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Made in Mexico: Carlos Fuentes

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Carlos Fuentes
Carlos Fuentes' was a major voice not only in Mexican literature, but world literature. (Librerías Gandhi)

Mexican author Carlos Fuentes entered my life with the soft insistence of a truth you
recognize before you can name it. In a house where books functioned as liturgy and
political arguments were my family’s daily prayer, politics and fiction braided until
nationhood itself could only be discussed through story. Friends learned to avoid politics
and religion in polite conversation. But at our table, it was compulsory.

Encountering Fuentes

Between my mother’s journalistic and analytic perception and my father’s artistic view of the world, I first encountered Fuentes. It was an introduction that felt less like discovery than initiation. I first found “The Death of Artemio Cruz” rummaging through my parents’ bookshelves as a teenager, that furtive, holy act of taking what the house has to offer. The book is a slow, terrible confession. It follows a revolutionary soldier who becomes a wealthy
businessman and, on his deathbed, confronts the compromises that made his life
possible.

Carlos Fuentes
The son of a diplomat and later one himself, Fuentes often thought of himself as a “gypsy in a black tie.” (INBAL)

I asked my father if I might read it. He agreed with the tolerant risk of someone
who knows the power of literature. I was too young to understand everything — too
young for many of the dates and alliances and the dense historical scaffolding — but not
too young for the voices. The blunt honesty of Fuentes’s interlocutors cut into me. Their
phrases echoed family stories, private grievances and the way a father’s silence sometimes
explained more than his sermons. I went to sleep that night with the book heavy under
my pillow, feeling the first tremor of an allegiance.

Fuentes liked to say that the Latin American novel rescues what official history neglects.
It is an attractive aphorism: literature as a salvage operation, novels as lifeboats ferrying
the lives, rumors and embarrassments that governments prefer to let sink. But his claim
is more than rhetoric. Read Fuentes and you find not an inventory of facts but a map of
forces — the informal routines, petty calculations and generational betrayals — through which Mexican politics actually works. He is not interested in vindicating every detail of the
public record. He excavates the subterranean arithmetic of power. The small acts and
grand illusions that produce regimes.

A gypsy in a black tie

If Fuentes’s vantage feels panoramic, it is because it was cultivated that way. Born in
1928 in Panama to a cultured, liberal diplomatic family, he spent his early years amid
the humid expanses of Montevideo and Rio de Janeiro. Those tropical afternoons — book-lined, humid and full of foreign tongues — were where Fuentes first fell in love with literature. Alfonso Reyes, the Mexican humanist and a central pillar of the country’s intellectual life, became an early mentor who guided him through the literary world. The young Fuentes absorbed European and Latin American canons with equal appetite, continued his journey to Washington with his family. They stayed eight years in the American capital amid tense Mexico–U.S. relations following President Lázaro Cárdenas’s 1938 nationalizations.

Made in Mexico: Carlos Fuentes

Distance sharpened his sense of Mexico as a nation, and of his identity as Mexican in a
foreign country, as he turned into a schoolyard enemy thanks to the “Tata Lázaro” initiative. Watching his country from abroad, he did not simply miss home. He began to interrogate it. He traced a family history animated by wider European convulsions — ancestors who fled Germany and Spain and settled in Veracruz, establishing a coffee hacienda, and he learned how much a personal identity could be a palimpsest of political choices and historical happenstance. Then a pivotal evening at a New York cinema, where he watched “Citizen Kane” with his father, supplied a kind of formal revelation: narrative could reveal the way private lives braided into public histories. He decided then to write within those intersections.

The acquisition of a global perspective

Fuentes’s early reading list — Stevenson, Dumas, Miguel Zévaco, Jules Verne — reads
less like a curriculum than a confession. He wanted plot and spectacle, but with an eye
to the moral and historical sediment underneath. A teenage posting in Chile broadened
that sensibility further. Latin American politics did not respect borders. The authoritarian
and reformist rhythms he observed in Chile and Argentina taught him that patterns
reverberated across the continent, that the fate of one republic often presaged the
anxieties of another.

He returned to Mexico, weary of the peripatetic diplomat’s life the “gypsy in a black tie as he called it — and enrolled at UNAM to study law at Alfonso Reyes’s encouragement.
The law sharpened him. Fuentes would later borrow Stendhal’s praise for the
Napoleonic civil code — “clear, concise and effective” — and insist that legal training gave
a novelist a discipline of clarity. Yet his impulse was to use that clarity to break forms with
novels that could capture the messy simultaneity of Latin American time.

Carlos Fuentes
Fuentes’ first book, “Los Días Enmascarados,” was published in 1954 when he was only 26 years old. (Librerías Gandhi)

At age 26, he published his first book, “Los Días Enmascarados” (1954), a collection
where myth and the fantastic meet a restless modernity. His true breakthrough came
with “La Región Más Transparente” (1958), a book that announced, with a kind of civic
thunder, a new way of seeing Mexico City. From that moment, he was no longer an
apprentice. He was a national habit.

A life stranger than fiction

Fuentes’s public life was as complicated as his fiction. His unique voice made him
central to Mexican culture to the point where presidents listened carefully to what Fuentes
and other Mexican intellectuals had to say about their regimes. Later, he accepted the ambassadorship to France (1975–1977), a decision tied to a friendship with President Luis Echeverría that earned both praise and censure. When the following president, Gustavo Díaz Ordáz, took office, he resigned from his role as ambassador in protest to the Tlatelolco massacre in 1968, an act that marked him among writers who believed conscience could not be compartmentalized.

He would reflect on this episode as a reminder that the line between cultural influence and political entanglement is rarely neat. Fuentes moved within the circles of power even as he remained a most acute critic.

The restless writer

He was, by any measure, prolific, writing more than seventy books — including novels, essays, short stories, scripts and plays — along with a steady stream of articles across the Americas. Critics who catalog his work point to recurring obsessions: the mestizo nature of
Mexican identity, the ways power shifts under pressure, and, when left to its own inertia, the precariousness of state narratives that tidy over contradictions.

But to reduce Fuentes to a set of themes is to miss his artistry, which is the ability to render political life in the language of human habit: betrayal as domestic pattern, corruption as genealogy, revolution as a choreography of broken promises. If a reader wants a beginning, here are five texts that make his method and moral
urgency plain.

1. ‘La Región Más Transparente’ (‘The Most Transparent Region’), 1958

A portrait of Mexico City through a chorus of characters — peasants, intellectuals,
opportunists, dreamers — this novel critiques a hopeful bourgeoisie who believes
concentrated wealth will somehow be redistributed by fate. The city is staged as
myth and machinery, a place where pre-Hispanic ghosts brush against neon and
where national identity is debated in salons and tenements alike. Fuentes
anticipates the rupture generation’s disillusionments, sketching a metropolis both
magnet and mirror.

"The Eagle's Throne," a book by Carlos Fuentes
“La Silla del Águila” or “The Eagle’s Throne” was one of Fuentes’ best later works, published in 2003. (Penguin Random House)

2. ‘La Silla del Águila’ (‘The Eagle’s Throne’), 2003

Set, proleptically, in 2020, told through letters after a communications collapse, it narrates a corrupt election, the corrosive compromises of those who seek higher office, and the blunt interventions of foreign powers — most pointedly the United States. It is less a
speculative thriller than a study in how institutions erode when informal networks
take precedence over civic duty.

3. ‘Tiempo Mexicano’ (‘Mexican Time’), 1971

An essayistic meditation on temporality and national memory. Fuentes argues that Mexican time is not linear but circular and overlapping. Epochs coexist and narrate one another. He examines who is given the right to remember and how state and culture conspire to shape
collective consciousness. Here, his faith in youth and his hope that new generations
could craft a more democratic nation glimmer most clearly.

4. ‘Nuevo Tiempo Mexicano’ (‘New Mexican Time’), 1994

Written in the wake of 1994’s ruptures — the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas and the peso’s collapse — this book is more sober. Where earlier essays were buoyed by the possibility of reform, “Nuevo Tiempo Mexicano” reflects on the hard limits of institution-building amid enduring inequality and the new economic realities shaped by NAFTA.

5. ‘El Espejo Enterrado’ (‘The Buried Mirror’), 1992

Perhaps my favorite, a sweeping cultural history that traces five centuries of Hispanic America. Fuentes is at once historian and storyteller. He narrates the persistence of colonial and Indigenous legacies as the subterranean currents of identity. The book is elegiac and
exuberant, a reminder that culture is not a surface polish but an accumulated
architecture.

Why read Fuentes?

Because he converts complexity into clearness without flattening it. He is not a historian
in the archival sense. Dates and citations are subordinated to moral geometry. But he
is remarkably precise in diagnosing how power, memory and myth conspire to produce
national life. His prose wants to unsettle complacency. He hoped readers would argue
with his books, not to annul them but to enlarge the conversation.

Fuentes belonged to an erudite generation that could look at Mexico from both inside
and outside. The diplomat’s gaze that knows protocol and the exile’s view that knows
perspective. He understood how the Mexican Revolution’s promise had been
domesticated: the postrevolutionary bourgeoisie reproducing pre-revolutionary
hierarchies, the PRI’s transformation from PRM into an apparatus that welded party to
state and how industrial growth often masked social exclusion.

Clarity and cultural insight

Carlos Fuentes
One of Fuentes’ greatest talents was the ability to distill cultural insights and political truths. (X, formerly Twitter)

But perhaps his clearest insight is cultural. The Revolution’s deepest achievement was not the redistribution of land or the construction of institutions alone, but the knitting together of a fragmented populace so disparate communities could finally perceive one another.

To read Fuentes is to feel history as a kind of weather: sudden, changeable and always
shaping the small gestures of private life. His novels let you listen to Mexico’s
interiors — the whispered bargains, the private prayers and public betrayals. They teach
patience. Political truths are rarely delivered in headlines. They arrive through
accumulations of habit and choice, through the intimate narratives that novels can, more
truthfully than manifestos, deliver.

If you find a copy of his work, take it. Fuentes will not hand you a neat syllabus of
reform. Instead, he will offer scenes and voices that make the stakes of politics
unavoidable. His writing insists upon engagement. Not mere consumption, but
conversation – argument, indignation, laughter and, sometimes, renewal. In that
stubborn insistence lies his lasting invitation: to read Mexico not as a place to be
explained, but as a country alive with stories that refine what we think we know.

María Meléndez is a Mexico City food blogger and influencer.

US sanctions Culiacán family accused of supplying fentanyl precursors to Sinaloa Cartel

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Sumilab, operated by the Favela López family, was first sanctioned by OFAC in 2023.
Sumilab, operated by the Favela López family, was first sanctioned by OFAC in 2023. (Google Maps)

The U.S. Department of the Treasury announced on Monday that its Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) had sanctioned eight Mexicans and 12 Mexico-based companies that are allegedly affiliated with the Los Chapitos faction of the Sinaloa Cartel.

“This network supplies illicit fentanyl precursor chemicals to the Sinaloa Cartel, a terrorist organization responsible for a significant portion of the deadly drugs trafficked into the United States,” the Treasury Department said in a statement.

(U.S. Department of the Treasury)

The sanctioned individuals are six men and two women, four of whom are siblings.

The 12 sanctioned companies include chemical, laboratory equipment, agriculture-related, cleaning and real estate firms.

The eight individuals and 12 companies were “designated” by OFAC pursuant to Executive Order 14059 (an anti-narcotics order) and Executive Order 13224 (a counter-terrorism order).

The measures OFAC imposed on Monday freeze all assets in the U.S. affiliated with the sanctioned individuals and companies, and block U.S. transactions with them.

The Treasury Department said that Los Chapitos is a Sinaloa Cartel faction “run by the four sons of Joaquin ‘El Chapo’ Guzman Loera,” a former Sinaloa Cartel leader who was convicted on drug trafficking charges in the United States in 2019 and is now imprisoned in Colorado.

“With two of the four members of Los Chapitos now in U.S. federal custody, fugitive brothers Archivaldo Ivan and Jesus Alfredo Guzmán Salazar lead the faction and exert control over vast swaths of Sinaloa Cartel-controlled territories across Mexico,” the Treasury Department said.

It said that Los Chapitos are “heavily invested in the trafficking of illicit fentanyl and methamphetamine,” and “have consistently procured precursor chemicals, overseen illicit laboratories, and managed drug distribution.”

In the same statement, the Treasury Department’s under secretary for terrorism and financial intelligence said that “over 500,000 Americans have died of fentanyl poisoning.”

John K. Hurley also said that “President Trump has made clear that stopping the deadly flow of drugs into our country is a top national security priority.”

An alleged family-run criminal scheme 

One of the companies sanctioned by OFAC on Monday is Sumilab, a Culiacán-based chemical and laboratory equipment firm that was founded in 2001, according to the Treasury Department.

An image submitted by a Google Maps user of a Sumilab store in Culiacán shows a display case containing laboratory and medical equipment.
An image submitted by a Google Maps user of a Sumilab store in Culiacán shows a display case containing laboratory and medical equipment. (Google Maps)

The company was “first sanctioned by OFAC pursuant to counternarcotics authorities” in 2023 and designated on Monday “for its involvement in providing and shipping precursor chemicals for and to Sinaloa Cartel members and associates,” Treasury said.

Treasury said that Sumilab is run by the Favela López family, including four siblings and two men who married into the family. Those six people, all of whom were sanctioned on Monday, are:

  • Víctor Andrés Favela López
  • Francisco Favela López
  • Jorge Luis Favela López
  • María Gabriela Favela López
  • Jairo Verdugo Araujo (María Gabriela’s spouse)
  • Gilberto Gallardo Garcia (married to another Favela López sibling, according to Treasury)

The other two people sanctioned by OFAC on Monday are:

  • César Elías López Araujo, who Treasury said is a “front person” for Víctor Andrés Favela López.
  • Martha Emilia Conde Uraga, who Treasury said is “a longtime Sinaloa Cartel-affiliated chemical broker operating out of multiple warehouses in and around Culiacán.”

Treasury said that after Sumilab was sanctioned in 2023, “the Favela López family removed signage from Sumilab storefronts and changed tactics, but remained heavily engaged in supplying precursor chemicals for the Sinaloa Cartel’s fentanyl production.”

It said that the three Favela López brothers “operate under the Los Chapitos faction of the Sinaloa Cartel and are responsible for supplying and distributing precursor chemicals and lab equipment to Sinaloa Cartel-affiliated chemical brokers and lab operators, who produce illicit fentanyl and methamphetamine.”

“Additionally, chemicals are sold to companies in the United States, where they are synthesized into illicit drugs and ultimately sold to U.S.-based customers,” Treasury said.

The department headed up by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said that the Favela López family “operates a network of chemical, laboratory equipment and agriculture-related companies” in addition to Sumilab, seven of which were sanctioned on Monday.

Those seven companies were sanctioned due to their links to the Favela López family.

The alleged ‘chemical broker’

The other four companies sanctioned by OFAC on Monday are run by Conde Uraga and her family, according to Treasury. Two are industrial cleaning companies, one is a mental health services provider and one is a real estate firm.

Treasury said that Conde Uraga is “also a utilizer of front persons,” but didn’t name any of them.

It said that the 63-year-old Culiacán native “supplies precursor chemicals to drug traffickers and lab operators working for the Los Chapitos faction of the Sinaloa Cartel.”

Treasury said that Conde Uraga uses “fraudulent invoicing and other concealment methods” to supply precursor chemicals, some of which are shipped illegally to Mexico from China, according to Mexican and U.S. authorities.

The United States’ ‘armed conflict’ against cartels 

The Sinaloa Cartel is one of 10 Western Hemisphere criminal groups that the United States government designated as foreign terrorist organizations this year. Including the Sinaloa Cartel, six of them are based in Mexico.

According to a U.S. government memo obtained by The Associated Press last week, U.S. President Donald Trump has declared drug cartels to be unlawful combatants and says the United States is now in an “armed conflict” with them.

The U.S. military has recently carried out deadly strikes against boats the U.S. government said were transporting drugs and were linked to the Venezuelan crime group Tren de Aragua, one of the groups designated as a foreign terrorist organization by the U.S.

President Claudia Sheimbaum has ruled out the possibility that the United States military could target Mexican cartels on Mexican soil.

Mexico News Daily 

Legendary guitar maker Paul Reed Smith presents a hand-painted guitar to Maná’s Fher Olvera

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Mexican rock band Maná
Maná frontman Fernando “Fher” Olvera has recently been gifted with a remarkable new instrument. (Maná México)

In a remarkable convergence of musical excellence and traditional Mexican artistry, renowned guitar manufacturer Paul Reed Smith recently presented Maná frontman Fernando “Fher” Olvera with an extraordinary custom instrument that transcends the boundaries between musical craftsmanship and cultural heritage. This unique guitar, painted by master artisan Hedilberto Méndez from the legendary woodcarving village of San Martín Tilcajete in Oaxaca, embodies the power of artistic collaboration to transcend cultural boundaries.

Everything started when Smith met Mendez, an alebrije artisan, at a market in the streets of Oaxaca City. Smith has long been recognized as one of the most innovative and respected guitar manufacturers in the world. Since founding PRS Guitars in 1985, Smith has consistently pushed the boundaries of instrument design, combining traditional luthier techniques with cutting-edge technology to create guitars that are as visually stunning as they are sonically superior. 

A memorable collaboration

Smith unveiled the custom instrument on social media. (Maná/Instagram)

PRS instruments have found their way into the hands of countless legendary musicians, from Carlos Santana to Mark Tremonti, each guitar representing Smith’s unwavering commitment to excellence and his deep understanding of what musicians need from their instruments.

The collaboration between Smith, Olvera and Méndez represents a fascinating intersection of different artistic traditions. While guitars have long been canvases for artistic expression – from the intricate inlays of classical instruments to the bold graphics of modern electric guitars – this particular project takes the concept to an entirely new level by incorporating one of Mexico’s most cherished folk art traditions.

The process of transforming a PRS guitar into a work of art worthy of Méndez’s talents required careful consideration of both the instrument’s functional requirements and the artistic vision. Unlike a traditional alebrije sculpture, which exists purely as a visual art piece, this guitar needed to maintain its musical functionality while serving as a canvas for Méndez’s art. This meant that every brushstroke, every color choice and every design element had to be carefully planned to ensure that the instrument’s acoustic properties and playability would not be compromised.

Maná, Mexico’s rock ambassadors

Maná, a veteran Grammy and Latin Grammy-winning rock band from Guadalajara, has been one of Mexico’s most successful rock exports for over three decades, led by the charismatic Olvera, whose distinctive voice and passionate stage presence have captivated audiences worldwide. Olvera’s powerful vocals and dynamic stage presence have made him one of Latin America’s most recognizable rock stars since the band’s formation in 1986.

Fher has also been a passionate advocate for environmental causes and social justice, using his platform to raise awareness about issues affecting Latin America and the world. His appreciation for traditional Mexican arts and culture has been evident throughout his career, making him the perfect recipient for this unique artistic collaboration.

Hedilberto Méndez and his tradition 

Nestled in the mountains of Oaxaca, approximately 23 kilometers from the state capital, lies the small village of Tilcajete, home to fewer than 1,500 residents but renowned worldwide for its extraordinary woodcarving tradition. The art of alebrije creation begins with the careful selection of copal wood, a soft, lightweight material that is ideal for carving.

San Martín Tilcajete
San Martín Tilcajete in the state of Oaxaca is famed for alebrijes artisans such as Hedilberto Méndez. (Wikimedia Commons/Alejandro Linares Garcia)

According to Hedilberto, his work was inspired by the caracol – the sacred snail – that moves through time in perfect spirals, carrying within its shell the mathematics of creation itself. In Zapotec cosmology, this humble creature holds the secret of existence: that all things begin where they end and end where they begin. The spiral is not merely a shape. It is the very breath of the universe, the way energy moves through all living things, the path that souls take as they journey from the material world to the realm of the universe.

“I see this same spiral carved into its very essence”. The sound hole becomes the center of the cosmic spiral, the place where silence transforms into song, where the void gives birth to vibration.

The creation of a special instrument

Given Fher’s commitment to environmental causes. Méndez’s art on the guitar features the representations of a jaguar, the largest wild animal on the American continent and which inhabits the diverse ecosystem of the region’s cloud forests.

The musical instrument’s body retains the elegant curves of the guitar, says Hedilberto, while incorporating the muscular power of the iconic big cat. Strings of pure energy ran along its spine, each one attuned to different aspects of night’s domain—one for dreams, another for shadows. For the Zapotec, the Jaguar Deity is a guardian, a protector of all that dwells in darkness. The neck stretched and thickened, becoming a powerful throat from which would emerge roars that could shake the very foundations of reality.

This collaboration represents a significant moment in the careers of all three artists involved. For Smith, it demonstrates his company’s commitment to supporting artistic expression and cultural exchange while also showcasing the versatility of PRS instruments as canvases for artistic collaboration, aligning with PRS’s reputation for creating unique custom instruments that push the boundaries of what a guitar can be.

When Olvera takes the stage with this one-of-a-kind guitar, he carries with him not just a tool for making music but a piece of living cultural history that connects him to the rich artistic traditions of his homeland.

Social anthropologist and photojournalist Ena Aguilar Peláez writes on health, culture, rights, and the environment, with a strong interest in intercultural interactions and historical and cultural settings.

MND Local: News and notes around the Baja California peninsula, from Tijuana to Los Cabos

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Plaza Amelia Wilkes in Cabo San Lucas
Plaza Amelia Wilkes is one of several areas in downtown Cabo San Lucas due for an extensive makeover. Our local news roundup takes a look at stories from across the peninsula. (Los Cabos Tourism Board)

There has been a spate of interesting news recently to catch up on for the 20 million or so visitors annually to destinations around the Baja California peninsula — from infrastructure projects to culinary announcements, and even an award-winning literary work set among Baja’s Spanish missions. 

Let’s start in Los Cabos, the municipality that’s now home to 44% of the total population of Baja California Sur. 

Los Cabos’ cities, Cabo San Lucas and San José del Cabo, will get downtown makeovers

Plaza Mijares in San José del Cabo
Plaza Mijares and the historic downtown center of San José del Cabo will also see remodeling and renovations. (Chris Sands)

The central downtown areas of both Cabo San Lucas and San José del Cabo will benefit from a 120 million peso makeover, it was recently announced by Los Cabos’ Mayor Christian Agúndez Gómez. The urban beautification work on these areas is set to begin later in 2025 and is expected to be completed by early 2026.

The funding for the project comes courtesy of Fideicomiso de Turismo de Los Cabos (Fiturca, or the Los Cabos Tourism Board), which is administered through a 4% hotel tax. The expected changes are expected to be extensive and should include the renovation of public squares and plazas, building façades, and improved landscaping, sidewalks and lighting. 

The result, if all goes well, will be a significant upgrade to the overall urban image of the two cape cities, and it’s definitely needed based on declining sales figures in these areas in recent years, with Cabo San Lucas’ traditionally party-hearty nightlife industry particularly hard hit. These losses can indeed be attributed to several factors, including declining alcohol sales among Gen Z and more travelers choosing all-inclusive properties where there is little reason to venture out for food or frolic. But a bad urban image, particularly in Cabo San Lucas, has definitely played a part. 

No architectural illustrations have yet been released for the makeover, which is to be overseen by the Urban Development Department, with input from area business owners. So, to see the fruits of this latest in a long line of infrastructure improvements locally, you’ll have to come and visit in 2026. 

Tacos know no borders, as a famed Tijuana taquería expands with new locations in the San Diego area

At the other end of the peninsula, one of Tijuana’s most famous taquerías — one recognized by the Michelin Guide — has recently opened two new locations across the border in the San Diego area. Such cross-border hopping is, of course, not uncommon in the CaliBaja Mega Region that sees a whopping US $70 billion annually in shared trade, with 200,000 daily border crossings. But at a time when the border is such a contentious, politicized issue, it’s always nice to see people uniting on an issue we can all agree on: namely, that tacos are delicious and deserve to be shared. 

Baja California is justly famous for pioneering the modern fish taco. However, Tacos El Franc, which began as a street cart in 1974 and has since expanded to brick and mortar locations in Tijuana and, as of 2025, in San Diego, specializes in carne asada and marinated adobada. A Tijuana institution for more than 50 years, Tacos El Franc has seen its reputation spread far and wide in recent years, thanks to its recommended status from the Michelin Guide and its featured role on the popular Netflix series, “Las Crónicas del Taco (“The Taco Chronicles”).

Tacos El Franc in Tijuana
Celebrated Tijuana taquería Tacos El Franc has recently opened two new locations in the San Diego area. (Tacos El Franc)

Originally founded by Javier Valadez and still owned in Tijuana by the Valadez family, U.S. expansion plans for Tacos El Franc have been undertaken in partnership with Roberto Kelly and Salvador Lombroso. The first new location premiered to acclaim in National City’s Westfield Plaza Bonita in June of this year, with the second opening its doors in San Diego’s Gaslamp Quarter on Oct. 8. 

The expansion was a long time coming

The new locations represent the culmination of a 20-year odyssey for Kelly. “The reason why I pushed for the expansion is that I never tasted anything even close,” Kelly told the San Diego Business Journal. “The quality of the food and overall taste were extremely different from what people get on this side of the border. I strongly believe that people in the U.S. should have access to the same quality of food and taste.”

Or they could just drive over and try the original tacos on Blvd. Sánchez Taboada in Tijuana — although, unlike at the U.S. locations, there won’t be any beef tallow fries featuring a variety of proteins on the menu.

The Baja California peninsula’s Spanish Missions are the subject of a new award-winning literary work

The more than two dozen Spanish missions built on the Baja California peninsula by successive waves of Jesuit, Franciscan and Dominican missionaries between the 17th and 19th centuries were foundational to regional history and culture, and, as a consequence, have inspired some excellent guidebooks and accounts; a fact touched upon in a recent interview with author David Kier. 

As of September 2025, they’ve also provided the backdrop for some award-winning new fiction, including “A Desert Between Two Seas,” a novel of linked stories written by author Amy Muia, which was recently published by the University of Georgia Press. “Though the stories span landscapes, villages, characters and decades, the heart of the novel is Baja California itself,” Muia notes. “A stark land of cactus and creosote, of russet canyons and splintered wastes of rock — where people living in the shadow of ruined missions seek redemption on an inhospitable peninsula forsaken even by its priests.”

Muia did her research well. The book reflects not only her understanding of the colonial culture and customs of the time, but also her decade-plus of study and exploration at mission sites around the peninsula. The book has already earned the prestigious Flannery O’Connor Award for Short Fiction, and based on its skillful interweaving of some of the mythic elements in 19th-century peninsular history — from pearl diving to legendary missions — should also find favor with Baja-loving readers. 

Chris Sands is the former Cabo San Lucas local expert for the USA Today travel website 10 Best and writer of Fodor’s Los Cabos travel guidebook. He’s also a contributor to numerous websites and publications, including Tasting Table, Marriott Bonvoy Traveler, Forbes Travel Guide, Porthole Cruise, Cabo Living and Mexico News Daily.

Critics warn infrastructure cuts could undermine Mexico’s economic growth potential

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wet railroad tracks
Despite some high-profile rail projects, government spending on infrastructure is lower than expected. (Rogelio Morales/Cuartoscuro)

As Congress prepares to consider the 2026 budget package, infrastructure investment is becoming a point of contention.

When the government focused its attention on debt reduction earlier this year, the Finance Ministry (SHCP) responded by shrinking public investment in infrastructure.

Mariana Campos of Mexico Evaluations
Mariana Campos, an economist and managing director of the think tank México Evalúa, says she’s concerned that the proposed budget only seeks to “manage shortages” rather than move the country forward. (México Evalúa/X)

The SHCP reported that between January and August of this year, investment in public works such as roads, bridges, schools and hospitals shrank to 509.8 billion pesos (US $27.7 billion), a 33.7% reduction in real terms, the biggest reduction in 30 years.

The sector most impacted was water supply, specifically drinking water but also sewage treatment, as spending on public works in this sector in the first eight months of the year was 75% lower than during the same period last year.

Jorge Cano, director of the public spending and accountability program at the think tank México Evalúa, criticized the methodology adopted for debt reduction.

“Unfortunately, the main strategy [of the government] is not a reduction in spending [on welfare programs], but rather a reduction in public investment,” he told the newspaper El Sol de México.

Cano said the debt reduction plan lowered public investment to 2.3% of GDP in 2025, a 20% reduction from the year before and the lowest amount since 2019, the first full year of the previous administration.

“This limits the country’s potential for economic development and weakens social rights by reducing investment in streets, highways, ports, fiber optics, electricity grids, etc.,” he said.

The National Bank of Public Works and Services (Banobras) seemed to affirm Cano’s analysis in its 2025-2030 Institutional Program released last month. 

Banobras estimated that Mexico requires an investment of 2.67 trillion pesos (US $145.2 billion) to close infrastructure gaps, trigger economic growth and promote regional connectivity. 

Among the critical infrastructure gaps identified by Banobras are transportation (roads, railways and ports) and public utilities such as electricity, water and waste management. 

“These resources are key to promoting intermodal connectivity, balanced regional development and sustainable urban growth,” Banobras stated. Its report identified the greatest challenge as road-building, which requires roughly 570 billion pesos (US $31 billion) to modernize highways, build bypasses and strengthen capacity at border crossings.

Sheinbaum unveils upgrade plan for highways across Mexico

During her Oct. 6 press conference, the president expressed that infrastructure investment would increase in her second year in office and that “there is a very clear program of strategic [infrastructure] projects for this six-year term, and many that will carry over into the next.”

In a column for the newspaper El Universal, Mariana Campos, an economist and managing director of México Evalúa, voiced concern for what she called the lack of vision in the 2026 budget, which sets infrastructure investment at 2.5% of GDP. According to Campos, this is below the average of 3.1% recorded between 2013 and 2023.

Expansión magazine reported that the 2026 budget would have Mexico investing less in infrastructure than in paying interest on its debt. By the end of next year, the gap between physical investment and the financial cost of debt could reach record levels.

Without infrastructure investment, Mexico could have trouble meeting the budget’s gross domestic product (GDP) estimate, Campos said. 

Total public debt could reach a record level of 54% of GDP if growth expectations are not met. And, she pointed out, in 13 of the past 17 years, official growth projections have proven overly optimistic. 

Campos said the budget does not appear to be a plan to catapult Mexico into the 2030s, calling it “a roadmap for managing shortages without altering the status quo.”

With reports from El Sol de México, El Economista and Expansión

Daily homicides at lowest in 9 years: Tuesday’s mañanera recapped

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Sheinbaum Oct. 7, 2025
Sheinbaum has said on numerous occasions, including on Tuesday, that the decline in homicides is proof that her government's security strategy is working. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)

Security was a central focus of President Claudia Sheinbaum’s Tuesday morning press conference.

Security officials presented the latest data on homicides, arrests, firearm seizures and drug confiscations across Mexico.

Homicides declined almost 25% in first 9 months of 2025

Marcela Figueroa Franco, head of the National Public Security System, presented preliminary data that showed there was an average of 67.4 homicides per day in Mexico during the first nine months of the year.

The figure represents a decline of 24.9% compared to the daily average in the first nine months of 2024.

Figueroa said that the daily homicide average between January and September was the lowest since 2016.

Sheinbaum has said on numerous occasions, including on Tuesday, that the decline in homicides is proof that her government’s security strategy is working. The strategy has four core tenets, including the strengthening of intelligence and investigation practices and attention to the root causes of crime.

Guanajuato leads Mexico in homicides in 2025

Figueroa presented data that showed that there were 18,407 homicides in Mexico in the first nine months of 2025.

Around one in nine of the murders was perpetrated in the state of Guanajuato, which has led Mexico in homicides for several years.

The Bajío region state recorded 2,084 homicides between January and September, accounting for 11.3% of the national total.

Several Guanajuato municipalities, including Tarimoro, Salvatierra, Salamanca, Celaya and San Miguel de Allende, are among the 50 “most dangerous municipalities” in Mexico based on their per-capita homicide rates between September 2024 and August 2025, according to the crime data website El Cri.men.

 

San Miguel de Allende ranked as the 50th most dangerous municipality in the period.

Among the crime groups that operate in Guanajuato are the Santa Rosa de Lima Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, which are engaged in a long-running turf war.

More than half of murders this year occurred in just 7 states 

Figueroa noted that 51% of homicides between January and September were committed in just seven states. In addition to Guanajuato, those states are:

  • Chihuahua: 1,371 homicides, representing 7.4% of the national total.
  • Baja California: 1,344 homicides (7.3% of the national total).
  • Sinaloa: 1,302 homicides (7.1%).
  • México state: 1,208 homicides (6.6%).
  • Guerrero: 1,069 homicides (5.8%).
  • Michoacán: 1,024 homicides (5.6%).

Mexico City recorded the 13th highest number of homicides among Mexico’s 32 federal entities between January and September. The capital recorded 644 murders, accounting for 3.5% of the national total.

Yucatán recorded the lowest number of homicides in the first nine months of the year, with 23.

Homicides in September were lower than a year earlier in 23 states

Figueroa reported that Zacatecas recorded 88% fewer homicides in September than in the same month a year earlier. The state recorded just four homicides last month, the lowest of any state in the country.

Zacatecas is one of 23 entities that recorded fewer homicides in September than in the same month of last year.

Five other states recorded annual declines in murders of above 50% in September.

  • Chiapas: 73% decline.
  • Quintana Roo: 68% decline.
  • Jalisco: 62% decline.
  • Nuevo León: 61% decline.
  • San Luis Potosí: 53% decline.

The nine states that recorded a higher number of homicides in September than a year earlier were Aguascalientes, Baja California Sur, Campeche, Durango, Michoacán, Nayarit, Tamaulipas, Veracruz and Yucatán.

Over 34,000 arrests for high-impact crimes during Sheinbaum’s first year as president

Security Minister Omar García Harfuch reported that 34,690 people were arrested for allegedly committing “high-impact” crimes such as murder, kidnapping and extortion in the 12 months to Sept. 30, a period that coincides with the first year of Sheinbaum’s presidency.

Omar García Harfuch
Security Minister Omar García Harfuch reported on Tuesday that nearly 35,000 people have been arrested for committing “high-impact” crimes since he took charge of the ministry. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)

He said that “important operators of criminal organizations and priority targets who generated high levels of violence in different entities of the country” were among those arrested in the past year.

Those detained are linked to crimes including extortion, homicide, kidnapping, drug trafficking and weapons offenses, García Harfuch said.

Firearm and drug seizures 

García Harfuch said that authorities seized 17,200 firearms in the year to Sept. 30.

He said that the seizure of weapons reduces the firepower of criminal organizations and results in “less violence on the streets.”

García Harfuch reported that 283 tonnes of drugs, including more than 3 million fentanyl pills, were confiscated during Sheinbaum’s first year in office.

He also said that the army and navy destroyed 1,564 drug laboratories across 22 states in the same period.

“In these actions, more than 2 million liters and over 400 tons of chemical substances have been seized. This is an unprecedented figure that represents an economic impact to criminal organizations of hundreds of millions of pesos. Furthermore, it prevents the production of these harmful substances,” García Harfuch said.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

World Bank ups growth forecast for Mexico and Latin America

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workers on scaffolding in front of a Mexican flag
The slightly improved economic outlook followed an upward revision of Mexico’s projected GDP growth this year by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)

The World Bank raised Mexico’s economic growth forecast from 0.2% in June to 0.5%, but the figure still lags behind the 2.5% GDP the bank predicts for Latin America as a whole.

In its report released Tuesday on the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), the World Bank’s forecast of 2.5% growth for the region in 2025 is up from the 2.4% forecast in June, marking an improvement from last year’s 2.2% economic growth. 

The World Bank HQ in DC
From its headquarters in Washington, D.C., the World Bank has released its latest report on Latin American and Caribbean economic growth, forecasting a slight regional improvement from 2.4% in June to 2.5%. (World Bank)

On the other hand, Mexico’s predicted 2025 growth of 0.5%, though up from June, is far below the 1.5% growth estimated at the beginning of the year. As for 2026, the World Bank anticipates Mexico’s economy to grow by 1.4%.

As reasons for the overall slow growth in LAC, the agency cited a decline in public investment, alongside new tariffs introduced by the United States, as having “a significant drag on the external sector.”

“The upcoming revision of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) in 2026 comes at a crucial moment for North American trade relations, with the first signs suggesting both strategic opportunities and negotiation challenges that could shape investor confidence and the dynamics of regional integration,” the World Bank stated. 

The slightly improved economic outlook followed an upward revision of Mexico’s projected GDP growth this year by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in September, from 0.4% to 0.8%; and by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), from -0.3% to 1.0%. The OECD projected 1.3% growth for Mexico’s economy in 2026.

Elsewhere in the region, the World Bank maintained Brazil’s 2025 forecast of 2.4%, while it significantly decreased Argentina’s growth outlook from 5.5% to 4.6%. 

Latin America and the Caribbean will remain the world’s slowest-growing regional economy due to ongoing inflation, high debt and rising uncertainties stemming from U.S. tariff policies, according to the World Bank. 

But the region was praised for maintaining a certain amount of stability.

“Governments in the region have steered their economies through repeated shocks while preserving stability,” said the World Bank’s regional vice president, Susana Cordeiro Guerra. “Now is the time to continue building on that foundation — accelerating reforms to improve the business climate, invest in enabling infrastructure and mobilize private capital.”

Still, while stable prices are likely, inflation targets have become harder to meet, and interest rates are falling at a slower rate, according to the World Bank. In addition, uncertainty over global trade policies has hampered investment. 

The new LAC outlook mentioned that familiar barriers, such as weak infrastructure, a bias in favor of established companies and poor education at all levels, were hindering entrepreneurship and the growth of big companies. 

“Firms want to hire more people, but they cannot get the workers,” said the World Bank’s chief economist for Latin America and the Caribbean, William Maloney.

With reports from Expansión, El Economista and Reuters

Mexicans detained since Oct. 1 by Israel while taking humanitarian aid to Gaza, are coming home

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Six repatriated Mexicans
The six Mexican volunteers were detained for nearly a week in Israel before gaining passage to Jordan, from where they started their journey home. (SRE/X)

The Foreign Affairs Ministry (SRE) reported that the six Mexicans who were detained by Israel while carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza have already left that country to be repatriated to Mexico.

The detention of peaceful aid providers had alarmed President Claudia Sheinbaum and prompted Mexico to join other countries in filing a complaint with the International Court of Justice in The Hague. 

The SRE statement said that the activists were transferred to Amman, Jordan, where they were received by the Mexican ambassador to Jordan, along with the Mexican ambassador to Israel, who will accompany them back to Mexico. 

“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs appreciates the support of the Jordanian government, with whom diplomatic efforts were made to allow our nationals to enter the country,” the statement said. 

The repatriation coincides with the two-year anniversary of the start of the war in the Gaza Strip, which began on Oct. 7. 

The six repatriated Mexicans are Sol González Eguía, Ernesto Ledesma Arronte, Arlín Medrano Guzmán, Carlos Pérez Osorio, Diego Vázquez Galindo, and Laura Alejandra Vélez Ruiz Gaitán. The Global Movement to Gaza Mexico, the Mexican arm of the international pro-Palestinian NGO that supported the flotilla and demonstrated for the release of the Mexicans, celebrated their return.

The activists were intercepted by the Israeli Navy on Oct. 1, along with hundreds of others who were on vessels that were part of the Global Sumud Flotilla. The flotilla had set out to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza amid the blockade and conflict in the region, but was detained by Israeli forces on the grounds that its entry into restricted waters was unauthorized.  

Once intercepted, they were transferred to Ashdod, Israel’s main port, and then taken to the maximum security prison of Ketziot. Located in the Negev desert in the south of the country, near the border with Egypt, Ketziot is considered the largest prison in Israel. 

On Monday, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum condemned the manner in which the flotilla was intercepted and reinforced her government’s support for Palestine.

“We didn’t approve from the very beginning of the way this group of people carrying humanitarian aid was intercepted,” she said. “Together with other countries we have filed a complaint with The Hague.”

With reports from El Universal and El País

Maya Train caused damage to 8 cenotes, environment minister tells Congress

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Maya Train sitting on the tracks
The Maya Train, completed in December 2024, cost roughly 500 billion pesos (US $27 billion) and faced constant criticism from environmentalists who decried the massive deforestation and the damage caused to the fragile ecosystem of the Yucatán Peninsula. (Elizabeth Ruiz/Cuartoscuro)

Mexico’s Environment and Natural Resources Ministry (Semarnat) formally acknowledged to Congress that the construction of the Maya Train caused environmental damage.

Speaking at a congressional hearing on Monday, Environment Minister Alicia Bárcena told members of the Committee on Environment, Climate Change and Sustainability that the current administration is taking steps to “regularize” the Maya Train. Bárcena also admitted that her ministry is “very aware” that eight caverns and cenotes — natural sinkholes that are the primary source of water in the region — located along Section 5 of the railroad track have been impacted.

Alicia Bárcena speaking before Congress
Before members of Congress on Monday, Environment Minister Alicia Bárcena admitted that her ministry is “very aware” that eight caverns and cenotes in Quintana Roo were negatively impacted by the train’s construction. (SEMARNAT/Facebook)

The 1,554-kilometer-long Maya Train was one of the flagship projects of the previous administration. Built at a cost of roughly 500 billion pesos (US $27 billion), the project faced constant criticism from environmentalists who decried the massive deforestation and the damage caused to the fragile ecosystem of the Yucatán Peninsula. 

Section 5 was the subject of a number of lawsuits during the construction phase, but work often continued apace since President Andrés Manuel López Obrador issued a decree granting provisional authorization despite the absence of environmental impact studies.

Semarnat has made redress of Section 5 a priority, “working to ensure that the cleanup and concrete removal … is completed,” Bárcena said. 

“When we took office on Oct. 1, 2024, the Maya Train was already there, so we can’t say we don’t want the train,” she said. “Instead, we are auditing every permit: those in hand and those applied for, so that the project can be regularized.”

Bárcena said Semarnat has established an inter-institutional working group in conjunction with the Federal Attorney’s Office for Environmental Protection (Profepa) and Maya Train administrators that meets weekly to monitor and evaluate the situation within each of the train’s seven sections.

The group is tasked with determining what permits are missing, what conditions have not been met and what actions should be taken, Bárcena explained. It is also examining the government’s reforestation and environmental restoration plan to determine how best to compensate for the damage caused by the project.

Alicia Bárcena speaking before Congress
Bárcena stated the goal of bringing existing Maya Train permits to 95% compliance with environmental law. (SEMARNAT/Facebook)

“We are working to standardize the project, especially in terms of environmental impact,” she said. “The group is working to propose, achieve and pressure for compliance with at least 95% of environmental impact regulations.”

During the hearing, Deputy Samuel Palma stated that of the nearly 11,000 hectares occupied for facilities, roads and auxiliary works, 61% lack the proper permit for change of forest land use. 

In other testimony, Bárcena expressed concern about the water crises Mexico faces, particularly contamination. Among the seven goals of her ministry by 2030, Bárcena named purifying the Lerma, Santiago, Atoyac and Tula rivers, modernizing irrigation and reviewing the validity of the country’s private water concessions, eliminating 100% of plastics on beaches, reforesting 200,000 hectares and protecting 153 million additional hectares (30% of the territory).

With reports from La Jornada, Fortuna and El Economista

Karol G launches her own Cristalino tequila with SMA-based Casa Dragones

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Singer Karol G poses for a photo with Casa Dragones' Bertha González Nieves
The singer said her experiences in Mexico and admiration for its traditions shaped the direction of the 200 Copas project, which she worked on with Casa Dragones' Bertha González Nieves for three years. (Facebook)

San Miguel de Allende–based distillery Casa Dragones has unveiled its latest release: 200 Copas, a Cristalino tequila crafted with Colombian pop star Karol G.

Announced on Sept. 25, the launch marks Casa Dragones’ first foray into Cristalino tequila, a style that has become popular over the past decade.

Capítulo 1 - Presentando 200 Copas por Casa Dragones — Creado Especialmente para Karol G

Cristalino is tequila that has been aged — typically añejo or extra añejo — and has undergone an extra filtration process, often using activated charcoal, to remove the color gained during barrel aging.

The crystal-clear tequila is produced exclusively in Mexico, joining a Casa Dragones lineup that has been celebrated for innovation under the leadership of the world’s first female master tequila maker, Bertha González Nieves.

Based on Karol G’s hit song “200 Copas,” the new tequila is crafted from 100% Blue Weber agave and aged for over 12 months in custom American oak barrels. It’s a small-batch tequila, with just 500 cases produced at a time.

González Nieves said the focus is on “authenticity” and “artisanal mastery.” The tequila has been described as having citrus and floral notes, with a palate of almond, roasted agave and plum.

Beyond being the brand’s ambassador, Karol G reportedly contributed to recipe development and design, tying the project to her Grammy-winning career and her 2021 song, “200 Copas.” 

The song, which blends regional Mexican influences, reached No. 28 on Billboard’s Hot Latin Songs chart.

Karol G, who was born Carolina Giraldo Navarro, said the inspiration for the tequila was twofold: a special night with friends over tequila, and the recording of the song’s video, which included many of her closest friends.

Karol G received a Grammy Award last year for best música urbana album for “Mañana Será Bonito,” and has also won six Latin Grammy Awards. She will be headlining the Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival in 2026, making her the first Latin woman to headline the massive, six-day concert in the California desert.

She said her experiences in Mexico and admiration for its traditions shaped the direction of the 200 Copas project, which she worked on with González Nieves for three years.

The tequila went on sale in Mexico last week and will be available in the United States and Colombia in 2026.

More information is available on the Casa Dragones website.

With reports from Infobae, Remezcla, PR Newswire and Rolling Stone