Saturday, July 19, 2025

US arms makers marshal their arguments in response to Mexico’s lawsuit

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firearms
Gun makers see a clash of national values. Leonardo Emiliozzi Ph / Shutterstock

United States-based gun manufacturers asked a U.S. federal court to dismiss a lawsuit brought against them by the Mexican government in August, arguing that it is not valid for a variety of reasons.

The federal government filed its lawsuit in the United States District Court in Massachusetts on August 4, accusing the gunmakers of negligent business practices that have led to illegal arms trafficking and deaths in Mexico.

In a 58-page joint memorandum filed with the court on Monday, nine firearms manufacturers and one distributor noted that the Mexican government is seeking to hold them legally responsible for violence perpetrated by drug cartels in Mexico.

“The complaint, however, does not allege that any of the moving defendants, who are law-abiding members of the business community in the United States, sell their firearms to the cartels. Nor does it even allege that they sell to any others who sell to the cartels,” the memorandum said.

“Instead, Mexico’s theory is that a series of third-party intermediaries in the United States legally or illegally sell and resell defendants’ firearms, which are then illegally obtained by criminal ‘straw purchasers,’ then illegally smuggled across the Mexican border, where they are eventually illegally used by drug cartels to commit criminal violence, which then gives rise to various financial harms suffered by the Mexican government,” said the defendants, among whom are Smith & Wesson, Barrett Firearms, Glock, Beretta and Sturm, Ruger & Co.

“For multiple reasons, the law cannot be stretched to impose liability over this spatial, temporal, and causal gulf.”

Mexico “does not have Article III standing to bring this case,” the memorandum said, referring to a prerequisite for a plaintiff to have a personal stake in the outcome of a lawsuit.

The defendants added that “it is a cardinal rule of standing that an injury is not fairly traceable to the defendant when,” according to a precedent, “it ‘results from the independent action of some third party not before the court.’”

“… Second, even if Mexico had standing, federal law would bar its claims at the threshold,” they said, noting that “federally licensed firearms manufacturers and sellers enjoy broad immunity against lawsuits claiming harms ‘resulting from the criminal or unlawful misuse of a [firearm]’ by a ‘third party.’”

The defendants also said that Mexico’s lawsuit “does nothing more than put a new coat of paint on a recycled and discredited set of claims” and that authorities have made it clear that “the firearm industry owes no common-law duty to Mexico.”

“Even where corporations directly sell harmful products to foreign citizens, courts routinely reject claims that they have any legal duty to protect foreign sovereigns from derivative harms. The absence of duty is especially clear here, where Mexico does not even allege that the defendants make private sales in Mexico,” the memorandum said.

Foreign Minister Ebrard
Speaking at the UN Security Council on Monday, Foreign Minister Ebrard called for self-regulation by arms manufacturers to prevent illegal trafficking of guns.

“Fifth, Mexico fails to state a ‘public nuisance’ claim. Numerous courts in multiple contexts, including in cases involving firearms, have held that the public-nuisance doctrine does not apply to the manufacture and sale of lawful products,” it said.

“Finally, Mexico cannot invoke Mexican tort law to impose liability that would not be allowed under U.S. law. Under bedrock principles of international law, a foreign nation cannot use its own law to reach across borders and impose liability based on conduct in another country that was lawful when it occurred there,” the defendants said.

“By trying to do so, Mexico is effectively seeking to impose its own gun control policies on U.S. firearms companies … At bottom, this case implicates a clash of national values. Whereas the United States recognizes the right to keep and bear arms, Mexico has all but eliminated private gun ownership,” they said.

“Mexico can, of course, impose gun control within its own borders. But in this case it seeks to reach outside its borders and punish firearms sales that are not only lawful but constitutionally protected in the United States.”

The memorandum claimed that Mexico is seeking to bankrupt U.S. gunmakers and trying to “use the judiciary as a tool for circumventing an active diplomatic dispute between the United States and Mexico about the international effects of U.S. firearms policy.”

“This court need not play along. It should dismiss the complaint,” the defendants said.

The Mexican government has until January 31 to respond to the defendants’ arguments.

Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard told the United Nations Security Council on Monday that the U.N.’s efforts to combat illegal arms trafficking have fallen short.

Much effort has gone into strengthening international cooperation to “prevent and counteract illegal practices in the weapons markets and their terrible consequences,” he said.

“However, we must recognize that our efforts have been insufficient.”

He said better mechanisms are needed to monitor and prevent the international trafficking of arms and called on private companies to contribute to the fight.

“Private actors must contribute with decisive self-regulation actions and monitoring in their distribution chains for the purpose of avoiding the diversion and illegal trafficking of weapons they produce and sell … to ensure that those they make in accordance with the law don’t reach criminal hands,” Ebrard said.

“… It’s not about questioning the rights of countries and private individuals to sell weapons legally but about denouncing negligent practices,” he said.

With reports from El Universal and Milenio

Federal decree shields public projects from scrutiny, legal challenges

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President Lopez Obrador
The presidential decree will protect government infrastructure projects in a wide variety of sectors. Government of Mexico

President López Obrador has moved to protect and fast-track the federal government’s infrastructure projects from legal challenges and scrutiny by issuing a decree that establishes them as matters of public interest and national security.

Published in the Monday evening edition of the government’s official gazette and taking effect Tuesday, the decree drew criticism from several analysts, opposition politicians and others, who broadly agreed that it is indicative of an increasingly authoritarian government and will be detrimental to transparency.

The decree shields from scrutiny the construction of infrastructure projects in a wide range of sectors, including transportation, telecommunications, customs, water, tourism, health, the environment and energy.

It cited article 26 of the Mexican constitution, which says the state has a responsibility to organize “a democratic planning system for national development” that provides “strength, dynamism, competitiveness and equity to the growth of the economy and the political, social and cultural democratization of the nation.”

The decree also covers all projects whose construction is deemed a priority and strategic for national development. It protects signature infrastructure projects such as the new Mexico City airport, the Maya Train railroad and the Dos Bocas refinery, all of which have faced legal challenges.

Sen. Xóchitl Gálvez
National Action Party Senator Xóchitl Gálvez was among many political observers who said that the new decree is a blow to accountability by the federal government. Mexican Senate

The newspaper Reforma said the decree will allow the federal government to avoid having its projects halted by injunctions and other legal instruments.

It instructs government agencies to grant provisional authorizations and permits to projects deemed to be of public interest and national security in a maximum period of five working days so as to ensure their timely execution. If that period elapses without provisional authorization having been granted, the application “will be considered resolved in a positive sense,” the decree states.

Provisional authorization will be valid for 12 months after which a project will require definitive authorization to continue.

The requirement for agencies to issue expedited temporary approval to projects will come at the expense of environmental, feasibility and accountability review processes.

José Antonio Crespo, a political scientist, said the publication of the decree reveals the authoritarian character of the federal government and leaves those affected by its infrastructure projects – Mayan communities on the Yucatán Peninsula in the case of the Maya Train, for example – without the opportunity for legal recourse.

“It’s the authoritarian way of doing things because in a democracy, the possibility of litigation is accepted,” he said.

Crespo also said the publication of the decree shows that the president knows that his infrastructure projects have numerous deficiencies.

“[There is] certainly corruption, … there are a lot of direct allocations [of contracts], there is surely a lot of missing money,” he said.

“… It suits him [López Obrador] to declare projects of national security [importance] so that the injunctions of people who are being affected, groups whose interests are possibly being violated, don’t work,” Crespo said.

Alberto Aziz Nassif, an academic at the Center for Research and Higher Studies in Social Anthropology, said the decree will affect people’s ability to access information about infrastructure projects, representing a blow to transparency.

The National Defense Ministry refused in 2019 to release the master plan for the new Mexico City airport on the grounds that doing so placed national security at risk, even though López Obrador had pledged that all information related to the construction of the airport would be made public.

Maya Train rendering
The Maya Train project, seen here in this rendering, is among many high-profile construction projects now shielded from scrutiny. Government of Mexico

If an application for information is submitted to the National Institute for Transparency and Access to Information (INAI), it will be blocked as a result of the decree, Aziz said.

“How much was spent on an infrastructure project and who carried it out won’t be known,” he said, adding that public works will be shrouded in darkness. “[The decree] is a backward step [for transparency],” Aziz said.

Jacqueline Peschard, a former president of the INAI and the National Anti-Corruption System, also said the move was a setback for transparency, asserting that it violates transparency provisions in the constitution.

“All public projects, everything related to public resources must be public. It can’t simply be something that is decided arbitrarily,” she said.

Valeria Moy, director of the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness, a think tank, and Xóchitl Gálvez, a National Action Party (PAN) senator, agreed.

“[It’s] another blow to transparency and accountability by the 4T [fourth transformation],” Gálvez said, referring to the government by its self-anointed nickname.

“This government is increasingly heading towards authoritarianism. … It won’t have to consult with indigenous peoples nor present environmental impact statements and will be able to jump over municipal and state [requirements for] permits,” she said.

Fellow PAN Senator Damián Zepeda predicted that the “illegal infrastructure decree” will face a challenge in the Supreme Court but lamented that López Obrador will have enough support in the court to defeat it.

Independent Senator Emilio Álvarez Icaza said Mexico has moved dangerously to a “state of emergency” due to López Obrador’s overriding of existing legislation.

“Today’s presidential decree favors conduct by the authorities that is outside the law,” he wrote on Twitter. “… His authoritarian character and disdain for the law are his essence.”

Paolo Salerno, a managing partner of the energy consultancy Salerno y Asociados, took aim at the instruction for government agencies to grant provisional authorization for projects in just five days.

“How can it be determined in five days whether there is an environmental, social or human rights violation? What happens if the final ruling is negative and measures with irreversible impacts have already been implemented?” he asked.

The president said on Tuesday the directive was aimed at stopping bureaucracy from holding up projects, allowing the government to bypass environmental and other regulatory checks.

“Its very troubling because for a government that says it’s committed to transparency and accountability this decision is anything but,” said Arturo Sarukhán, former Mexican ambassador to the U.S., saying that the rules had set the tone for the second half of López Obrador’s term.

“What you’re going to see, and this is one of the first signals, is a president that is actually going to double down on his pet peeves, his pet projects,” he said.

With reports from El Universal, Financial Times and Reforma 

11 Mexican restaurants make list of Latin America’s top 50

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Alcalde restaurant in Guadalajara
Alcalde restaurant in Guadalajara ranked 32nd.

Eleven Mexican restaurants have been judged among Latin America’s 50 Best while another eight made the top 100 for 2021. 

The best restaurant in Mexico — and not for the first time — is Pujol, in the up-market borough of Polanco in Mexico City, which was ranked fifth best in Latin America. Quintonil, also in Polanco, is considered Latin America’s eighth best restaurant. 

Pujol was named ninth best in the world and Quintonil 27th in the World’s 50 Best Restaurants competition, whose result were announced last month.

Four more Mexico City eateries made the top 50: Sud 777 (Álvaro Obregón) in 12th place, Rosetta (Cuauhtémoc) in 27th, Máximo Bistrot (Cuauhtémoc) in 33rd and Nicos (Azcapotzalco) 35th.

Pangea in Monterrey, Nuevo León, was rated 15th, Alcalde in Guadalajara, Jalisco, was 32nd, Le Chique in Cancún, Quintana Roo, was 38th, Corazón de Tierra, near Ensenada, Baja California, was 40th and Amaranta in Toluca, México state, took 44th place.

However, Peru triumphed as Latin America’s best destination for foodies: its restaurants took first, second and fourth place on the list. La Central in Lima was declared the best place to satisfy your appetite in all of Latin America.

Baja California had a strong showing among Mexican restaurants that ranked between 50th and 100th. Ensenada’s Manzanilla and Laja took 62nd and 79th place respectively; Deckman’s in Valle de Guadalupe was 98th. 

Guadalajara’s La Docena was in 57th place, Mexico City’s Merotoro (Cuauhtémoc) was in 72nd place and Dulce Patria (Polanco) 85th. 

Oaxaca bolstered the south of Mexico with Casa Oaxaca at 63 and Pitiona at 95, both in Oaxaca city.

What constitutes best was left to the 252 regional industry experts to decide, among whom 34% are chefs and restaurateurs, 33% are food writers and 33% are “well-travelled gourmets.” Each votes for 10 restaurants, at least four of which must be outside their own country.

The competition, often described as the Academy Awards of gastronomy, is organized by William Reed Business Media.

Mexico News Daily

Fuller picture of the ancient Maya awaits in obscure ruins like Acanmul

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Acanmul palace
Ruins of what's believed to be a palace in the ancient Maya site of Acanmul, in jungle 25 kilometers from Campeche city. HJPD/Creative Commons

The sun is beginning its descent when agro-ecologist Carlos Ramírez hops out of a truck outside Hampolol, Campeche. As he moves purposefully through the foliage alongside the road, there is little to be seen save for a handful of burnt palm trees blanketed in homogenous green vines — a reminder of the local practice of scorching the earth to open up land for planting.

The growth here will diversify eventually, but such an impenetrable layer of choking greenery will make it a slow process.

Beyond this outer edge of human agricultural encroachment, a sheer wall of jungle begins. As he walks into its tall shade, Ramírez’s tread becomes softer, and his footsteps can scarcely be heard over the awakened clamoring of the insects in the falling light.

The little-known track Ramírez is following leads to Acanmul, a small, forgotten Mayan ruins located barely 25 kilometers from Campeche city.

The site, which Ramírez discovered through friends, is believed to have been in its prime between A.D. 600 to 800 and has been subject to three sets of investigations by the Autonomous University of Campeche and the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) between 1999 and 2005.

INAH map showing Maya ruins locations
Acanmul is south of more famous Maya sites on the Yucatán Peninsula such as Chichén Itzá and Uxmal. INAH

The two-kilometer square ruin has shrunk somewhat; in the 18th and 19th centuries, a large number of the stones were removed for the construction of haciendas at Yaxcab and Nachehá, as is so often the way with remote and unprotected sites.

“Is it looting; of course it is,” Ramírez says. “But I’m not sure where the moral equivalence lies in locals from poor agrarian backgrounds taking materials for construction being criticized by academics who do the same to sell to museums.”

“We live in a time in which everything is seen by its economic potential,” he adds. “And if a site is unregistered, unprotected and not on the tourist trail, well, other things are going to happen here. I’m honestly amazed that Acanmul is still as intact as it is at the moment, truth be told.”

The approach to Acanmul is commanding: like many pyramids built in the Puuc style of Mayan architecture, a number of rectangular concrete blocks comprise a central temple and outlying smaller platforms.

To reach the ceremonial platform at the summit of the highest platform, there is a nearly vertical set of narrow stairs to ascend. In its prime, this platform overlooking a thriving city would have played host to sacred Mayan ceremonies, official gatherings and possibly the occasional ritual sacrifice.

These days, the view from the top is somewhat different: a thicket of large jungle trees obscures the view beyond a handful of meters. The sound of the insects, especially in the falling dusk, seems to envelop everything.

Interior of a temazcal in Acanmul
The interior of a temazcal steam bath at Acanmul. INAH

Where once stood a thriving city in the heartland of one of the most ancient civilizations in the world now only exists squadrons of mosquitoes and lizards that skitter across the undergrowth, making Acanmul their home.

These ruins, among many more across Mexico and Central America, are pieces of a giant archaeological puzzle that is the sprawling empire of the ancient Maya peoples, the complete picture of which is still emerging.

It is generally agreed that the Maya settled in the Yucatán Peninsula in 2500 B.C. and that they flourished in the region until as late as A.D. 900, establishing large cities and ceremonial sites at a variety of locations.

As such, ruins in the region today are estimated to number between 2,600 and 2,700 — a tiny fraction of which are open for public access — although new finds emerge on a regular basis.

At the beginning of 2021, for example, INAH’s archaeologists announced that they had found 2,482 structures, 80 burial sites, 60,000 ceramic fragments and 30 complete vessels across the Yucatán Peninsula during excavation for the Maya Train.

Notwithstanding such a monumental cache of recently unearthed heritage, knowledge of Mayan history generally extends only to the most famous archaeological sites: Chichén Itzá, Ek Balam, and Uxmal.

Carlos Ramírez in Acanmul ruins
Carlos Ramírez only learned about the Acanmul ruins through friends. Abigael Martel

Indeed, Chichén Itzá became one of the New Wonders of the World in 2007, a title bestowed on it by the New 7 Wonders Foundation after a worldwide online poll in which voters chose between nominations ranging from the Eiffel Tower, the Kremlin, Machu Picchu and Stonehenge.

Chichén Itzá has since seen visitors in the millions flock to its pyramids.

As is so often the case, however, tourist-friendly ruins like Chichén Itzá are sanitized versions of their lesser-known cousins and lack the ruggedness of ruins like Acanmul.

Of course, it is impractical to expect the average visitor to bushwhack their way into the depths of the jungle in order to learn about Maya history. Yet, is telling that a few key sites play host to an increasing influx of tourists every year.

This leads to forgetting that the entire peninsula was once a vast civilization and that sites are not so neatly located here or there, signposted by authorities, but almost certainly perpetually beneath our feet.

This packaging of the Mayan world, although convenient for tourism, is damaging to today’s ostracized Maya communities, who are conveniently kept at the margins of social respect and genuine sustainable development even as the sites most venerated by their ancestors are packaged up to compete in popularity contests with the Moulin Rouge in Paris or Times Square in New York City.

Acanmul
Acanmul has been researched by archaelologists, but it has not been cleaned up for tourism like more famous Mayan ruins. Abigael Martel

The world of the Maya never went away and certainly doesn’t exist at localized points of commerce. It continues to exist in largely disenfranchised communities across the region. It is in the ground under our feet and in the air we breathe.

Understanding that would likely go some way toward a reevaluation of this most unique of civilizations.

It would also work toward the sort of social justice for indigenous peoples that the region so desperately needs.

Shannon Collins is an environment correspondent at Ninth Wave Global, an environmental organization and think tank. She writes from Campeche.

Technology credited for drop in homicides in Mexico City neighborhoods

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mexico city police
City police say better coordination, WhatsApp and security checkpoints have helped bring down homicide numbers.

Some of Mexico City’s most violent neighborhoods haven’t recorded a single murder in 2021, and others have seen an 80% decline in annual terms.

The borough of Gustavo A. Madero hasn’t seen a homicide this year in the neighborhoods of Candelaria Ticomán, San Bartolo Atepehuacan, Gabriel Hernández, despite being historically violent areas.

The Iztapalapa neighborhoods of Desarrollo Urbano Quetzalcóatl and Ejército de Oriente only registered five homicides from January through September this year: the same period last year saw a total of 51 murders in the five areas.

One major innovation is the use of WhatsApp as an official communication channel for citizens to make criminal complaints. The newspaper Milenio reported that better use of surveillance cameras and improved coordination with México state authorities had also helped transform the security situation.

Additional hands-on measures have played a role. In Candelaria Ticomán security checkpoints were introduced to search suspicious vehicles leaving and entering the neighborhood and in Ejército de Oriente round the clock patrols are in place.

The Mexico City Security Ministry representative for Candelaria Ticomán, Rogelio Albiter, said locals had supported the new measures. “People received them well. They got used to it little by little … no complaints are made by the neighbors,” he said.

Mexico City Police Chief Omar Garcia Harfuch said on November 18 that crime had fallen by 46% in the capital from October 2020 through September 2021. Extortion, he added, fell 82% while homicides fell 32%.

With reports from Milenio 

Missing marines found alive in Puerto Vallarta

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kidnapped marines found
The two navy personnel were found by Puerto Vallarta police. SEMAR

Two marines were found alive in Puerto Vallarta, Jalisco, on Saturday, 320 kilometers from where they had been kidnapped on November 15 in a Guadalajara metropolitan area parking lot.

An unidentified navy captain’s secretary and driver were awaiting the captain in the shopping center parking lot in Zapopan when they were surrounded by an armed convoy. The vehicle in which they had been traveling, a white Jeep, was found abandoned days later.  

They were discovered Saturday blindfolded and kneeling on the ground by a police patrol in the resort city.   

They identified themselves to authorities as Ángela y Jorge but didn’t give details on their treatment or where they had been taken. They were reported to be in good health but were still taken to a hospital. 

The Navy Ministry said that Jorge had been beaten and that Ángela “was found intact.”

The Jalisco New Generation Cartel is suspected of their abduction in retaliation for the arrest of the wife of the cartel’s leader, Nemesio “El Mencho” Oseguera Cervantes.

Rosalinda González Valencia was captured in Zapopan on November 15 by soldiers working in conjunction with the federal Attorney General’s Office and the National Intelligence Center.

Federal forces have since carried out an operation in Zapopan to locate and capture El Mencho’s daughter Laisha Michelle Oseguera González and her partner Christian Fernando Gutiérrez Ochoa, but neither was found.

Federal forces also searched for El Mencho in Jalisco, Nayarit, Michoacán and Guanajuato without success, according to military sources cited by Reforma. 

With reports from Informador and El Sol de México

Videos reveal near-completed Mexico City airport; ‘It’s not a disaster,’ says journalist

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Journalist San Martín outside the control tower at the Felipe Ángeles airport.
Journalist San Martín outside the control tower at the Felipe Ángeles airport.

Four months before the new Mexico City airport begins operations, would-be users can get a feel for the new facility thanks to video footage posted to social media by a well known journalist.

Television, radio and print journalist Manuel López San Martín posted a series of videos to Twitter that show various parts of the Felipe Ángeles International Airport (AIFA) including its terminal building and control tower.

Built by the army on the Santa Lucía Air Force base located about 45 kilometers north of downtown Mexico City in the México state municipality of Zumpango, the airport is slated to begin operations in late March. Budget carrier Volaris announced last month that it would operate services to and from the facility starting March 21, 2022.

Above one video that pans across the exterior of the terminal building, López San Martín wrote that the AIFA “is not the disaster some people are selling.”

He described the 80-billion-peso (US $3.8 billion) airport as an “impressive” and “good-quality” project built in record time.

President López Obrador, who canceled the previous government’s airport project after a legally questionable referendum, inaugurated work on the AIFA in late 2019.

López San Martín claimed that the airport will be a success as long as it has good, cheap and quick land connections to Mexico City. He posted one video that showed construction work on a new road that will link the airport to the capital.

“There are thousands of people working against the clock inside and outside of Santa Lucía,” the journalist wrote.

Another video shows a waiting area and functioning elevators and escalators inside the terminal, while López San Martín shot yet more footage from the 88-meter-high control tower, which was designed to resemble a Náhuatl weapon called a macuahuitl – a wooden club with embedded obsidian blades.

The journalist also published a video that shows a range of other infrastructure and attractions on the airport grounds, including a shopping center, hotel, hospital and a “cultural corridor” with three museums and repurposed historic train cars.

The architect who designed the airport, Francisco González Pulido, said in late 2019 that traveling through it will be a “memorable experience.”

Construction of the facility, which is about 80% complete, is part of a three-pronged plan to ease pressure on the existing Mexico City airport, which was used by 50.3 million passengers in 2019 before air traffic slumped in 2020 due to the pandemic. The federal government is also upgrading the Mexico City airport and that in Toluca, México state.

The AIFA will have an initial capacity of 20 million passengers annually but it could eventually handle up to 80 million.

With reports from El Universal and Reporte Indigo

Isla Mujeres dump ‘environmental hazard;’ 11,000 tonnes of waste shipped to mainland

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The transfer station on Isla Mujeres.
The transfer station on Isla Mujeres.

The former municipal government of Isla Mujeres, Quintana Roo, allowed 35,000 tonnes of trash to accumulate at a transfer station on the small Caribbean Sea island, according to local officials.

Mayor Atanea Gómez Ricalde, who took office at the end of September, blamed her predecessor, federal Green Party Deputy Juan Carillo Soberanis, for the mess on the island, a popular tourism destination.

The National Action Party mayor said her government began cleaning up the dump as soon as it was sworn in and 11,350 tonnes of trash have already been shipped to the mainland. Gómez also said that 1,600 tonnes of garbage have been removed from the streets of Isla Mujeres over the past seven weeks.

“Cleaning up Isla Mujeres, keeping our island clean and creating a healthy environment is a priority,” she said. “We could no longer live with these kinds of focuses of infection.”

Santiago Quiñonez Hernández, the municipality’s public services director, estimated that the previous government allowed trash to accumulate at the transfer station – located adjacent to the sea – for two years.

“There was at least 35,000 tonnes of accumulated trash,” he said, adding that it generated leachates (liquids) that filtered into groundwater reserves and the ocean.

Quiñonez said that about 23,000 tonnes of toxic trash remains at the dump and it will take at least two months to transfer all of it to a dump on the mainland part of the municipality of Isla Mujeres.

Local authorities also said they have discovered 53 clandestine dumps on the mainland of the municipality, which adjoins Benito Juárez, where Cancún is located.

Gómez said Isla Mujeres has been used as a dump for Cancún and Puerto Morelos for years and the situation must change. She indicated she was prepared to take legal action to that end.

The mayor also said that Isla Mujeres is the second fastest growing municipality in the state and she has a responsibility to look out for its environment and residents, even though previous municipal governments neglected to do so.

With reports from Milenio

Best of Mexico: top destinations, attractions announced at travel show

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Best Natural Destination was the Montebello lakes of Chiapas.
Best Natural Destination was the Montebello lakes of Chiapas. mexico desconocido

Mexico’s finest cities, states, sights and dishes were recognized at the Best of Mexico awards ceremony at the Tianguis Turístico travel show in Mérida, Yucatán, last week.

Voting took place online from March 1-15, 2020, but the ceremony — held during Latin America’s largest tourism industry event — was delayed by a year due to the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Zacatecas was the only state to win in two categories: La Quemada ruins won Best Tourist Experience in an Archaeological Area and Zacatecas city won Best Cultural City

Otherwise, the winners were spread around states in all corners of the country. Oaxaca won the Best State to Live Original Experiences, followed by Zacatecas in second and Puebla in third. Best Beach was Balandra, Baja California Sur. The second best was Mahahual, Quintana Roo, and the third best was Costa Esmeralda, Veracruz.

The Best Tourist Route was the El Chepe train ride in Chihuahua; second place was the Art, Cheese and Wine route in Querétaro, and third place was the Coffee Route in Chiapas.

barbacoa
Best Dish was Hidalgo’s barbacoa. más méxico

The Best Adventure Destination went to La Huasteca, San Luis Potosí, and the Best Natural Destination was the Montebello Lakes, Chiapas. 

More specialized categories included Best Artisan Work, which was awarded to Nayarit for its Huichol craftwork, and Best Dish, which went to Hidalgo’s barbacoa. The Best Magical Town for Culinary Experience was won by Zacatlán de las Manzanas, Puebla.

The Best Destination for Day of the Dead was Pátzcuaro, Michoacán; Orizaba, Veracruz, won the Best Magical Town With Surprising Architecture; the Best Magical Town for a Romantic Escape went to Bacalar, Quintana Roo, and the Best Magical Town with Ancestral Roots was awarded to Huamantla, Tlaxcala.

The awards program is sponsored by magazine and web publisher México Desconocido.

With reports from México Desconocido

Electricity reform seen as threat to solar energy installations

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Solar panels on a Mexican roof.
Solar panels on a Mexican roof.

The federal government’s proposed electricity reform poses a threat to home solar energy installations, according to energy sector insiders, but Energy Minister Rocío Nahle denies that is the case.

President López Obrador sent a constitutional bill to Congress in October whose main objective is to guarantee 54% of the power market to the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE)

A vote on the bill is set to take place next April, but there is no guarantee it will pass Congress as the ruling Morena party and its allies don’t have the two-thirds majority required to approve constitutional reforms without the support of opposition parties.

López Obrador’s bill doesn’t specifically mention distributed generation – a term that refers to a variety of technologies that generate electricity at or near where it will be used, such as solar panels – but it does say that private sector electricity generation permits and contracts with the CFE to buy that power will be canceled.

Three energy sector experts who spoke with the newspaper Milenio believe that the reform – if passed in its current form – could spell the end for rooftop solar panels installed on people’s homes and on the premises and facilities of businesses.

About US $3.14 billion has been invested in solar panels, according to the Energy Regulatory Commission, and some 95% of them are installed at people’s homes and at small and medium-sized businesses. Solar is the source of 99.15% of more than 242,000 distributed generation points with wind, hydro, biogas, biomass, gas, diesel and cogeneration contributing to the small remainder.

Julio Valle, spokesperson for the Mexican Solar Energy Association, asserted that the electricity reform will affect distributed generation if it passes Congress.

“I’m aware that the [energy] minister and another person have come out and said that distributed generation won’t be affected but the initiative explicitly says something else,” he said.

Rocío Nahle, energy minister since the current government took office in December 2018, said on Twitter last month that the proposed reform doesn’t seek to eliminate the use of solar panels, while Morena Deputy Manuel Rodríguez González, president of the lower house’s energy committee, later made similar remarks.

Severo López, an energy policy expert and counsel with the law firm SMPS Legal, charged that Nahle’s assertion is wrong, claiming that distributed generation will be deemed “unconstitutional” if the proposed reform becomes law.

Carlos Tapia, CEO of the consultancy Balam Energy, said the wording of the bill is highly ambiguous and that the lack of clarity is cause for concern. The text of the proposed reform leaves open the possibility that homeowners’ contracts with the CFE will be canceled, he said.

The president tours the Dos Bocas refinery last fall with Energy Minister Nahle.
The president tours the Dos Bocas refinery last fall with Energy Minister Nahle.

But Rodríguez, the deputy, said that homeowners with solar panels won’t be affected because they don’t sign contracts but rather enter into service agreements with the CFE. He did acknowledge that companies that generate their own energy will be affected if the bill passes.

López said that houses with solar distributed generation capacity need to connect to the CFE grid so that they can tap into the state-owned company’s power, or their stored electricity, when the sun isn’t shining. He disagreed with Rodríguez’s choice of language, describing the pact between homeowners and the CFE as an interconnection contract.

Special meters are installed at people’s homes to measure the quantity of energy injected into the national grid via their solar panels and the quantity of power used. Based on the measurements, a homeowner either gets a bill or a payment from the CFE each billing period.

One person who has benefited from installing solar panels at his home is Jorge Musalem. Fed up with paying up to 2,500 pesos (US $120) per month for power, he spent 50,000 pesos (about US $2,400) to install solar panels on his rooftop.

His monthly bills declined to just 150 pesos (US $7), allowing Musalem, who shares his home with five family members, to recoup his investment in less than two years. Thousands of other Mexicans have similarly cut their power bills by putting solar panels on their homes’ rooftops.

Nahle said in her October 6 tweet that the federal government has been a supporter of distributed generation since it took office in late 2018.

“It has promoted its use and funding via the Trust for Electrical Energy Savings,” she wrote, referring to a private trust set up by the CFE in 1990. “The electricity reform doesn’t considering eliminating this,” Nahle added.

More broadly, the government is considered by many to be an enemy of the renewable sector because it has enacted or is attempting to enact policies and reforms that favor the CFE and are detrimental to private renewable energy companies.

With reports from Milenio