's Office.
Installation of the counter Thursday outside the Attorney General's Office.

Family members of a woman who disappeared three years ago installed an electronic counter outside the Mexico City Attorney General’s Office (FGJ) on Thursday to remind authorities that she hasn’t been found more than 1,000 days after she went missing.

Pamela Gallardo Volante disappeared in southern Mexico City on November 5, 2017, after attending an electronic music concert.

Assisted by the Human Rights and Social Action Justice Group, a non-governmental organization, family members of the missing woman plugged in an electronic sign outside the FGJ headquarters that showed that Gallardo had been missing for 1,095 days.

María del Carmen Volante, the missing woman’s mother, said the installation of the electronic counter was not meant to be an attack on Attorney General Ernestina Godoy, but to get her attention.

She said it will serve as a reminder to Godoy and other FGJ officials that she will never stop looking for her daughter and they shouldn’t either. Volante said she and her other children paid for the electronic counter with their own money.

Pamela Gallardo
Pamela Gallardo, missing since 2017.

David Peña, a representative of the human rights group, said the counter will remind the FGJ every day that it is “not doing its job.”

“We ask the authorities not to remove it because [installing] it is an act of remembering Pamela, it’s to tell her that we’re still looking for her, that we’re not going to rest until we find her,” he said.

Recent changes at the FGJ and the resignation of Nelly Montealegre as chief of the gender crimes division has stalled investigations into many cases, reported the newspaper El Universal.

It said that family members of victims have to ask personally that the FGJ restart investigations but in many cases have been unable to secure appointments.

Volante said the new chief of the gender crimes division, Laura Borbolla, has refused to meet with her. She also told El Universal about a group she formed two years ago to keep the pressure on authorities and carry out searches for missing people.

Called Hasta Encontrarles (Until We Find Them), the group is currently made up of the members of 16 families of missing persons, Volante said, adding that they joined forces “to demand justice.”

maria del carmen volante
Volante won’t stop looking for her daughter and says authorities shouldn’t stop either.

She said that she became an activist out of love for her daughter and was soon joined by other like-minded mothers.

“This collective is built on love for our missing sons and daughters. We’ll continue the fight,” Volante said.

The federal government presented a report in July that said that there are more than 73,000 missing person in Mexico. Almost 98% of that number disappeared after 2006, the year in which former president Felipe Calderón launched the so-called war on drugs.

Source: El Universal (sp) 

Ex-defense minister, army chief pleads not guilty to US drug charges

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Cienfuegos appeared in court through a video link from a Brooklyn jail.
Cienfuegos appeared in court through a video link from a Brooklyn jail.

Former defense minister Salvador Cienfuegos pleaded not guilty on Thursday to drug trafficking and money laundering charges in the United States.

Cienfuegos, army chief during the 2012-2018 government led by former president Enrique Peña Nieto, was arrested at Los Angeles airport last month. He faces three charges of drug trafficking and one of money laundering.

The 72-year-old former official allegedly colluded with the H-2 Cartel, a faction of the Beltrán Leyva Organization.

Cienfuegos appeared at a Brooklyn federal court hearing via video link from the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, New York, where he was transferred this week. His not guilty plea was submitted by his lawyer, Edward Sapone.

Cienfuegos, the second high profile former security official to be arrested in the United States in the last year after ex-security minister Genaro García Luna was detained last December, is expected to face trial early next year.

García, who served in the 2006-2012 administration led by former president Felipe Calderón, is also being held at the Metropolitan Detention Center. He faces charges that he colluded with the Sinaloa Cartel.

A day before Cienfuegos’ latest hearing, it was announced that Sapone was taking over his case.

The lawyer said in a statement Thursday that he and his legal team “will ensure that General Cienfuegos’ constitutional rights are protected as we zealously defend him.”

The case against the former army chief is based on incriminating Blackberry smartphone messages intercepted by United States authorities.

U.S. prosecutors say that Cienfuegos used his position to protect the H-2 Cartel, accusing him of ordering operations against its rivals and helping it secure maritime transport to ship drugs to the United States. His next court appearance is scheduled for November 18.

Sapone has previously represented Mexican government officials. A biography on his website says that he defended an advisor to a president of Mexico and that his defense resulted in no charges being filed.

Sapone has also represented the Mexican consulate in New York for 19 years. He said that his work for Cienfuegos is unrelated to that relationship but that the consulate was aware of it and was “pleased.”

President López Obrador last week ruled out any possibility that the federal government would fund the former minister’s defense.

“When Mexicans are detained and on trial abroad, they are supported. There’s consular assistance but [government] resources aren’t used to defend any alleged perpetrator of crimes; that possibility is not being considered,” he said.

Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard said last week that Mexico had expressed its “profound discontent” to the United States over not being informed about the plan to arrest Cienfuegos.

López Obrador has called on U.S. authorities to provide Mexico all its information about the Cienfuegos case. The general hasn’t faced any criminal charges at home.

The arrest of the former army chief is a major embarrassment for the armed forces and raises awkward questions for the president, who is relying on the military for public security, infrastructure construction and a range of other important tasks.

Despite Cienfuegos’ arrest, López Obrador says that he retains full confidence in the armed forces, asserting recently that he personally vetted the current army and navy chiefs and could vouch for their honesty.

Source: El Universal (sp), Reuters (en)

90 bridges, overpasses in danger of collapse without prompt attention

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highway overpass
Some require urgent attention.

The federal Ministry of Transportation says more than 2,000 bridges and overpasses are badly in need of repair, but only 90 will get attention next year due to budgetary constraints.

The 90 on the repair list are “ready to collapse” if not given early attention, the ministry said.

“… if these bridge repairs are not carried out, it puts at risk their structural stability, leaving open the possibility that some will collapse and endanger the safety of bridge users, as well as resulting in traffic stoppages, causing longer and more costly commutes for motorists.”

The ministry is allocating 300 million pesos in its 2021 budget for repair of the 90 bridges, which represent only 4.9% of the 2,000 in need of repair. It is also far less than what was allocated in previous years. In 2018, the ministry spent 1.35 billion pesos to repair 129 bridges.

The proposed emergency repairs could the extend safe use of the 90 bridges for another 20 years, the ministry said.

Nearly all of Mexico’s 32 states have at least one bridge on the list of the 90 most at risk. Information about the specific location of the bridges was not provided.

  • Aguascalientes and Guanajuato, one each.
  • Baja California, Colima, Chiapas, Chihuahua, Nayarit, Puebla, Querétaro and Zacatecas, two each.
  • Baja California Sur, Guerrero, Jalisco, Sinaloa and Sonora, three each.
  • Durango, San Luis Potosí and Tabasco, four each.
  • Tamaulipas has five.
  • Michoacán, Oaxaca and Tlaxcala, six each.
  • México state and Nuevo León, seven each.
  • Veracruz has eight.

Highway maintenance authorities attributed the bridges’ disrepair to factors like vehicle use over time and weather, including hurricanes and earthquakes in some states.

Source: El Universal (sp)

Sex in the Sumidero gets cool response from authorities

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Two of the actors who enjoyed a sexual excursion in the Sumidero Canyon last week.
Two of the actors who enjoyed a sexual excursion in the Sumidero Canyon last week.

It’s best known as a tourist attraction but the Sumidero Canyon in Chiapas was used as the setting for an adult film last week. It didn’t sit well with local or federal authorities.

A group of pornographic actors filmed a sex scene aboard a boat while floating down the Grijalva River, which runs through the canyon.

Alex Marín, an actor and director for a pornography production company who featured in the scene, posted videos and photographs of the canyon cavorting to his Twitter account.

He boasted that it was the first time that sexually-explicit content had been filmed in the canyon, located near Chiapas capital of Tuxtla Gutiérrez.

Marín’s posts went viral on social media and as a result caught the eye of the federal government’s National Commission of Natural Protected Areas (Conanp), which denounced the improper use of the Sumidero Canyon national park.

A sex scene on the Grijalva River.
A sex scene on the Grijalva River.

Conanp said Wednesday that the filming of pornographic content in the park “damages the image of an icon that represents the pride of Chiapas” and exceeds “moral limits.”

It also said the filming violated environmental laws and that those involved hadn’t been granted permission to shoot in the canyon.

The commission said it will take legal action against the people who participated in the “illegal acts.”

Conanp also said it will file a complaint against the cooperative that rented a boat to the pornographic actors and facilitated their behavior.

The municipal government of Chiapa de Corzo, where the Sumidero Canyon is located, also denounced the actions of Marín and the three women who participated in the sex scene with him.

The footage that circulated online “denigrates the image of the municipality and one of the country’s main natural attractions,” it said.

The president of the Central Chiapas Hotel and Motel Association took a very different view.

Manuel Niño Gutiérrez said the sexually explicit video will help promote tourism in the southern state. He also praised the actors for following the proper “health protocols” while filming, although it was unclear exactly what he was referring to.

During a five-day promotional trip to Chiapas, the female actors also posed for erotic photos in front of Tuxtla Gutiérrez’s famous flower clock. City authorities asserted that they hadn’t granted permission for nude pictures to be taken there.

Source: Proceso (sp), La Voz de Michoacán (sp), El Universal (sp) 

Butterfly photographed in Guanajuato had been tagged in Iowa

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The butterfly in Guanajuato
The butterfly in Guanajuato was one of many thousands tagged on their migration route.

After flying 39 days and covering 2,900 kilometers, a monarch butterfly tagged in Iowa was recently discovered in Acámbaro, Guanajuato, a few kilometers away from Mexico’s Monarch Butterfly Biosphere Reserve.

According to Monarch Watch, which runs a monarch tagging program from its headquarters at the University of Kansas, the butterfly was tagged on September 23 in Dallas County, Iowa, by a member of a local citizen-science group.

Gilberto Ruiz Parra, a Mexican volunteer working with Monarch Watch, found the tagged butterfly on November 1 in the Sierra de los Agustino protected area.

“It’s male and is in excellent condition except for having a thin abdomen,” Ruiz told the newspaper Milenio. “It doesn’t have any significant injuries.”

Monarch Watch’s tagging program, founded in 1992, recruits volunteers from Canada, the United States and Mexico to observe and better understand the monarch’s annual migration between the three countries.

Sighting a tagged monarch in Mexico is a bit like finding a needle in a haystack. Each year, Monarch Watch distributes over a quarter million tags to volunteers across North America who tag the monarchs as they migrate through their area. The majority of the organization’s tags are then sighted again in central Mexico. Volunteers go to areas known to be overwintering sites for the butterflies.

During the 2019 migration season, volunteers in Central Mexico found just 658 tags.

Ruiz spotted the tagged monarch in a group he found spending the night in a cluster of California pepper trees. It took some effort to get close enough to it to take a picture for the organization, he said.

“It was difficult to get to them because they were very high and because we’re directed not to touch or disturb them,” Ruiz said.

Source: Milenio (sp)

90 kids attend Sinaloa school equipped by El Chapo Guzmán’s sons

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The cartel-supported school in Culiacán.
The cartel-supported school in Culiacán.

The reach of the sons of notorious drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán has extended into the education system in Sinaloa.

Since the beginning of the week, about 90 children have been attending a school in a poor neighborhood of Culiacán to which Guzmán’s sons donated desks, chairs, televisions and computers among other items.

Despite a sign with the letters JGL (El Chapo’s initials) adorning its entrance, the school appears to be a fairly normal if basic educational facility. But according to the Sinaloa education minister, it is operating outside of regulations.

Juan Alfonso Mejía López said the school needs to be officially registered with educational authorities, pointing out that if it isn’t, the students’ progress won’t be officially recognized.

He said education officials have begun discussions with the school’s voluntary teachers with a view to having it registered.

Despite its current informal status, the school’s students – many of whom are the children of men and women who earn a meager living scavenging on Culiacán’s south side – appear happy to be in school rather than at home, where most don’t have access to television or the internet and are therefore unable to watch virtual classes currently screening due to the coronavirus pandemic.

Video footage published by the newspaper Milenio shows primary school-aged children studying together in makeshift classrooms.

One girl tells a reporter that she is happy to be at school and when questioned about who equipped it, she responded: “Some men who always came here to help my aunt.”

She was apparently referring to some of the sons of El Chapo, among whom are Jesús Alfredo, Iván Archivaldo and Ovidio. All three are suspected high-ranking members of the Sinaloa Cartel their father once headed.

The arrest of Ovidio Guzmán in Culiacán just over a year ago triggered a wave of cartel attacks in the northern city, prompting the authorities to release him.

One teacher who spoke to Milenio said she was approached by El Chapo’s sons and that they told her that they wanted to help local children.

el chapo's school
A sign bears the former drug lord’s initials.

Identified only as Esmeralda, the teacher said the imprisoned drug lord’s offspring initially wanted to build a new school but to save time they decided to adapt an existing property.

“I told them that luxuries weren’t so important, that the most important thing was internet. … We told them about this place and asked them if they could help us to adapt it and they did,” she said.

Esmeralda said the teachers had asked the state government for help in opening a temporary school but received no assistance because “all the resources were going to [responding to] Covid-19.”

Mejía, the education minister, said he had no knowledge of the teachers’ request.

Another teacher told Milenio that they communicate with El Chapo’s sons via cell phone messages, periodically telling them what items the school needs.

“In the last message I received they told me … not to worry that they would keep helping us in one way or another; we’re very grateful. … They were going to bring some tablets because there weren’t enough computers,” said Adilene Quiñones.

“We have very low-income children here who don’t have television [at home],” she said, adding that the parents of many are unable to help their children study because they have little education themselves.

Esmeralda said Joaquín Guzmán’s sons also gave uniforms, shoes, notebooks, pens and pencils to the students.

“Maybe it’s true that they come from organized crime but the truth is I look at their [charitable] actions,” she said.

Members of the Sinaloa Cartel and many other criminal organizations commonly distribute food packages and other essentials to needy residents in the areas where they operate.

Alejandrina Guzmán, El Chapo’s eldest daughter, distributed boxes, stenciled with her father’s image, of provisions including sugar, soups, beans, toilet paper and cooking oil to the elderly in Guadalajara earlier this year to help them get by amid the coronavirus crisis.

Meanwhile, the family patriarch is living out the rest of his days in the Supermax prison in Florence, Colorado, after a United States federal judge sentenced him to life in prison on drug trafficking charges in July 2019.

Source: Milenio (sp) 

Riu Hotels challenges order to halt construction of project in Cancún

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Cancún's hotel zone has limited capacity, says Fonatur.
Cancún's hotel zone has limited capacity, says Fonatur.

The Spanish hotel chain Riu Hotels & Resorts has filed an appeal against a court ruling that ordered the definitive suspension of construction of a 530-room hotel in Cancún’s hotel zone.

A district court in the Caribbean coast resort city last month ordered the chain to permanently halt the construction of the US $95.6-million Hotel Riviera Cancún, saying the company reneged on promises it made to upgrade wastewater treatment facilities at a cost of 60 million pesos (US $2.9 million).

Rui’s legal team said the injunction request that resulted in the court order was related to the alleged destruction of flora and fauna and not the management of wastewater and therefore the definitive suspension is invalid.

Lawyers also said that Riu has authorization from the federal Environment Ministry to build a wastewater treatment plant within the hotel complex. The plant will allow the hotel to manage ecologically its wastewater without using the city’s treatment facilities, they said.

As a result, public treatment plants won’t be placed under any additional pressure by the operation of the hotel, the legal team argued.

The district court judge had noted that Cancun’s three municipal wastewater treatment plants are at their limit and can’t handle the extra load the hotel would generate.

Riu’s legal defense also said that the company has fully proven that the hotel project won’t damage the environment and claimed that false accusations stemming from a conflict with the owner of a neighboring property have been made against it.

The recent suspension order is not the first legal obstacle Riu has faced to build the hotel, which would be the chain’s fifth in Quintana Roo. The project was suspended in 2016 due to concerns about the impact it would have on adjoining mangroves.

However, it subsequently got the green light to proceed.

Riu also faces opposition to its project from the National Tourism Promotion Fund (Fonatur), which created Cancún as an affordable, sustainable vacation spot for Mexicans in 1974 and remains in charge of municipal facilities.

Fonatur chief Rogelio Jiménez Pons said in February that the Cancún hotel zone doesn’t have the capacity to support new developments.

He said that Fonatur had offered land to the developers of the Grand Island hotel, a US $1-billion, 3,000-room project, and the Riviera Cancún in other destinations “where new hotel investment really is needed,” such as Huatulco, Oaxaca, and other resort cities that were developed by the tourism fund as planned projects.

Jiménez threatened to put an end to Fonatur’s management of Cancún if such projects were permitted to go ahead.

Fonatur legal director Alejandro Varela has also expressed opposition to the development of new projects in Cancún’s hotel zone.

“Fonatur is dead against over-densification of Cancún that doesn’t respect its original planning goals,” he said in February. “We believe that the number of rooms they are proposing far exceeds the capacity of services that Fonatur offers.”

Source: El Economista (sp) 

Another airplane raffle but this one is an alebrije

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President's plane becomes an alebrije.
President's plane takes on a whimsical appearance.

A presidential plane was put up for raffle again, but this time it was a lot less controversial.

The plane in question, raffled Wednesday, was actually a whimsical painting of Mexico’s presidential plane, a Boeing 787 Dreamliner. Oaxaca artists Sergio Xross and Ángel Pacheco Soriano created the painting, which depicts the plane as an alebrije.

It was raffled off to benefit people with disabilities in Santa María Huatulco, Oaxaca, along with a series of other paintings by the artists.

The raffle poked fun at the fiasco surrounding President López Obrador’s attempts to dispose of Mexico’s presidential plane since he was elected in 2018. Calling the $130-million luxury jet “an insult to the people,” López Obrador has refused to use it and has flown commercial throughout his presidency.

The paintings’ raffle beneficiary was the nonprofit organization Acceptando mi Destino (Accepting My Destiny), which raises funds for people with disabilities in Huatulco.

The nonprofit’s president, Octavio Ramírez, said they conceived of the raffle because the organization’s normal fundraising figures have been affected this year by the coronavirus.

Source: El Heraldo de México (sp)