Tuesday, July 22, 2025

Tourist flees Puerto Vallarta after monkeypox diagnosis

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The formation of pustules on the skin is one of the characteristic symptoms of monkeypox.
The formation of pustules on the skin is one of the characteristic symptoms of monkeypox. CDC Public Health Image Library

A U.S. tourist who tested positive for monkeypox first fled the Puerto Vallarta hospital where he was instructed to isolate and undergo more tests, and then quickly hurried out of the country, according to reports.

The 48-year-old Texas man presented symptoms such as cough, chills, muscle pain and pustule-like lesions on his face, neck and trunk.

“He went to a private hospital in Puerto Vallarta and upon suspicion of this disease, he was instructed to take samples and isolate himself, which he refused and left (he actually fled) the unit,” according to a Jalisco Ministry of Health press release. Attempts to communicate with him went for naught, the agency added.

“According to information from the place where the couple was staying, it was reported that they were seen leaving with suitcases on June 4; however, since the patient had a scheduled flight from Puerto Vallarta to Dallas on June 6, [health officials] informed the National Immigration Institute and the airlines about the patient’s situation so that he would not be allowed to enter or board the aircraft,” the agency added.

It has now been determined, with assistance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in the United States, that the patient and his partner flew to the United States on June 4, El Universal reported. On June 7, the Ministry of Health’s National Liaison Center reported that the man’s test for monkeypox turned out to be positive, and the only thing the agency was awaiting at that point was confirmation from the CDC. His case was the first to be confirmed in Jalisco, according to reports.

During his stay in Puerto Vallarta, the patient reportedly was present at various parties and gatherings, some of them held in a hotel. In a tweet, the Jalisco Ministry of Health put out a call to people who attended parties at the Mantamar Beach Club in the period from May 27 to June 4, 2022, and present symptoms such as headache, high fever at 38.5 C, swollen glands, generalized muscle pain, visible skin eruptions in various parts of the body such as pustules. Anyone exhibiting such symptoms was urged to seek immediate medical attention.

According to several news reports, the infected individual was in Berlin, Germany, from May 12 to 16 before traveling to Puerto Vallarta.

With reports from El Universal and Reforma

Why I love comida corrida — food by the people for the people

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Comida corrida restaurant in Mexico City
Comida corrida restaurants are often family-run businesses.

I’m sitting on a plastic chair on Regina street in the central historic district of Mexico City, eyeing a handwritten menu with the food of the day scribbled out — as I’ve done hundreds of times before. El Centro is the heartbeat of the biggest city in North America and is flush with a seemingly unlimited number of options for stuffing your face with delicious Mexican (and foreign) cuisine.

But despite the choices, I find myself returning, again and again, to eat at the same humble establishments that prepare a cheap, home-cooked meal in a style known as comida corrida.

Comida corrida, a Mexico City tradition, is food made by the people for the people, and over the past seven years as an expat in the capital, this comfort food of sorts has become my favorite meal.

Translated roughly as “food on the run,” it was born in the late 19th century, in the days of President Porfirio Díaz, during the city’s urban expansion. With the rise of factories in Mexico City, workers from places on the outskirts of the city — places like Mixcoac, Tacuba and Narvarte — found themselves too far from home to go there for lunch and needed something hearty, cheap and quick to eat during their lunch break. Local women began selling them homemade meals out of inns (fondas), their homes or anywhere they could set up a small restaurant.

comida corrida restaurant, Mexico City
Comida corrida purveyors’ goal isn’t to be the hip restaurant in town, it’s to serve quality, affordable food to their neighbors.

The three-course meal consisted of a “wet soup” (usually a chicken consommé or tortilla soup), a “dry soup” (rice or pasta) and a protein — a thin slice of steak, breaded chicken or another traditional dish that met the requirements.

There are still thousands of traditional comida corrida joints around Mexico City (and throughout Mexico) set up in markets, booths, inns, homes and more traditional restaurant spaces that vary in size, ambition and ambiance. I have a favorite place that seats 12 and another that can accommodate 100–150 patrons. I like one spot that’s housed in an 18th-century colonial building and another that’s in the San Juan Market in Mexico City’s center, where you sit at long benches alongside people from the community.

Today, my options are as follows:

  • 1st plate: Pumpkin flower soup or chicken consomé.
  • 2nd plate: Rice or spaghetti with white sauce.
  • Main dish: Stuffed chiles, breaded beef, chicken with mole sauce, enchiladas with green, red or mole sauce), or shredded beef with beans.

Before I order, the waiter brings a pitcher of agua de sabor (flavored water) and a glass. The drink is tamarind water, but on other days it could be horchatajamaica or any of the hundreds of homemade drinks concocted from fruit and herbs common in Mexico. He also brings hot tortillas, a bowl of limes and two different homemade salsas. Nearly all restaurants in Mexico make their own sauces and drinks and many have someone pressing tortillas by hand all day.

I choose the consomé de pollo, and a few moments later, when a moderately sized bowl of chicken soup arrives, I take a tortilla and spread a thin layer of salsa verde on it, squeeze lime in the middle, then roll it up and dip it into the broth. Rice and a fried egg is my second dish, and for the main plate, enchiladas con mole.

The sauce with pre-Hispanic roots made from chiles, nuts, chocolate, fruits, herbs and spices is tough to pass up. Today, the enchiladas are no disappointment, and by the time I finish my meal, I’m satisfied and ready to get back to work. And the total cost? Sixty pesos, or about US $3.

Unlike American fast food, a style of dining also meant to save money and time, comida corrida is a home-cooked meal, with everything prepared in-house, usually by a family. Often three or four generations work together — a grandmother cooking on a grill, her daughter pressing fresh tortillas on a back table, her son or an uncle taking an order and kids in the back playing.

Comida corrida restaurant in Mexico City
These restaurants are a great way to know the flavors of traditional Mexican cuisine.

Seldom does a comida corrida restaurant scream hip or cool. No company soundtrack, uniforms or corporate airs. Maybe a TV in a corner with a telenovela, the news or a futbol game and a few posters of Mexican celebrities, saints and pictures of the family hung on the wall.

These places are not run-down but cozy, humble and familiar. Their goal is not to make a million dollars, start a franchise or get a magazine to write them up. The goal, from what I can see, is to serve quality food at a price people can afford.

By eating comida corrida, I’ve learned to distinguish all sorts of Mexican dishes, developing a deeper understanding of the country’s flavors. I’ve learned to differentiate sauces made from chile de árbol, jalapeños, serrano, chipotle and habaneros. I’ve learned how to order cooked bananas on top of my rice and which flavored waters are my favorite — maracuya (passion fruit), chia con limón (soaked chia seeds water with lime), sandía (watermelon).

And the long, rich history of Mexican and pre-Hispanic dishes contains enough variety that you could eat comida corrida every day (as I almost do) and not have the same dish twice for a month.

While many restaurants in the United States seem focused on creating menus and environments that are “new” and “original,” the cooks at comida corrida joints are content to prepare time-tested dishes people know, love and expect in an environment that is like their home. And the ritual of taking a break in the middle of the day to eat a hot meal sets the rhythm of the city and links people together.

Most comida corrida joints buy their fruits, vegetables and meat daily from local markets and butchers, which are often a few blocks away. If they run out of something, they send someone next door to buy it from a neighbor.

And as you eat, musicians arrive to play a few songs on time-worn guitars, then ask for a tip before moving on to the next restaurant. Vendors of all kinds and beggars will pass through, hawking products or asking for change; they’re seldom shooed away unless they’re disorderly, which is rare. In this way, comida corrida restaurants not only serve their patrons but also are a hub for many economies.

When I think about my dining experiences in America that were most like comida corrida, I recall eating at my grandma’s house, the familiarity and coziness of it. And since I grew up in New Jersey, it’s also reminiscent of the casual convenience of a pizzeria — ordering a slice while neighborhood kids fold boxes in the back.

But the truth is, I don’t remember the last time I went into a restaurant in the U.S. that felt like someone’s home, where the food and experience were created by a family — and everything served was affordable.

In the U.S, the closest thing to comida corrida is fast food — a cold experience: plastic trays and booths, microphones and headsets, workers behind the counters with no ties to the business and fluorescent lights heating “food” — nothing like the homeliness of dining at a comida corrida joint.

As we move beyond the pandemic and look to becoming healthier, I wonder what the U.S. could learn from Mexico’s comida corrida tradition about community, affordability and creating spaces to improve our overall well-being.

Nate Kostar writes from Mexico City.

11 Mexican bars among North America’s top 50

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Handshake Speakeasy in the Colonia Juárez neighborhood of Mexico City.
Handshake Speakeasy in the Colonia Juárez neighborhood of Mexico City.

Eleven bars in Mexico have received spots in the inaugural ranking of North America’s 50 Best Bars, revealed at a ceremony this week in New York City. The list was compiled by William Reed, a multimedia company that focuses on the food and drinks industry and also publishes the World’s 50 Best Bars, the World’s 50 Best Restaurants and other lists.

The new regional list places 10 Mexico bars in the top 22, including No. 2, Handshake Speakeasy, and No. 3, Licorería Limantour, both in Mexico City. In all, Mexico City has six bars on the list of 50, with two in Oaxaca and one each in Playa del Carmen, Tulum and Jalisco.

This list includes 30 bars in the United States, eight in Canada and one in Cuba, in addition to the Mexican tally. “Today is a big night because everyone at ‘50 Best’ has been planning to release a list celebrating the top bar talent in North America for almost a decade,” said Mark Sansom, director of content for North America’s 50 Best Bars. “As pandemic restrictions are finally being lifted, we think there’s no better time to unveil the awards that tell the story of great bars in this region.”

In addition to Handshake Speakeasy and Licorería Limantour, the other Mexican bars on the list are: No. 7 Baltra Bar (Mexico City), No. 11 Zapote Bar (Playa del Carmen),  No. 13 Kaito del Valle (Mexico City), No. 15 Café de Nadie (Mexico City), No. 16 Hanky Panky (Mexico City), No. 20 Sabina Sabe (Oaxaca), No. 21 El Gallo Altanero (Guadalajara), No. 22 Selva (Oaxaca) and No. 37 Arca (Tulum). 

Licorería Limantour, in the Roma Norte neighborhood of Mexico City.
Licorería Limantour, in the Roma Norte neighborhood of Mexico City.

Handshake Speakeasy finished behind only Attaboy, a cocktail bar on New York City’s Lower East Side that last year was named the 34th best bar in the world. To enter Handshake, which is located behind the wall of a cigar shop in a mall in the Polanco area, one needs a secret code that can be obtained via the speakeasy’s Instagram page.

Set in a 1920s decor, Handshake Speakeasy has a long, marble bar with copper arches framing the backbar, and its cocktails are “surprising results [that] are achieved through extensive work in the lab, clarifying juices, creating new syrups and infusing cordials,” according the bar’s summary on the 50 best list.

Licorería Limantour, meanwhile, is “an institution in Mexico City’s bubbling nightlife scene” that is “regarded as one of the city’s best party bars.” One of the establishment’s featured drinks is the “Margarita al Pastor,” which is made with tequila blanco, Cointreau, pineapple cubes, coriander, serrano chile, basil, lime juice and sugar. Licorería Limantour has two locations, but the one selected for this list is in Roma Norte (the other is in Polanco).

On the World’s 50 Best Bars list for 2021, Licorería Limantour was sixth, well ahead of Handshake Speakeasy in 25th place. Hanky Panky was 12th. The 2022 global list will be announced in October.

According to William Reed, the 2022 North America list was compiled by a panel of 220 experts, including bartenders, owners and journalists in eight regions: Canada East, Canada Northeast, U.S. Midwest, U.S. West, U.S. South, Mexico and the Caribbean.

Mexico is represented in one other small way on the North America list: The artwork for the No. 39 bar on the list, ABV in San Francisco, includes a picture of a can of Modelo.

Here is the full list:

  1. Attaboy, New York, U.S.
  2. Handshake Speakeasy, Mexico City, Mexico
  3. Licorería Limantour, Mexico City, Mexico
  4. Katana Kitten, New York, U.S.
  5. Kumiko, Chicago, U.S.
  6. Café La Trova, Miami, U.S.
  7. Baltra Bar, Mexico City, Mexico
  8. Dante, New York, U.S.
  9. Thunderbolt, Los Angeles, U.S.
  10. Civil Liberties, Toronto, Canada
  11. Zapote Bar, Riviera Maya, Mexico
  12. La Factoría, San Juan, Puerto Rico, U.S.
  13. Kaito del Valle, Mexico City, Mexico
  14. Sweet Liberty, Miami, U.S.
  15. Café de Nadie, Mexico City, Mexico
  16. Hanky Panky, Mexico City, Mexico
  17. Double Chicken Please, New York, U.S.
  18. Service Bar, Washington D.C., U.S.
  19. Raised by Wolves, San Diego, U.S.
  20. Sabina Sabe, Oaxaca, Mexico
  21. El Gallo Altanero, Guadalajara, Mexico
  22. Selva, Oaxaca, Mexico
  23. Amor y Amargo, New York, U.S.
  24. Jewel of the South, New Orleans, U.S.
  25. The Keefer Bar, Vancouver, Canada
  26. Dear Irving, New York, U.S.
  27. Overstory, New York, U.S.
  28. Herbs & Rye, Las Vegas, U.S.
  29. El Pequeño Bar, Montreal, Canada
  30. Employees Only, New York, U.S.
  31. The Dead Rabbit, New York, U.S.
  32. Broken Shaker, Miami, U.S.
  33. Friends and Family, Oakland, U.S.
  34. Death & Co., Los Angeles, U.S.
  35. Mace, New York, U.S.
  36. Death & Co., Denver, U.S.
  37. Arca, Tulum, Mexico
  38. Mother, Toronto, Canada
  39. ABV, San Francisco, U.S.
  40. El Floridita, Havana, Cuba
  41. Bar Raval, Toronto, Canada
  42. Bar Leather Apro, Honolulu, Hawaii, U.S.
  43. Clover Club, New York, U.S.
  44. Bitter & Twisted, Phoenix, U.S.
  45. Cloakroom Bar, Montreal, Canada
  46. Julep, Houston, U.S.
  47. Bar Mordecai, Toronto, Canada
  48. Teardrop Lounge, Portland, U.S.
  49. Bar Kisme, Halifax, Canada
  50. Genever, Los Angeles, U.S.

With reports from Reforma

Guadalajara church leader sentenced to 16 years for child sex abuse

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Naasón Joaquín García, the imprisoned leader of the La Luz del Mundo evangelical church.
Leadership of the church La Luz del Mundo have been accused of child trafficking, money laundering and sexual abuse, among other charges. Church "Apostle" Naasón Joaquín García is currently serving a 16-year prison sentence in California for sexual abuse of minors. (File photo)

The leader of a Guadalajara-based evangelical church was sentenced in a California court Wednesday to 16 years and eight months in prison for sexually abusing three girls between 2015 and 2018 in Los Angeles county.

Naasón Joaquín García, leader or “Apostle” of the La Luz del Mundo (Light of the World) church, pleaded guilty last Friday to two acts of forcible oral sex with minors and performing a lewd act on a child. García, 53, was arrested at Los Angeles International Airport in 2019. In addition to his prison sentence, he will be registered as a sex offender for the rest of his life.

The church leader submitted a plea just days before he was scheduled to face trial on 23 charges of sex crimes against children, including multiple counts of rape and conspiracy to engage in human trafficking and child pornography. In exchange for admitting guilt, prosecutors dropped most of the charges he faced, including the most serious ones.

Two of three women accused of colluding with García to abuse minors have also reached plea deals with prosecutors.

Five accusers who appeared in court Wednesday said that García’s sentence was too lenient and complained about not being consulted on the plea deal he reached with the office of the California attorney general.

La Luz del Mundo said in a statement that “since his arrest in 2019, the Apostle has been subjected to a prosecution in which evidence was suppressed, withheld, doctored and altered.”

“After the defense finally obtained this evidence, the court ruled that the defense would not be permitted to use the materials at trial, preventing the defense from effectively cross-examining the complaining witnesses and challenging their allegations,” the church said. “Without a right to use the evidence, there is no right of defense. Without a right to use the evidence, there can be no fair trial.”

Consequently, “the Apostle of Jesus Christ has had no choice but to accept with much pain that the agreement presented is the best way forward to protect the church and his family,” La Luz del Mundo said. “… We publicly manifest our support for the Apostle of Jesus Christ; our confidence in him remains intact in the full knowledge of his integrity, his conduct and his work.”

La Luz del Mundo's church in Guadalajara, where the religious organization is based.
La Luz del Mundo’s church in Guadalajara, where the religious organization is based.

García’s five accusers, who are now young women, presented victim-impact statements at Wednesday’s sentencing hearing, which was held at the Los Angeles County Superior Court. All five, each of whom was given the pseudonym Jane Doe, said they felt robbed of their chance to more fully confront García, according to a Reuters report.

“We looked up to you, you were our god, and you betrayed us. You are no more than a predator and an abuser,” said a visually emotional Jane Doe No. 3.

Dressed in orange prison attire, García sat with his back to his tearful accusers and didn’t make any statement to the court.

“Naasón and this church have ruined my life,” said Jane Doe No. 4, who introduced herself as García’s niece.

Another accuser asserted that García was avoiding accountability by claiming innocence through the church statement. “Your honor, this abuser thinks your courtroom is a joke. Even after he accepted the plea deal, he’s sending messages to the church that he’s innocent,” she said.

Judge Ronald Cohen, who imposed the almost 17-year sentence recommended by prosecutors, assured the victims – who also described García as “evil,” a “monster,” “disgusting human waste” and the “antichrist” – that “the world has heard you.”

Co-defendant Susana Medina Oaxaca pleaded guilty to a charge of assault likely to cause great bodily harm and was sentenced to probation for a period of one year and ordered to complete six months of psychiatric counseling. Alondra Ocampo, another co-defendant, pleaded guilty in 2020 to three counts of touching a minor in a sexual way and one count of forcible penetration. Ocampo, who had previously faced human trafficking and other criminal charges, has not yet been sentenced.

Azalea Rangel Melendez, another woman accused of colluding with García to abuse girls, has evaded arrest.

Two of three women accused of colluding with Joaquín García have also entered plea deals. One of the accused remains at large.
Two of three women accused of colluding with Joaquín García have also entered plea deals. One of the accused remains at large.

Founded in Guadalajara by García’s grandfather in 1926, La Luz del Mundo is Mexico’s largest evangelical church. It has a presence in 50 countries and some 5 million members. García has been credited with growing the church’s membership since succeeding his father as leader in 2014. He used social media to attract new members, and also to lure his victims, according to California prosecutors.

The church – which doesn’t celebrate Christmas or Easter, segregates sexes during services, prohibits alcohol and doesn’t allow women to hold leadership positions – has been the subject of controversy for decades and described by critics as a cult that preys on the poor.

Andrew Chesnut, a professor of religious studies at Virginia Commonwealth University, said after García’s 2019 arrest that the church was “too large to be considered a cult” but has been run as a “cult of personality.”

“García took on godlike roles, saying he couldn’t be judged, that he was like a king,” he said.

With reports from Reuters, El Universal and Milenio

New opposition needs to be built in 7 months to take on Morena: senator

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Senator Dante Delgado, national leader of the Citizens Movement party.
Senator Dante Delgado, national leader of the Citizens Movement party.

A new opposition needs to be built in seven months to take on the ruling Morena party at upcoming elections, the national leader of the Citizens Movement (MC) party said Wednesday.

Senator Dante Delgado, a former governor of Veracruz and ambassador to Italy, proposed the creation of an opposition movement that is above political parties, although he indicated that the MC will have a central role in building it.

“We believe that the new opposition has to be built in a maximum of seven months and we’re sure that it will be above parties, and it will have to be … [formed by] actors who are truly representative of society,” he told a press conference in the Senate.

“… I have no doubt that there will be a new opposition in Mexico” by the end of January 2023, Delgado said.

Gubernatorial elections will be held in México state and Coahuila next June, while voters will go to the polls in June 2024 to elect a new president, federal deputies and senators, governors in nine states and many other state and municipal representatives.

Speaking three days after Morena won four of six governorships up for grabs at elections last Sunday, Delgado said the existing opposition movement – a loose electoral alliance between the National Action Party (PAN), the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) – is inefficient and hasn’t had electoral success.

“We’re building a project for the country, the option Mexico is demanding,” he said. “It’s been seen over and over again that the project that the historic forces have been building is inefficient, it hasn’t had electoral success and we’re going for electoral victory.”

Delgado also said that President López Obrador “knows very well” that MC is building a new opposition to win the presidency in 2024.

Delgado criticized both the ruling Morena party and their primary opposition, the Va por México coalition.
PAN, PRI and PRD leaders at a 2021 press conference for their coalition. Delgado criticized both the ruling Morena party and their primary opposition, the Va por México coalition.

He said Mexicans are looking for a political force that can tackle the problems the country faces, such as poverty and insecurity. Delgado also said that citizens want economic development that will generate the kind of jobs new generations of workers want to do. The current government has failed in “practically all areas,” he charged.

He said earlier this week that the MC wouldn’t join the PAN-PRI-PRD alliance – called Va por México – because the leaders of those parties are trying to “revive something that has already failed.”

The senator said Wednesday that his party has made a commitment to contest elections on its own, but left himself some wriggle room, asserting that “we’re not ruling anyone in or out” when pushed to declare whether it would ally itself with any opposition party at the 2024 presidential election.

Senator Ricardo Monreal, Morena’s leader in the upper house of Congress, predicted that the MC will ultimately join the Va por México alliance.

“Notwithstanding that the national [MC] leader has said no [to the possibility of joining Va por México], I think that in the end the three-party bloc and Citizens Movement will work together in 2024, not just to be competitive but to survive,” he said Tuesday.

“…They’re going to come together, it’s the only way they can be competitive with Morena,” Monreal said. “… Even with the four [parties] there is no way they can beat Morena,” he added.

The results of a recent El Universal poll suggested that Morena will easily win the 2024 presidential election if it nominates either Mexico City Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum or Foreign Affairs Minister Marcelo Ebrard. While one of those two is considered most likely to become Morena’s candidate, a dominant opposition flag bearer hasn’t yet emerged.

Jalisco Governor Enrique Alfaro, who won the 2018 election in that state on an MC ticket, could feasibly head up a new opposition built by Citizens Movement, although an obstacle to electoral success could be that he is not well known outside Jalisco, as the El Universal survey found.

He declared late last year that he was “more than prepared” to be a presidential candidate in 2024, but denied being on a personal quest to take the reins of the country and asserted that he doesn’t have “delusions of grandeur.”

With reports from El Universal and Milenio

Mazatlán’s 280-kilo hamburger is Mexico’s biggest

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Mexico's biggest burger made in Mazatlan
"The truth is we reached a weight we didn't imagine," said Juan Manuel Vargas, a member of the record-breaking team.

Mexico’s largest-ever hamburger was made in Mazatlán Sunday at the Pacific coast city’s second annual International Hamburger Festival.

A team of chefs made a 285.5-kilogram burger in just 10 minutes, easily breaking the national record set at last year’s festival, at which a 156-kilo whopper was made.

Luciano Ibarra, the main proponent of the record attempt, said the objective was to promote Mazatlán and provide a meal to needy residents. He said that portions of the massive burger would be provided to local foundations and “a lot of people who need it.”

The chefs said they were happy with their achievement but they’re already thinking about setting a new Mexican and world record in 2023.

“It feels very good, very satisfactory. The truth is we reached a weight we didn’t imagine. We went well over what we had planned, [and] everything turned out well, thanks to God,” said Juan Manuel Vargas, a member of the record-breaking team.

A large crowd was on hand to witness the bulky burger being assembled.

“I’m very excited because it’s just the second time the event has been held and the 100-kilo difference from last year to today is very big,” María Esther Montoya said. “… It’s a very good atmosphere and [making a huge burger] for a noble cause is very interesting and laudable,” she said.

To achieve their goal of making the world’s largest hamburger at next year’s festival, the chefs will have to put together a burger four times bigger than that assembled last weekend. According to Guinness World Records, the world’s largest hamburger – a 1,164-kilogram monster – was made in Germany in 2017.

With reports from ADN 40 and TV Azteca

‘We’ve taken on too much;’ engineer says Maya Train a year and a half behind

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Work on the Maya Train project
The civil engineer, who works on section 4 of the tourism train project, said construction is "extremely behind schedule."

The Maya Train railroad won’t open while the current federal government is in office — as President López Obrador has pledged — and may never be finished, according to two people working on the ambitious project.

A civil engineer working on section 4 of the project and an archaeologist working on section 3 spoke with Yucatán Magazine about the construction of the US $10 billion, 1,500-kilometer railroad, which the government says will begin operations in 2023. Both spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid repercussions.

The engineer said that work on section 4, which will run between Izamal, Yucatán, and Cancún, Quintana Roo, is “extremely behind schedule.”

“The official delay is five months, but in reality, at this rate, we are more like a year and a half behind where we should be at this point,” the engineer said.

Route map of Mexico's planned Maya Train
There are seven sections of the railroad, which stretches from the state of Chiapas to Quintana Roo and the state of Yucatán.

“… We have simply taken on too much. We have actually been gaining some ground when it comes to clearing vegetation and setting the stage to lay rail, but even there we are behind. And this is to say nothing of other necessary pieces of infrastructure such as overpasses and underpasses, as well as the train stations.”

Asked how long it will take to make AMLO’s vision a reality, the engineer responded:

“Honestly, we are looking at somewhere between eight and 10 more years. The thing is that this should not come as a surprise as it’s what we have known since the beginning. We had auditors come from Spain, and that’s the timeline they gave us.”

Probed as to whether the project will ultimately be finished or abandoned, the engineer said the election last Sunday of a Morena party governor in Quintana Roo “bodes well for the project” as Yucatán will be the only state among the five through which the railroad will run without a ruling party leader.

“But ultimately it will come down to who the next president will be and if they decide to continue with the project or simply abandon it,” the engineer said.

The archaeologist told Yucatán Magazine that working on section 3, which will run between Calkiní, Campeche, and Izamal, Yucatán, has been a rewarding experience but one filled with many complications.

“… We really have come across some very interesting finds and are quite excited to see what else we come across during construction. There is much criticism of the project with regard to its potential destruction of cultural heritage, but I can tell you that all the parties involved are being extremely careful and conservative in this respect,” the archaeologist said.

“… I love the work, but honestly, there is more than enough work just in … [section] 3 of the project for an entire six years. I very much doubt we will be able to finish … on time.”

Mexican military preparing to work on Maya Train project
The government has enlisted the military to build sections 6 and 7.

The archaeologist claimed that the project is “riddled with bureaucracy and nepotism” and that the people calling the shots “have no idea what is really going on.”

“… Other than that, … it’s … simply an impossible amount of work. I will give you an example: there is a huge amount of rail sitting on the outskirts of Maxcanú [in Yucatán] at the moment. The person in charge of procuring the vehicles to transport them to the worksites had no idea what he was doing and contacted a friend’s fleet of trucks to move them. To make a long story short, the rails proved too heavy, and they are just sitting there.”

In deciding to build the Maya Train and other large-scale infrastructure initiatives, López Obrador committed to “overly ambitious projects, which in the end are likely to be unfinished,” the archaeologist said.

Another Maya train section that could hold up completion of the overall project is Tramo 5 Sur, as the southern portion of the Cancún-Tulum stretch is known. A federal judge last month issued a definitive suspension order against the section due to the absence of an authorized environmental impact statement (EIS).

At a public meeting in Tulum on Tuesday that was arranged by the federal Environment Ministry as part of the EIS consultation process, people opposed to the Maya Train claimed that the document isn’t valid as it doesn’t fully consider the environmental impact of the project and lacks key information such as technical studies.

Activists also questioned an official with the National Institute of Ecology (Inecol), which completed the as-yet unapproved EIS, why jungle was cleared for the construction of  Tramo 5 Sur before all required studies were completed and approved.

Inecol official Rafael Villegas Patraca referred the question to an official with the National Tourism Promotion Fund, which is managing the Maya Train project, but he repeatedly avoided answering it, the newspaper Reforma reported.

Environment Minister María Luisa Albores acknowledged last month that sections 4, 5, 6 and 7 only have provisional approval but asserted that their construction has been able to proceed thanks to an infrastructure decree issued by President López Obrador in November.

With reports from Yucatán Magazine and Reforma 

Cops’ shakedown ruins Mexico City visit for Canadian travelers

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Motorcycle police
Motorcycle police in the capital came down hard on a visitor last month.

A Canadian visitor to Mexico City has recounted a frightening encounter with police in which he was forced to hand over US $500 shortly after renting a car at the Benito Juárez International Airport.

In emails to Mexico News Daily, Vancouver-based general contractor Amin Jafari said that he traveled to Mexico City with his elderly parents on May 20. He rented a car and approximately 10 minutes after leaving the airport was pulled over by three police officers on motorcycles.

“They told me to pull over … and I was … completely shocked because I didn’t do anything wrong,” Jafari wrote.  

“… They were speaking Spanish and I didn’t understand it. A … [police officer] used Google Translate and showed me that I had to pay US $500 so they will release me without any issues,” he wrote. 

He said that he asked why he was stopped but the police failed to give him a reason. Using Google Translate on his phone, one officer told Jafari that he would confiscate his driver’s license and remove the plates from his rental car if he didn’t pay the mordida, or bribe.

“[I paid] US $500 cash. We didn’t have any other choice,” he wrote in one of two emails sent to Mexico News Daily

As a tourist, we didn’t have a phone to call someone. … One of the cops kept hitting … [the] trunk. … [It was a] very scary situation, especially for my … parents,” Jafari wrote, adding that he took his mother and father on a trip to Costa Rica and Mexico City so they could enjoy themselves after going through a difficult time during the pandemic. 

“To be honest … [the police] ruined … our trip. My parents got so scared … [that] they couldn’t trust people around us. I canceled so many activities that I … planned for [Mexico City],” he said. 

Jafari said he didn’t report the incident while he was in the Mexican capital because he felt intimidated. We didn’t have a safe feeling with … the police,” he wrote. 

Jafari’s experience is far from unique, although the size of the mordida he paid is much larger than most unofficial payments for traffic infractions, whether they are manufactured by police or not. A recent survey conducted by the national statistics agency INEGI found that Mexicans pay almost 18,500 bribes per day to police officers and public servants.

Mexico News Daily 

Is Freemasonry’s role in Mexican history a secret in plain sight?

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HIstoric Chamber of Deputies hall in Mexico City
The Chamber of Deputies monument. The copy of the original building, which burned down in 1872, retained the Masonic symbols found in the original hall. Government of Mexico

Not long ago, as I was walking around the Machado plaza in Mazatlán, where I currently reside, I came across a building, right off the plaza, that stopped me in my tracks: an obscure building prominently displayed a Masonic lodge emblem on the gate and above the door.

Masons in Mexico? How did I not know about this?

It turns out that José María Mateos, a 19th-century politician and a Mason himself, asserted in his 1884 book, The History of Freemasonry of Mexico from 1806 to 1884, that Masons have been in Mexico since the 18th century and were instrumental in bringing about Mexico’s independence since major independence figures were Mexican Freemasons.

Mateos doesn’t offer objective proof of his statements, which might make sense as he was a Freemason writing for other Freemasons, but scholars agree that Mexico has hosted Freemasons for centuries, and many Mexican historians, including those in Mexico’s treasury department (SHCP) — which preserves Mexico’s national historic artifacts — who say that Freemasonry once had a significant influence on members of Mexico’s governments. Freemasonry continues to exist in Mexico today, with lodges belonging to different Freemasonry organizations — known as rites —  in several Mexican states.

Masonic eye adorning Mexico's historic Chamber of Deputies
A Masonic eye looked over Mexico’s Chamber of Deputies for most of the 1800s. This is from the Chamber of Deputies monument in the National Palace.

In a 1969 article for the journal the New Mexico Historical Review, Richard E. Greenleaf, a scholar of the Mexican Inquisition and Latin American colonial history and a former director of the Stone Center for Latin American Studies at Tulane University, said that Masonic lodges became centers of subversion and active agents in the “conservative revolt” in Mexico that finally consolidated the nation’s independence under the leadership of Augustin de Iturbide in the early 1820s.

National Autonomous University historian Virginia Guegea also asserts that Freemasonry played a key role in the restoration of a constitutional system in Mexico, and that after Mexico achieved its independence, Freemasonry would play a decisive role in the country’s political life. One piece of circumstantial evidence pointing to that influence is the fact that the original Chamber of Deputies, built in 1829, was adorned with several Masonic symbols, including a showpiece image of the well-known all-seeing eye symbol in the chamber’s ceiling that looked over deputies as they met.

According to Freemasonry’s own historians, members of the secret society first arrived in Mexico from Europe in the late 18th century, when the French emigrated to the New World, something Greenleaf corroborates with Catholic Church records kept by the Inquisition in Mexico. He and other historians generally agree that the first documented Masonic meeting place was in Mexico City at the shop of watchmaker Juan Esteban Laroche, whom the Inquisition arrested and deported as a Mason in 1791.

Mateos says that the first official Masonic lodge in Mexico, named Arquitectura Moral, was founded in 1806 by Enrique Muñiz in Mexico City. He also says that influential independence movement leaders like Father Miguel Hidalgo, Ignacio Allende and José María Morelos were early members of this lodge and that many lodge members took part in Hidalgo’s plot to overthrow the Spanish government in Mexico. They moved from house to house for their meetings, in fear of the Inquisition, Mateos says.

Masonic sash and apron in Benito Juarez museum
Masonic sash and apron said to belong to Benito Juárez, kept in his museum in the National Palace.

Although there are historians who believe that Mateos’ version of history is likely, there aren’t primary documents to corroborate this claim; the records from the Arquitectura Moral lodge were apparently lost sometime between 1808 and 1809. Primary documents from Mexico stored in the United States Library of Congress, however, do show circumstantial evidence that Hidalgo may have been a Mason or at least closely associated with them, however.

One document shows that the Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in New Spain charged Hidalgo with heresy in 1800, based on reported statements he’d made earlier that year at an Easter gathering with associates. These associates included close friend José Martín García Carrasquedo, who himself was investigated for Masonry activities in 1811. Hidalgo was never convicted, although Greenleaf says that the Inquisition made veiled accusations that Hidalgo was a Mason.

Following Spain’s adoption of the Spanish Constitution of 1812, more troops arrived in Mexico from Spain; Mateos and other historians believe that many of those soldiers were Masons, leading to the establishment of the first Scottish Rite Grand Lodge of Mexico in 1813.

Certainly, Freemasonry grew over time in Mexico. Throughout the 1800s, other branches of Freemasonry — the York Rite and the Mexican National Rite — would establish themselves with lodges throughout the country.

President Porfirio Diaz wearing Masonic regalia
Photo of President Porfirio Díaz wearing Freemasonry regalia, from the 1899 annual bulletin of the Supreme Council for Mexico’s Scottish Rite Masons.

From 1821 until 1982, nearly every political leader of Mexico has been claimed by various sources to have been a Mason, although there isn’t often reliable proof of many of these claims. But interestingly, a history published in 2017 by the Ministry of Culture, The Influence of Freemasonry on the Constitution of 1917, asserts that many of the political leaders who drew up the 1917 Constitution were Masons.

There’s also a fair amount of agreement among historians that President Benito Juárez (1861–1872) was a Mason. A Masonic apron and sash and other Freemasonry regalia believed to have belonged to Juárez reside in the National Palace in a historic museum dedicated to him, under the care of the SHCP.

Carlos Francisco Martínez Moreno, a historian at UNAM, told the newspaper El Universal in 2018 that Juárez was almost certainly initiated into the Independencia No. 2 lodge of the Mexican National Rite in 1847, but that there’s disagreement among historians about how far he could have progressed in the organization, given that Juárez’s revolutionary activities probably didn’t give him the time and stability of location to move up beyond the beginning levels.

Juárez’s political rival President Porfirio Díaz is also frequently said to be a Mason. An intriguing piece of possible evidence is an annual bulletin published in 1899 by Mexico’s Scottish Rite Freemasons, which contains a photograph of Díaz wearing Masonic regalia given to him by Freemasons in France and referring to him as “the Sovereign Grand Commander ad vitam of the Supreme Council of Mexico.”

Masonic Lodge in Mazatlan
Masonic Lodge in the historic center of Mazatlán.

The Influence of Freemasonry says that Díaz was the head of Mexico’s Scottish Rite Masons in the late 1800s, although it also says he resigned as leader in 1895 as part of a short-lived attempt to unite all Freemasonry groups in Mexico.

Mexican Revolution scholar Antonio Rius Facius’ book Cristero Mexico says that President Plutarco Calles, whose 1926 presidential decree (“Calles’ law”) curtailed the power of the Catholic Church in Mexico, was a Scottish Rite Mason and received a Masonic medal of merit for his efforts from organization’s leader in Mexico at the time, politician Luis Manuel Rojas.

Jean Meyer, a French historian and author of a seminal history of Mexico’s popular uprising in reaction to Calles’ Law, known as the Cristero War (1926–1929), believes Calles was a Freemason and that it factored into him issuing the decree.

According to Mexican Freemasonry history, as the secret society grew in importance in Mexico, the introduction of the more liberal York Rite brand of Freemasonry into Mexico during the 1820s brought about 50 years of factionalism, with infighting and even assassinations within the two groups. The infighting took its toll, and Freemasonry ultimately lost much of its power and influence in Mexico, although the groups of all three rites still exist today.

There are still many lodges throughout the nation, at least one in 30 of Mexico’s 32 states. I have located two in Mazatlán.

If you live in a major Mexican city, keep your eyes peeled and you may find a Masonic lodge in your community.

Sheryl Losser is a former public relations executive and professional researcher.  She spent 45 years in national politics in the United States. She moved to Mazatlán last year and works part-time doing freelance research and writing.

Mayor in Chiapas apologizes after saying feminism, sexual diversity not normal

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Mayor Maza
Mayor Maza made the comments in advance of a cultural festival.

The mayor of a municipality in Chiapas has apologized after stating that feminism and homosexuality are not normal.

In a press conference held Monday in advance of a music and cultural festival in Ocozocoautla de Espinosa this week, Mayor Javier Maza Cruz commented on feminism and homosexuality by saying, “All those things, they can be seen as normal, but they are not.” 

Local media picked up on the comments and broadcast the portion of his speech in which he also recommended that young people should engage in reading, painting and creating with their hands so “they will be more involved in artistic activities than in trivial things — things that are not going to fill the spirit.” 

“Read so that homosexuality or feminism are removed,” he was quoted as saying. “Moral values ​​are being lost with feminism and factors of sexuality.” 

Hours later, through his social networks, Maza apologized and assured that his administration will always be inclusive of the LGBTTTIQ+ community (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, transvestite, transsexual, intersex and queer). By that time, video of the press conference had been removed from official channels.

Ocozocoautla, known more informally as Coita, is a town and municipality of 97,000 about 15 miles west of the Chiapas capital city of Tuxla-Gutiérrez. 

The Festival Emergente (Emerging Festival) is set for June 9 and 10 in a large park near the zoo. It includes musical acts of many different styles (including ska, hip-hop, rap and surf music), break-dancing, stargazing led by an astronomical club, vendors and creative workshops. In that light, Maza lauded festival organizers for an event that focuses on young audiences interested in urban culture and emerging expressions.

He also said that many young people are engaged in nonproductive activities, and that for society to improve, there is a need to instill in them arts, culture and education. “We are very concerned about these generations that are coming now,” he said, adding that society’s “moral values are being lost” because of the media and misinformation.

“The truth is that we have a post-pandemic generation that was already [addicted] to smartphones,” he said. “Through culture, arts and education we will be able to have a better society.”

In regard to the mayor’s comments about homosexuality and feminism, which came during the month in which gay pride is celebrated, groups such as the feminist collective 50+1 Chiapas issued condemnations on their social networks.

“[We] express our outrage and strongly condemn the statements … [that] feminists and people of sexual diversity are not normal,” 50+1 Chiapas posted in a four-paragraph statement on its Facebook page. “We all have the right to be treated with the same dignity, which is why intolerance, discrimination and gender-based violence are reprehensible. We demand a public apology!” 

Maza did just that. “My most sincere apologies to the entire LGBT community and feminist groups for my comment issued today,” he said in a 52-second video message posted to his Facebook account. “To clarify, both this public servant and the government that I represent are respectful of all citizens without any distinction.”

In an additional Facebook post the next day, he said in a video that Ocozocoautla would implement a program addressing gender and gender diversity “in order for us to be a fully inclusive government.” In a written statement accompanying that video, he said Coita “would be one of the first municipalities to have a director in charge of defending plurality and the issues of the LGBTTTIQ+ community … It’s important that they know that our intentions are the best in terms of respecting human rights.”

With reports from El Universal and La Jornada