Saturday, May 3, 2025

Mexico moves to seize US assets: Wall Street Journal

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cfe

President López Obrador’s proposed electricity reform “makes no sense” and if passed will take Mexico, and North American integration, backward, according to an opinion piece published by The Wall Street Journal.

Written by columnist and WSJ editorial board member Mary Anastasia O’Grady and published under the headline “Mexico moves to seize American assets,” the piece notes that Mexican authorities recently shut down three U.S.-owned fuel storage terminals in Mexico.

Unnamed energy sector sources cited by the newspaper Reforma claimed that the federal government was seeking to link private companies to the distribution and sale of illegal fuel.

O’Grady wrote that Monterra Energy – whose terminal in Tuxpan, Veracruz, was closed on Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE) orders last month – told her it has complied with all regulations but the CRE isn’t answering its calls. The terminal, which imports gasoline from U.S. Gulf Coast refineries and supplies privately owned gas stations in Mexico, remains closed.

“There’s trouble brewing between Mexico and the U.S., and I’m not talking about immigration,” O’Grady wrote.

“President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s desire to put the state in full control of the energy industry, as it was in the 1970s, is running head-first into treaty obligations on trade and investment. The arbitrary closing of private gasoline-storage facilities is a fraction of the problem,” she said before condemning the president’s electricity sector agenda.

O’Grady said that a constitutional bill López Obrador (AMLO) sent to Congress this month – which seeks to guarantee 54% electricity market participation for the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) and get rid of two independent regulators, the CRE and the National Hydrocarbons Commission – is labeled “electricity reform.”

“Yet while ‘reform’ normally suggests improvement, this legislation, if passed, will take Mexico, and North American integration, backward,” she wrote.

The columnist noted that AMLO’s bill – which will require opposition support to become law – seeks to modify three articles of the constitution, including Article 27, which would be amended to establish “that the strategic area of electricity belongs exclusively” to the state and consists “of generating, conducting, transforming, distributing and supplying electrical energy.”

O’Grady acknowledged that private companies would still be able to operate in the Mexican electricity market, “but they would have to sell to … [the] CFE, which would set prices as a monopsony and would run a monopoly in selling to users.”

“The CFE would be in charge of dispatching supply and guaranteed a minimum 54% of the market. This is a big change. Since Mexico opened its energy markets to private investment in 2014, electricity generators selling power into the grid have enjoyed dispatch of supply according to price, with more cost-efficient plants, like those using renewables, natural gas and modern technology, going first,” she wrote.

“Large consumers, including manufacturers, have been allowed to contract directly with private suppliers, which rent transmission lines at prices set by an independent regulator.”

O’Grady charged that a “state takeover of the entire electricity market and the end of an independent regulator makes no sense in a developing country that needs competition to ensure plentiful and cheap electricity for manufacturing.”

“But AMLO’s new law isn’t about enhancing electric power. It’s about consolidating state power – via its companies, the CFE and Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex),” she added.

By giving the CFE “constitutionally mandated control” over the supply and pricing of electricity, “Mexico would dangerously centralize political and economic power in the state-owned company,” O’Grady asserted.

“There’s an estimated $45 billion in private capital – foreign and domestic – in Mexico that will be affected by this new law. Notably, it will cancel all permits and long-term power-purchase agreements with the CFE – which were necessary to secure financing,” she wrote.

The editorial board member also charged that AMLO’s initiative would destroy Mexico’s nascent wind and solar industry.

“But he’s focused on helping Pemex unload its high-sulfur fuel oil, which is difficult to convert into revenue in the market,” O’Grady wrote. “Greater use of CFE fuel-oil-powered plants implies rising pollution and emissions when cheaper and cleaner options are readily available.”

The columnist asserted that the constitutional bill also violates the new North American free trade agreement, the USMCA, “as it abrogates contracts, capriciously strips investors of value, eliminates market-based competition, discriminates against private capital, cancels access to activities not reserved as exclusive in the agreement, and eliminates independent regulators, including in hydrocarbons.”

“… In a July 22 press conference, Mr. López Obrador pooh-poohed concerns that the U.S. might object to his crackdown on competition, insisting that Washington hasn’t complained. If Mexico’s Congress reads that as implicit U.S. approval of the bill, it will be a tragedy not only for investors but for all Mexicans,” O’Grady concluded.

It’s not the first time that the columnist, who writes weekly on politics, economics and business in Latin America and Canada, has gone on the offensive against AMLO.

In a 2020 piece entitled “Mexico slides toward one-man rule,” she accused the president of “working to consolidate as much power as possible” in the executive branch of government. AMLO dismissed the claim, charging that The Wall Street Journal lacked professionalism and didn’t know the history of the country.

With reports from The Wall Street Journal 

Querétaro biology teacher named one of world’s top 10

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Diana Lorena Rubio
Diana Lorena Rubio: 'Incredible work ethic and appetite to be a positive force for change.'

A high school teacher in Querétaro has been named by the Varkey Foundation as one of the 10 best teachers in the world.

Diana Lorena Rubio Navarro has made the final 10 for the Global Teacher Prize 2021 for her work at the Center for Industrial Technology and Services Baccalaureate (CBTIS) in Corregidora, Querétaro. She holds a doctorate in neurobiological science from the National Autonomous University and started teaching biology in 2011.

Finalists were selected from 8,000 applications and nominations from 121 countries for the seventh edition of the contest, which will award US $1 million to the winner.

One of Rubio’s priorities is to promote the interest of women and girls in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) careers, the Varkey Foundation said. Last year, she won a national teaching prize for her work educating in STEM. The 1 million pesos (about $49,000) prize was used to buy materials for the science club at her school.

The Varkey Foundation lauded “her incredible work ethic and appetite to be a positive force for change,” and added that Rubio found teaching and “contact with young people to be mágical.”

The teacher participates in conferences at national events and is a co-founder of media platform Scienko México and Mujeresteam.dgeti,  an online community which promotes women in STEM.

The Varkey Foundation said it set up the prize to “recognize one exceptional teacher who has made an outstanding contribution to the profession as well as to shine a spotlight on the important role teachers play in society,” and to “unearth thousands of stories of heroes that have transformed young people’s lives.”

The other nine teachers are from Canada, the Philippines, the United States, the United Kingdom, Ghana, France, Australia and Iran.

Last year, Indian village teacher Ranjitsinh Disale, who tranformed the lives of young girls, was named the winner.

With reports from Milenio

Police implicated in shooting of Culiacán surveillance cameras

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surveillance cameras
More than 1,000 cameras have been destroyed since 2017.

In Mexico, gunmen have gone on a shooting spree of police surveillance cameras in the city of Culiacán – attacks that not only blind authorities but reinforce cartel control.

The shootings have become such a concern that agents with the Sinaloa Attorney General’s Office gathered shotgun casings after the latest incident on October 9, news outlet El Debate reported. That shooting, on a bridge outside the city center, followed a September 28 attack in which armed men shot 84 cameras across the city.

Residents reported hearing gunshots at about 5 a.m. that day. Videos were soon posted on social media of shots being fired, which some mistook for a gunfight. Authorities said the gunmen moved around the city in at least eight vans. They also dropped spike strips in the roads to puncture the tires of police vehicles, according to a report by Revista Espejo.

According to city and state security officials, municipal police possibly aided in the security camera shooting spree. Culiacán Security Minister Mauricio García Ramírez said at least four elements of the police’s prevention unit are under investigation for possible links to criminal groups, Revista Espejo reported.

Following the September attack, some 150 people employed in businesses around the city center did not show up to work out of fear, El Debate reported.

In early October, only 45 of the city’s 300  surveillance cameras were operating. Since being introduced in 2017, more than 1,000 cameras have been destroyed by criminal groups, according to Revista Espejo.

InSight Crime analysis

Though there’s continued debate about the effectiveness of camera surveillance in deterring crime, there’s no doubt that taking these cameras out of service helps to intimidate businesses, hamper law enforcement, and assert criminal control over Culiacán’s residents.

The cameras serve as “the eyes of the police,” Security Deputy Minister Carlos Alberto Hernández Leyva said in 2019 when a series of shootings left just 400 cameras in operation.

Their destruction hinders patrols and drains the state’s security budget.

Since 2013, the government of Sinaloa has purchased more than 2,600 cameras, investing some 236 million pesos (about US $11.5 million) in the police surveillance system, according to Revista Espejo.

Despite the number of cameras destroyed, only one person has been arrested in connection with the attacks on the city’s surveillance system.

The destruction of Culiacán’s security cameras certainly appears to be systematic. For this reason, it’s most likely the work of the Sinaloa Cartel, or gangs contracted by the criminal group.

Residents of Culiacán are no strangers to these type of power moves by the cartel. In October 2019, the city fell under siege as gunmen forced the release of Ovidio Guzmán López, son of former kingpin Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera.

The ongoing destruction of surveillance cameras in the city serves as a reminder of the group’s omnipresence.

Reprinted from InSight Crime, a foundation dedicated to the study of organized crime.

Michoacán teachers maintain their stand: no classes, rail blockades continue

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Teachers protest unpaid salaries at a march in September.
Teachers protest unpaid salaries at a march in September.

Members of the CNTE teachers union will maintain their rail blockades in Michoacán and won’t return to the classroom because the state government still owes salary payments dating back to August, union leaders said Sunday.

Gamaliel Guzmán, leader of Section 18 of the dissident union, said the Michoacán government has paid teachers for the first half of October and the second half of September but still owes wages corresponding to the first half of last month and all of August.

“The problem hasn’t changed,” he said during a protest in Morelia attended by CNTE members from at least 17 other states.

Guzmán said authorities expected Michoacán teachers to be in the classroom on Monday but stressed that the union’s position has always been that they won’t return to school until all outstanding wages and benefits have been paid.

“We say to the state government and the federal government that we’re maintaining the position of not starting the school year,” he said.

“We no longer trust this [state] government; on September 8 we were summoned by the federal Interior Ministry, they presented a viable proposal that was supposed to begin on September 20 with the payment of three biweekly pay packets. Today they [the Michoacán government] tell us they’re [only] paying two biweekly pay packets and two bonuses, it’s not enough, the problem isn’t resolved, this government has lied to us,” Guzmán said.

Benjamín Hernández, leader of the so-called “power base” faction of Section 18, also said that teachers wouldn’t go back to school until the new state government, led by Morena party Governor Alfredo Ramírez Bedolla, has made all the payments it has promised to make.

In the meantime, the radical faction intends to maintain one railroad blockade that has been in place in Uruapan for 11 weeks and two others in Pátzcuaro and Morelia that were established almost a month ago.

“… It’s up to the different levels of government to immediately settle on a solution to the problem,” Hernández said.

In addition to blocking rail tracks, CNTE members have occupied toll plazas and government offices in several Michoacán municipalities to pressure the state government to pay unpaid wages. The union said last month that some 28,000 teachers were affected.

Michoacán industry association AIEMAC said in September that companies were losing a combined total of approximately 50 million pesos (US $2.46 million) each day due to the Uruapan rail blockade because they could’t get goods to or from the port of Lázaro Cárdenas.

Rail blockades have been a frequent occurrence in Michoacán since President López Obrador took office in late 2018, even though the federal government has released billions of pesos to its state counterpart to cover unpaid wages.

With reports from Reforma 

Firefighter hailed after removing flaming gas tank from building

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The firefighter and the burning LP gas tank.
The firefighter and the burning LP gas tank.

A firefighter has been hailed a hero after he carried a large flaming gas tank from a building to avoid an explosion inside.

Videos uploaded to social media showed the Mexico City firefighter running out of the building with the LP gas tank —which was shooting out flames about three meters long — over his shoulder.

Once he placed the tank upright on the street outside, his colleagues attempted to spray the flames to extinguish them but it wasn’t until one of the firefighters approached the tank to close the valve that the blaze was brought under control.

The building houses a business located in Benito Juárez, southwest of the historic center. No injuries or significant damage to the building were recorded, ADN 40 reported.

Social media users lauded the brave actions of the firefighter. “They are true heroes. The government should equip them properly. Wherever something happens they’re always there. Many thanks to all those heroes we call firefighters,” wrote one Twitter user.

“The firefighter who carried the burning gas tank on his shoulder. Medal winning … far surpasses any Marvel character!wrote another Twitter user, comparing the public servant to a superhero from the Marvel movie franchise.

With reports from ADN 40

Illegal used car amnesty signed; up to 500,000 such cars in Baja California alone

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The chocolate cars decree was signed Saturday in Ensenada.
The chocolate cars decree was signed Saturday in Ensenada.

President López Obrador signed a decree on Saturday to regularize used cars that were imported into Mexico illegally.

Announced by the president last week, the regularization program will initially be limited to the six northern border states and Baja California Sur but is slated to extend to all 32 states.

Registering an auto chocolate (chocolate car), as an illegally imported vehicle is colloquially known, will cost approximately 2,500 pesos (about US $120), López Obrador said after signing the amnesty agreement in Ensenada, Baja California.

There are an estimated 500,000 autos chocolate in Baja California alone, and millions across the country. The vast majority come into Mexico from the United States.

“We took the decision to regularize cars that don’t have papers, now they will be registered,” López Obrador said.

“Those who have these cars are going to make a contribution of about 2,500 pesos. … This money will stay in Baja California and will be used to fill potholes and improve the roads. If the 500,000 vehicles are regularized, there will be about 1.3 billion pesos [US $63.7 million] for the six municipalities,” he said.

Similarly, income derived from the regularization of autos chocolate in Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas and Baja California Sur will be used to repair and upgrade roads in those states. Federal lawmakers are set to vote Monday on an initiative that seeks to ensure that money collected via the regularization program in the northern border region stays there.

Speaking alongside López Obrador in Ensenada, Security Minister Rosa Icela said the decision to allow the regularization of autos chocolate was taken because such vehicles are frequently used by criminal groups.

She said 370 vehicles used in homicides were seized by Baja California authorities between November 1, 2019 and August 30, 2020, and 78% of them had been illegally imported into Mexico.

“Hence the importance of advancing with regularization so that these vehicles are no longer anonymous and investigations can be carried out to find those responsible for violence,” Rodríguez said.

“That’s why the president … took the decision to regularize these vehicles that move about the whole border area and until today are irregular,” she said.

The security minister said that regularization will only be available to the owners of cars that are already in Mexico, although it was unclear how that rule would be enforced.

The Mexican Association of Automotive Distributors (AMDA) said last week that allowing the regularization of autos chocolate will only exacerbate the illegal importation problem.

Legalization “will represent a prize for the mafias that get rich with the smuggling of these kinds of vehicles,” AMDA said in a statement, adding that regularization will hurt sales in the formal automotive sector.

With reports from El Universal and Milenio 

On Day of the Dead, sugar-based folk art such as the popular sugar skulls survives and thrives

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sugar skulls in Mexico state
Classic alfeñique sugar skulls for sale at a market. Edomex Informa

It is almost a given to say that Mexicans can be creative with just about anything, even with something as common today as sugar.

So how did it get intimately connected to Day of the Dead?

In October, traditional and temporary markets (tianguis) overflow with paraphernalia for this holiday, and sugar skulls are prominent, along with Mexican marigolds (cempasúchil), papel picado (colorful decorative paper cutouts), pan de muerto (bread of the dead), incense burners, skeletons in all kinds of materials, candles and more.

This use of sugar is far more about art and ceremony than it is about something to eat.

The figures are like Day of the Dead itself, a syncretism of indigenous and European traditions and beliefs. Physically, their origin is with the creation of molded offerings made with amaranth seed, agave syrup and human blood by ancient indigenous peoples.

Sugar paste skeletal monks in Mexico
Alfeñique skeletal monks. Tomás Castelazo

Spanish evangelists co-opted this idea a bit, equating them with Catholic rituals — e.g. the use of the ceremonial host and wine, which represent the body and blood of Jesus Christ — but then forbade the consumption of amaranth and human blood. What was left was the sweet part. Agave was replaced by cane sugar after the Spanish introduced this crop.

The making of skulls and other forms for Day of the Dead is not part of any official Catholic rite but rather “folk religion,” semi-sacred observations that coincide with many of the dates on the Catholic calendar.

Both Mesoamerican and European cultures had ritualistic observations related to the dead around the same time — the end of October and early November. This is because the end of the growing season occurs roughly at the same time: in Europe, it’s due to the onset of cold weather, and in Mexico because of the end of the rainy season.

In both cases, the “death” of the fields, and the bounty they provide, became associated with ancestor veneration — both literally and as a homage to the past. Day of the Dead, Halloween (in its original form) and All Saints’ Day/All Souls’ Day are all holidays that serve as reminders that everything living eventually dies.

Fruits of the harvest are prominent on Day of the Dead altars, along with photographs of those being remembered and other decorations. Sugar cane is part of the harvest, but it also serves as a preservative, so candied fruits, as well as squash and sweet potatoes in syrup, are also traditional. Sugar was relatively expensive in the colonial period, so using it to make skulls and other figures acted as a kind of offering.

By far, the most popular sugar figures are highly decorated skulls, generally with a space on the forehead for adding a name when the skull is bought.

Sugar paste Day of the Dead altars
Miniature altars with elements made of alfeñique sugar paste. Alejandro Linares García

That name can be of someone living or dead. If the name is of the dead, the homage is obvious, but why put the name of someone who is alive?

It certainly is not to wish another person dead.

The conceptual line between life and death in Mexico is thinner than in Anglo cultures. If the recipient is a child, gifting of a sugar skull serves as a lesson that death is part of life. They are more often given as tokens of affection among coworkers and adult family members.

There is also no rule against buying one and putting your own name on it.

If you have tried eating a sugar skull, or anything else made with the paste, you were probably disappointed that it did not taste like rock candy. (I know I was.)

The sugar paste is called alfeñique, which can translate as “sweets,” and rather than being pure sugar, it is powdered sugar mixed with egg white and — depending on where you are in Mexico — possibly Porophyllum ruderale, a native plant with glue-like properties. These additions allow for a paste that can be molded by hand, something not possible if mixing sugar only with water.

alfeñique figures at Toluca Museo de Alfeñique
Life-sized alfeñique figures at the Museo de Alfeñique in Toluca, México state. Museo de Alfeñique

Alfeñique artisans all have their own recipes, and the best concoctions result in something that has properties not unlike clay, allowing for figures that it’s hard to believe are made from sugar.

Alfeñique skulls and figures can be made completely by hand, but the use of molds for the basic shape is very common. Painting and the addition of raised decorative elements are typically done manually.

After skulls, the most common sugar figures made are skeletons, many of which are sculpted to show them doing activities of the living in a comical way. Other figures include angels, devils, domestic and wild animals, the Virgin of Guadalupe, crosses, tombs and even miniature representations of common Day of the Dead altar offerings.

The artisans can be found all over Mexico, especially in the center and down into Oaxaca and Chiapas. However, the small industrial city of Toluca in México state has developed a nationwide reputation for preserving this craft in a myriad of forms.

Toluca is home to the annual Fería de Alfeñique and a museum dedicated to the craft. Organizers have confirmed that it will be taking place this year, from October 15 to November 2.

There are various events, but most come to see the myriad of stalls that occupy the walkway around the Portales de Toluca, a complex of buildings behind the city’s cathedral that hosts shops and restaurants.

Chocolate candy skulls in Mexico City
Chocolate candy skulls at a tianguis in Mexico City’s Coyoacán borough. Cristina Zapata Pérez

Here you will see a wide variety of alfeñique in traditional and innovative forms, as well as just about anything you might need for your altar. They also have skulls made from other edibles such as amaranth seed (no blood, sorry), chocolate and tamarind paste.

For alfeñiqueros (alfeñique artisans), the month of October is absolutely critical for the survival of their craft. There is no other holiday or event for which the sugar paste is used.

Even with good sales, it is not easy. Many of the stalls in Toluca and other markets now also sell masks and other stuff related to Halloween, much to the chagrin of traditionalists.

Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico 18 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.

Understanding canela, or Mexican cinnamon

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Mexican cinnamon
Mexican cinnamon's subtle heat and warm flavor add complexity and richness to a variety of dishes.

If you’ve noticed that the cinnamon here in Mexico tastes different than what you’re used to in Canada or the United  States, you would be correct. Canela (Mexican or Ceylon cinnamon) is not the same variety as cassia cinnamon — what’s commonly sold and used in those other countries.

Both come from the inner bark of several varieties of tropical bushes and trees native to Southeast Asia. Cinnamomum verum, what’s sold in Mexico, is often thought of as “true” cinnamon because of its distinct flavor profile and ability to enhance rather than overpower a dish.

Perhaps you’ve noticed the difference in taste; canela is milder and more floral, not as brash or as spicy, and with a more complex flavor that makes it better suited for savory dishes. In Mexican cuisine, it plays a part in moles, marinades and bean dishes, its subtle heat and warm flavor adding complexity and richness. And, of course, it’s used widely in sweets: horchata, rice pudding, dulce de leche and Mexican hot chocolate.

You can find canela as whole sticks (known as quills) or ground into a powder. Mexican cinnamon quills are thin, delicate and quite fragile; the bark curls around itself and crumbles easily. It’s very difficult to grind it yourself, so I’d suggest you choose the form most suited to the recipe.

I’ve selected some unusual recipes here that use cinnamon; you can easily find more common ones online.

Cinnamon Tamarind Margarita

For the serving glass rim:

  • 1 tsp. sugar
  • 1 tsp. salt
  • ½ tsp. cayenne
  • ½ tsp. ground cinnamon
  • 2 Tbsp. freshly squeezed lime juice

For the cocktail:

  • ¾ oz. tamarind concentrate
  • 2 oz. blanco or reposado tequila
  • 1¼ oz. freshly squeezed lime juice
  • ½ oz. simple syrup
  • ½ oz. freshly squeezed lemon juice
  • ¼ oz. Cointreau
  • Ice
  • Garnish: cinnamon stick, lime wedges

Preparing the rim: Mix sugar, salt, cayenne and cinnamon in a small bowl; pour onto a saucer. Pour lime juice onto second saucer. Turn serving glass (martini glass or old-fashioned) in lime juice to wet the outer rim; spin glass in cayenne mixture, rotating slowly to coat.

Making the cocktail: Add tamarind concentrate, tequila, lime and lemon juice, simple syrup and Cointreau to a cocktail mixer. Fill with ice; shake well. Strain into serving glass. Garnish with the cinnamon stick and lime wedges. —seriouseats.com

Spicy Chicken Kabobs

  • 1 cup plain whole-milk yogurt
  • 2 Tbsp. olive oil
  • 2 tsp. smoked paprika
  • ½ tsp. ground cumin
  • ⅛ tsp. ground cinnamon
  • 1½ tsp. crushed red pepper
  • Zest from 1 lemon OR 3 small limes
  • 2 Tbsp. fresh lemon or lime juice
  • 1½ tsp. salt
  • 3 garlic cloves, minced
  • 2 lbs. boneless skinless chicken thighs or breasts
  • 8-12 skewers (metal or wooden)

In medium bowl, mix everything except the chicken. Cut chicken into small kabob-sized chunks; add to marinade and stir gently until fully coated.

Transfer to refrigerator; marinate at least 2 hours or overnight.

When ready to cook, thread chicken onto skewers. Grill on a barbecue or in the oven under broiler on high until golden brown and cooked through, 6–8 minutes, turning once. Serve atop rice.

Coffee-Cinnamon Horchata

  • ⅓ cup long-grain rice, white or brown
  • ⅔ cup raw almonds
  • 2 Tbs. whole dark-roast coffee beans (or whatever you have on hand, really)
  • One 2-inch cinnamon stick, broken in half
  • 3 cups hot water (not boiling)
  • 1 cup cold water
  • 4 Tbs. honey or agave syrup

Add almonds, rice, coffee beans, cinnamon stick and hot water to a blender. Process on high for 1 minute. (Make sure lid is on tightly!)

Pour into a jar or other covered container; let soak overnight at room temperature.

The next day, put the blended liquid back into the blender; add the cold water. Process on high for 2 minutes.

Over a big bowl, strain the re-blended liquid through a fine-mesh strainer, lined with cheesecloth if you have it. Whisk agave or honey into the horchata. Serve over ice.

Store remaining horchata in fridge for up to a week. Shake before serving again.

Cinnamon Rice

  • 1 medium onion, chopped
  • 3 garlic cloves, minced
  • ¾ tsp. cumin seeds
  • One 3-inch cinnamon stick (whole)
  • 2 Tbsp. olive oil
  • 1½ cups long-grain white rice
  • 2¼ cups chicken broth
  • ¾ tsp. sugar
  • ¾ tsp. black pepper
  • 1 tsp. salt

Cook onion, garlic, cumin seeds and cinnamon stick in oil in a medium-sized saucepan over moderate heat, stirring, until onion begins to soften, about 3 minutes. Add rice and cook, stirring, until grains are slightly translucent, about 2 minutes. Stir in broth, sugar, pepper and salt; bring to a boil. Reduce heat and simmer, covered, until rice is tender and liquid absorbed, about 15 minutes.

Remove from heat and let stand, covered, for 10 minutes. Fluff rice with a fork, and discard cinnamon stick if desired.

Sweet Potato Veggie Hash

  • 2 Tbsp. olive oil
  • 3 cups peeled, diced sweet potato
  • 2 Tbsp. chopped fresh oregano
  • 1 tsp. salt, divided
  • ½ tsp. ground cumin
  • 1 tsp. ground cinnamon
  • ½ tsp. red pepper flakes
  • 5 garlic cloves, minced
  • 1¼ cups water, divided
  • 1 cup green beans, cut into 1-inch pieces
  • 1 Tbsp. canned adobo sauce
  • 1 (15.5-oz.) can unsalted black beans, rinsed and drained

 For garnish:

  • ¼ cup unsalted pepitas
  • 1 plum tomato, diced
  • ½ cup minced fresh cilantro or parsley
  • ½ cup queso fresco, crumbled

To make the hash: heat large skillet over medium-high heat. Add oil, sweet potato, oregano and ½ tsp. salt; cook 3 minutes, stirring. Add cumin, cinnamon, red pepper and garlic, then ½ cup water. Cover, reduce heat, cook 5 minutes.

Uncover; stir and cook 2 minutes more. Remove from heat.

To make the bean mixture: Bring remaining ¾ cup water to a boil in a saucepan. Add remaining ½ tsp. salt and green beans; cook 4 minutes. Stir in adobo sauce and black beans.

Serve hash topped with the bean mixture and garnish items.

Janet Blaser is the author of the best-selling book, Why We Left: An Anthology of American Women Expatsfeatured on CNBC and MarketWatch. She has lived in Mexico since 2006. You can find her on Instagram at @thejanetblaser.

USA, yachts, Oxxo in knots: the week at the morning press conferences

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On Monday, the president justified his proposed Federal Electricity Commission reforms.
On Monday, the president justified his proposed Federal Electricity Commission reforms.

An apology owed: last week there was no article on President López Obrador’s morning press conferences. Unfortunately, the writer found himself behind bars in a migrant detention center after being caught unawares without his passport.

No doubt everyone’s favorite elder statesman was up to old tricks, and perhaps a few new ones in those conferences. Mischief is a staple of AMLO’s diet, as this week again went to prove.

Monday

A vibrant AMLO put energy at center stage on Monday. As the president justified the proposed reforms of the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE), he recalled some familiar foes. “Do you remember that Iberdrola here in Mexico hired the minister of energy and former president Calderón? Well in Spain … they just hired a high-level leader of the PSOE, the socialist workers’ party of Spain … a politician. What does he know about the electrical industry? Nothing,” he said.

Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard read a letter sent by U.S. President Biden, which offered glimmers of hope for cooperation on Central America: “The United States has provided more than US $600 million in international assistance to El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. I have also asked the United States Congress for an additional $861 million in my fiscal year 2022 budget for Central America.”

More big figures, and perhaps a hint of jealousy, entered the conference. This time it was journalists’ salaries in question. “They earn about 20 times more than me … one earns … the newspaper said, we will have to see if it is true, US $650,000,” the president said.

Tuesday

Health wizard Hugo López-Gatell spun into action on Tuesday. COVID-19 cases had been falling for 10 consecutive weeks, he said, and had dropped 30% over the last seven day count. Only a quarter of hospital beds for COVID patients were occupied, he added.

Truancy rates were falling, Education Minister Delfina Gómez Álvarez confirmed. More than 16 million students had returned to class, she said, leaving about 9 million chairs still empty.

Is Mexico City Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum really the president’s favored pick for his successor? AMLO refused to be drawn in, and said surveys could be used to help select the candidate.

Money talks, the president said, but yachts talk even louder. “[Yachts] have stabilizers, it can be in rough seas … and the passengers can drink a toast, and not a drop of champagne falls … Do you know what a 120, 150-million-dollar yacht is? It is a spectacular thing and at the same time an offensive one. It is an offensive display.”

Health subsecretary Hugo López-Gatell gave an update at Tuesday's conference.
Deputy Health Minister Hugo López-Gatell gave an update at Tuesday’s conference.

Wednesday 

“Good news,” the president announced: the land border to the United States would reopen in early November to the fully vaccinated. However, the Russian vaccine Sputnik and the Chinese vaccine CanSino, both distributed widely in Mexico, won’t be recognized by the U.S., as they are not on the World Health Organization’s approved list.

AMLO returned to the topic late in the conference: “We’re going to ask the World Health Organization to finish with the certification [of Sputnik and CanSino]  … it needs to hurry up,” he said.

Oracle in disguise Ana Elizabeth García Vilchis took her usual place. An analysis of news related to the reform of the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) had revealed media bias, she said. Of the articles, 41% were negative and only 3.5% were positive; the rest were classified as “informative.” Convenience store Oxxo bore the brunt of a García onslaught: ” … how much does a Mexican family pay for electricity on average? … 5.2 pesos per kilowatt, Oxxo pays 1.8 per kilowatt,” she said. The store had been a target for AMLO on Monday.

The CFE, García assured, would not be removing solar panels from homes and businesses.

A new petrochemical plant was planned for Poza Rica; could the mayor, former baseball player Fernando “The Octupus” Remes, be trusted?

“He knows very well that you have to steal the bases, but not the budget,” the president quipped.

Thursday 

AMLO’s sworn enemy, the newspaper Reforma, was back in his sights on Thursday. An article suggested a worker at the Dos Bocas refinery in Tabasco had died in a recent flare-up; AMLO accused the newspaper of wishing it so: “They were already talking about a dead person … they are very eager for there to be tragedy, for us to do badly. These are times of vultures,” he said.

He appended presidents Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón to the naughty list for their Twitter comments.

Later in the conference, AMLO directed his attention to the sporting arena, and a Sinaloa born baseball star. “I’m going to keep an eye on today’s game, which is very important, Dodgers-Giants. And I wish Julio Urías the best, because he deserves to do well … he comes from a humble background, he was brought up very well by his father, who was the one who trained him, and he is a good, noble person.”

(Urías was suspended for 20 games by Major League Baseball in 2019 for violating its domestic violence policy after an incident in Los Angeles in which he shoved a woman to the ground during an argument).

It was back to the land of the free shortly after. The president quoted U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris who had derided European explorers like Christopher Columbus: “Those explorers ushered in a wave of devastation for tribal nations — perpetrating violence, stealing land, and spreading disease …We must not shy away from this shameful past, and we must shed light on it.”

On Thursday, AMLO called out former presidents Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón for their Twitter shenanigans.
On Thursday, AMLO called out former presidents Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón for their Twitter posts.

Friday 

AMLO advertised his weekend plans: California awaited. Baja California to be precise, and the president had to keep the conference short if he was going to make his flight.

The trip would see a tour of six municipalities before the Tabascan finds his way to the opposite end of the country on Monday, near the Guatemalan border at Balancán, Tabasco, where he will be joined by the U.S. presidential climate envoy John Kerry.

A journalist probed on the CFE reforms, in which any lithium discoveries are to be protected as a state asset. AMLO explained its importance: “The reform contemplates that lithium, which is a strategic mineral, is owned by the nation, that contracts or concessions cannot be delivered to individuals and much less to foreigners … future development depends on that, maybe we ourselves will never see it, but it is for the coming generations, for our children and for those who come after,” he said.

Abruptly, time was up, as the president feared making himself a nuisance. “I have to go … If not, I won’t make it … I’m not going to delay a commercial plane. I have to get to the plane on time,” he said before rushing away to attend to the nation.

Mexico News Daily

As the pandemic drags on, even the most privileged children are suffering

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A park in Morelos, closed with caution tape during the pandemic.
A children's park in Morelos, closed with caution tape during the pandemic.

Since the pandemic started, quite a lot of my time, energy and money have been spent on finding ways to entertain my daughter.

In the early days, back when we thought we’d be at home for a couple of weeks, a month tops (remember those days?) — something similar to the precautions we took during the swine flu scare (remember those days?) – we did a lot of painting to pass the time.

She and I had just moved, so we turned the box from the new oven into an elaborately decorated playhouse for her and started on several mural projects in our backyard that I was much more enthusiastic about than she was.

We spent a lot of time trying to make our days special for just the two of us: we’d eat outside, plucking blackberries from the bushes. We instituted “Pancake Saturdays” and “movie parties,” which really is just an exciting name for watching a movie on the couch while eating popcorn.

I bought her some roller skates so that we could have some fun skating around some nearby trails, and we would spend anywhere from two to four hours outside most days just doing that.

I bought what seemed an endless supply of toys: bubbles, Play-Doh, puzzles, Hula-Hoops, balls, Legos. We have Netflix and Amazon. She has a tablet, books, a playroom and, if we’re being honest, as much unlimited screen time as I imagine most kids have these days.

And yet, nothing has beat human contact. Though I know she is among the most privileged children in the country right now, I mourn on her behalf the time she’s not been able to spend time with kids her age.

Though school has officially begun “in-person,” currently about half of all students in Mexico are either not enrolled or simply not attending because their parents are nervous about them contracting the virus or simply used to having some more helping hands at home.

My daughter has yet to attend in-person classes. The short version of why is that I would like her to — since her mostly outside, small-groups school is about as safe as any educational institution could possibly be — but her father is still a bit panicky about sending her.

But regardless of the permissions we may or may not have at any point for school attendance, the time for my daughter and me to be cooped up in our own house is over — neither of us can stand it anymore.

Lately, she’s not into skating or taking walks. What she wants are parks (and by parks, I mean playgrounds).

Parks are places where she might possibly run into other kids, which is her biggest hope. Parks are places where neither I nor any screen is responsible for entertaining her. She can be free and creative, and she can explore and be creative with her strong little body.

This, however, is not a pleasure I can easily give her, at least not for free. Here in Xalapa, many of the centrally located and popular playgrounds remain as closed now as they were at the beginning of the pandemic.

While not all parks here have fences around them, several close-by ones do, and even a few open-air ones have caution tape around them.

Playgrounds and video arcades like PlayTime at the mall, as well as playgrounds at restaurants, however, are open for business, meaning that children are only able to entertain themselves on playgrounds if their parents can pay for the privilege.

This, my friends, is not cool at all. Places for people with money are open. Places for people without money are not open … and that’s basically the way it’s been around here, at least in my city.

Pandemic or not, kids need to play and be outside, and they need interaction with other kids. The refusal to open places for them to do that without cost is, in my opinion, a violation of their rights, especially given what we now know about how comparatively safe being outside is.

My heart breaks for all the special things about my daughter’s childhood that she’s missing because we’re still in this damned pandemic. And my daughter has more privileges than so many kids around her.

What are the kids who don’t have even half of what she does doing during all this? It’s almost as if they’ve disappeared. They’re not gathering around schools. They’re not in the parks. A few of them can be seen at pay-to-play places.

So, where are they? This, my friends, is something that should worry us.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sdevrieswritingandtranslating.com and her Patreon page.