A Catholic priest in Michoacán has called on the faithful to take up arms amid drawn out gang warfare in the state.
Rev. Alfredo Gallegos of Chucándaro has earned the nickname “Padre Pistolas,” or Father Pistols, for his habit of carrying a gun.
He described the threat posed by criminals in graphic terms during his sermon on Sunday: “The cartel gunmen come, they take the livestock, they screw your wife and daughter, and you do nothing,” he said in a sermon. “Well, get yourself a gun, the government can go to hell … We have to defend our lives,” he added.
Mexican law forbids most civilians from owning almost all firearms, except for extremely low caliber hunting rifles or shotguns.
The priest received support from Rev. Gregorio López in Chihuahua, who is known for wearing a bulletproof vest during Mass. “He is trying to be the voice of the people, and that is the feeling of the community, that they should be armed,” he said.
The violence in Michoacán is particularly bad around Aguililla, due to a territorial battle between narco groups Cárteles Unidos and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG).
Rev. Gilberto Vergara, a parish priest in Aguililla, disagreed with Gallegos’ proposal: “This thing about civilians taking up arms never ends well,” he said. “I would not behave that way [like Gallegos], but everyone has their own methods,” he added.
Although present, security forces in conflict areas limit their activities to acting as a buffer between warring cartels, the Associated Press reported. Vergara previously criticized the strategy. “The most shameful thing is the absence of the government, which has become a spectator in a war that has left so many dead, so much destruction,” he said.
Michoacán’s residents are used to the idea of self defense. Some took up arms in 2013-2014 to take on the then dominant Knights Templar cartel. More recently, the Pueblos Unidos self defense movement sprang up in 2020 in avocado growing regions, with farmers angry at gangs’ extortion demands.
Migrants rest in the town of Matías Romero, Oaxaca. Photos by Ben Wein
The migrant caravan that left Tapachula, Chiapas, on October 23 is currently moving sluggishly through the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, its slow pace due to security forces periodically closing the highway to prevent weary migrants from hitching a ride on passing cargo and pickup trucks.
The largely Central American convoy — which numbered as many as 3,000 members at its height and included pregnant women, children and disabled people — has shrunk to about 1,500, due in part to 800 humanitarian visas provided by immigration authorities.
Security forces implemented the highway blockade strategy on Sunday but after a couple of hours partially reopened the road to trucks carrying cargo, the newspaper Milenio reported. Despite the lack of empty trailers, about 100 migrants managed to hitch a ride by jumping onto the side of the trucks. Some migrants said that local drivers joined a protest they staged against security forces to get them to reopen the road.
The road closure tactic has been used continuously since November 6, when security forces prevented the caravan from traveling to Tuxtla Gutiérrez from Arriaga, both in Chiapas. As a result, the migrants changed course for Oaxaca.
Caravan leader Irineo Mújica said on the weekend that security forces were creating a dangerous situation.
Authorities have been slowing down the caravan’s progress by periodically closing roads to prevent migrants from hitching rides on passing vehicles.
“The National Guard is continuing to stop [the vehicles]; the migrants are not blocking the traffic,” he told the newspaper Reforma. [The National Guard] are going to cause an accident. They do not care about the public … They are responsible for causing chaos, for not allowing migrants to ask for a ride … It is a decision of the federal government to destroy [the caravan] at all costs,” he said.
A fight between migrants left two people injured on Sunday, Milenio reported.
A confrontation between the National Guard and migrants occurred on Saturday at La Ventosa, Oaxaca, Reforma reported, but on a far smaller scale than the violence that occurred near Tonalá, Chiapas, on November 4.
Many migrants cited their distrust of immigration authorities as their reason for continuing in the caravan instead of attempting to acquire a visa. It is not clear where they would seek information: immigration officials do not accompany the caravan, apart from four paramedics with a National Immigration Institute (INM) aid agency called Grupo Beta. However, when asked, the paramedics emphasize their connection with Grupo Beta and don’t acknowledge their connection with the INM.
Meanwhile, some of the 800 migrants who received humanitarian visas — who are not noticeably vulnerable — told a Mexico News Daily reporter that they have already reached their destination, the United States.
Mexico apprehended more than 190,000 undocumented migrants in the first nine months of 2021, about triple the number in 2020. It deported almost 74,300 between January and September, according to federal statistics.
A Zapopan couple got a 30% discount on 18 cases of premium tequila when a store failed to advertise the three-case-per-customer limit.
With the Buen Fin shopping event offering knockdown prices on a wide range of products, two happy shoppers decided to take full advantage of a tequila discount at a store in Zapopan, Jalisco.
But when the couple tried to buy all 18 cases on offer of Maestro Dobel Diamante at 30% off from La Playa Acueducto liquor store, they were rebuffed and told that the maximum purchase was three cases per person, a fact that the store had neglected to advertise.
One of the customers explained how the event unfolded. “We arrived at a branch of La Playa Acueducto … When they told us about the stocks they had, we said we wanted to buy everything because they had a 30% discount … They told us that they could only sell us three cases. We asked why they only wanted to sell us three cases given that they did not have any sign indicating that no more could be sold,” she said.
The couple said they contacted the consumer protection agency Profeco, whose personnel called on the store to honor the promotion, which it subsequently did.
Maestro Dobel Diamante is normally sold at around 700 pesos (about US $34).
Military personnel patrol streets in Chilpancingo, Guerrero.Guerrero Ministry of Security
Army and navy personnel now head up security ministries in 10 of Mexico’s 32 states, triggering concern about the increasing militarization of the country.
The governors of seven of 11 states won by Mexico’s ruling Morena party at the June 6 elections have appointed military leaders as their security ministers.
State police forces in Baja California, Baja California Sur, Colima, Guerrero and Tlaxcala are now under the control of ministers who serve in the navy, while those in Michoacán and Sinaloa are led by army personnel.
San Luis Potosí Governor Ricardo Gallardo, who took office for the Ecological Green Party in September, also appointed a soldier as his security minister, while Morelos and Tamaulipas, led by Social Encounter Party and National Action Party governors, respectively, already had security ministers from the navy before the recent elections.
The new Morena governors’ appointment of military personnel to security minister roles is in line with President López Obrador’s desire to have soldiers and marines in positions of power.
Army General José Alfredo Ortega was named Michoacán’s security minister on October 1. government of Michoacán
On October 19, the president publicly advised new governors to speak to the ministers of national defense and the navy before making security minister appointments.
“… I recommend that you consult with both Admiral [Rafael] Ojeda, the navy minister, and [army chief] General [Cresencio] Sandoval so that you have honest, upright people,” López Obrador said.
He implied that the navy and defense ministers could recommend “incorruptible” people to take on the security roles so that “what was very common before — that [organized] crime was in control of police forces in the states and municipalities — is avoided.”
Carlos Mendoza, a public security expert and academic at the National Autonomous University, condemned the practice, asserting that it shouldn’t occur because security ministries are civilian bodies. The appointments are indicative of the creeping involvement of the military in public life, he said.
López Obrador has relied on the armed forces for a range of nontraditional tasks, including public security, infrastructure construction and vaccine distribution.
“There’s not even an argument now that [the appointments] are going to be temporary and that civilian control [of the security ministries] will return,” Mendoza told the newspaper Reforma.
Evelio Méndez Gómez, head of Guerrero’s public security ministry and a navy captain, was named by Morena Governor Evelyn Salgado in October. Guerrero public security ministry
“… There is an explicit narrative of extending military control of police forces, and I think that’s something that is very worrying,” he said.
Mendoza charged that López Obrador’s October 19 remarks amounted to a clear directive to the new Morena governors rather than a presidential suggestion.
“It’s very concerning that the [federal] government sends these messages, because the army is occupying more positions of importance,” he said.
Mendoza claimed that governors have appointed military personnel as their security ministers because by doing so they can avoid direct responsibility for combatting insecurity. Alejandro Hope, a security analyst, contended in an opinion piece published Monday that something similar is occurring in Sonora, but the northern state’s governor — former federal security minister Alfonso Durazo — is outsourcing responsibility to the National Guard rather than the military.
“Given the problem of violence and insecurity in certain places, they [governors] prefer to allow the army to take responsibility for the failure or success [in combatting crime],” Mendoza said.
“I believe that [it creates] a space of comfort and convenience [for governors], and it’s obviously very conformist,” Mendoza said, referring to their compliance with the president’s wishes.
Javier López García, the head of Baja California Sur’s security ministry, is also a navy captain. BCS Security Ministry
Mexico United Against Crime (MUCD), a civil society organization, also raised concerns about growing militarization in two recent reports.
“It’s a fact that public security in Mexico has been gradually militarized until reaching what appears to be a point of no return,” MUCD director Lisa Sánchez wrote in one report.
“Over four decades, and more precisely in [the most recent] two, the country went from entrusting the manual eradication of illicit crops to the military to placing the management of anti-drugs operations; the fight against organized crime; the re-establishment of order in municipalities, states and territories; and crime prevention into their hands,” she wrote.
MUCD said in another report that “the growing militarization of public security has been presented by civilian governments … as a necessary evil to return security to our country.”
But “this strategy has not been capable of improving security conditions and peace in Mexico,” the organization said.
Former president Felipe Calderón significantly ramped up the use of the military to fight organized crime, deploying the armed forces to combat Mexico’s notoriously violent cartels shortly after he took office in late 2006. Mexico’s homicide rate has steadily increased since then, reaching its highest ever level in 2019 before falling slightly in 2020. The military has been accused of a range of crimes, including arbitrary detentions, torture and extrajudicial killings.
On October 19, President López Obrador publicly advised new governors to consult the national defense and navy ministers in making security minister appointments. lopezobrador.org.mx
The practice of putting military leaders in charge of civilian security ministries intensified during the Calderón years and continued during the 2012–2018 administration led by former president Enrique Peña Nieto, who also used the armed forces to combat violent crime.
Despite pledging to gradually withdraw the military from the nation’s streets before he took office, López Obrador published a decree in May last year that ordered the armed forces to continue carrying out public security tasks for another four years, an about-face that appeared to acknowledge that the National Guard had failed in its mission to reduce violence.
His use of the military, however, comes with a significant caveat: don’t use force against criminals unless it’s absolutely necessary.
The president’s instruction — part of his so-called abrazos, no balazos (hugs, not bullets) security strategy — has been criticized for giving cartels free rein to carry out their criminal activities. Hope, the security analyst, told the Associated Press last week that the federal government’s strategy in Michoacán is clearly “some sort of pact of non-aggression.”
“… [The soldiers] are not there to disarm the two sides [the Jalisco New Generation Cartel and the Cárteles Unidos] but rather to prevent the conflict from spreading,” he said.
Mexico’s men’s soccer team will battle two opponents when it steps onto the field in Edmonton, Alberta, for its next World Cup qualifying match on Tuesday night: a Canadian team fresh off a 1-0 victory over Costa Rica and freezing conditions.
The forecast is for a temperature of -7 C when the two teams take to the open-air Commonwealth Stadium pitch at 7:05 p.m. local time for their eighth regional qualifier. As if the temperature alone won’t be foreign enough for the Mexican players, they also face a 90% probability of snow falling onto their bootlaces.
El Tri, as Mexico’s national team is known, is currently tied for first place with the United States with 14 points among the eight CONCACAF (Confederation of North, Central America and Caribbean Association Football) nations vying for qualification for the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar, while Canada is one point behind with 13.
The first three teams will automatically qualify for next year’s World Cup, while the fourth-placed team will need to win an inter-confederation playoff to book its ticket to Doha. In addition to Mexico, the United States and Canada, Panama, Costa Rica, Jamaica, El Salvador and Honduras are contesting the final round of CONCACAF qualifying.
El Tri has recorded four wins, two ties and one loss during the final round, while Canada has three wins, four ties and no losses.
Mexico’s loss came against its arch regional rival, the United States, which scored a 2-0 victory over El Tri in Cincinnati, Ohio, last Friday. It was El Tri’s third consecutive loss against the U.S. selection.
Mexico made the round of 16 at the 2018 World Cup in Russia but was defeated 2-0 by Brazil. It lost at the same stage of the previous six World Cups. El Tri made the quarter finals in 1970 and 1986 – both those World Cups were held in Mexico – but failed to progress on both occasions.
Along with the United States and Canada, Mexico will host the 2026 World Cup, but the lion’s share of the matches are to be played in the U.S.
Residents of a Chiapas municipality located on the border with Oaxaca have vowed to defend their right to continue living in Mexico’s southernmost state after the Supreme Court (SCJN) ruled that their communities are actually part of Oaxaca.
Communal landowners from Rafael Cal y Mayor, a community in the municipality of Cintalapa, sent photographs to the media in which they appear holding assault weapons and rifles. They indicated they are willing to fight a recent SCJN decision that transferred 160,000 hectares of land in Cintalapa to Oaxaca.
Ownership of the land has been disputed for more than 50 years, and there have been numerous armed clashes over it between chiapanecos and the neighboring oaxaqueños.
The newspaper El Universal reported that residents of other affected communities in Cintalapa announced that they would use the Indigenous and Tribal People’s Convention of the International Labour Organization to support their case to remain part of Chiapas.
Cintalapa official Mario Hernández Hernández called on the SCJN to reconsider its ruling and and base a new one on justice, respect for human rights and respect for indigenous peoples in accordance with article 2 of the constitution.
He said residents of Rafael Cal y Mayor don’t want to live in Oaxaca because in Los Chimalapas – the collective name for the Oaxaca municipalities of San Miguel Chimalapa and Santa María Chimalapa – inhabitants are subject to the traditional form of government known as usos y costumbres.
“What I’m afraid of is that from one moment to the next we’ll become part of Oaxaca and Los Chimalapas,” said Heriberto Cruz Aguilar, a farmer in Rafael Cal y Mayor. Put simply, he added, being an ejidatario, or communal landowner, in Chiapas is not the same as being a comunero, or communal landowner, in Oaxaca.
Cruz also said he feared he would be dispossessed of his land.
Territorial disputes are common in parts of Mexico, especially in the southern states with large indigenous populations such as Chiapas, Oaxaca and Guerrero.
Police made a gruesome arrest in Puebla city on Friday: a man was found in possession of a bag containing two human heads.
Juan Carlos “N,” 28, was intending to dispose of the remains, which he said belonged to his parents-in-law, by throwing them in a nearby river.
He admitted to killing his in-laws, claiming they had thrown him, his wife and their daughter — as well as the couple’s other children — out of their home.
On Saturday, two corpses presumed to be the parents-in-law were located in a house in the north of the city. Juan Carlos’ wife and parents were also found there, and are suspected of participating in the crime.
The suspect initially told officers that he had been paid to dispose of the heads but changed his story.
Gunmen attacked a children’s party in Silao, Guanajuato, on Saturday and killed six people in one of two shooting incidents in the state that took the lives of 11 people.
The attackers arrived on motorcycles at about 6 p.m., entered the property and opened fire. Two children and their mother were among the dead; six people were wounded.
When the shooters made their escape, they carried on shooting, targeting a group of people who were at another party and others who were drinking alcoholic beverages on a street corner, the newspaper El Sol de México reported.
Hours later, 113 kilometers southeast in Apaseo el Grande, near Querétaro, gunmen killed three women, one man and a 3-year-old girl.
Guanajuato generally tops the rankings as the state with the highest number of homicides. President López Obrador has previously accused Attorney General Carlos Zamarripa, who has held his post for 12 years, of being responsible for the violence.
Baja California is the lone outlier on the new map.
All but one of Mexico’s 32 states are now low risk green on the federal government’s coronavirus stoplight map as the third wave of the pandemic continues to decline.
Baja California is the outlier, remaining high risk orange on the new map that takes effect Monday.
Twenty-nine states were green on the previous map, while Guanajuato and Aguascalientes were medium risk yellow. Both those states switched green on the new map, which will remain in force through November 28.
Baja California easily has the highest number of active cases on a per capita basis, just over 80 per 100,000 people, more than double Sonora, which ranks second for current infections with just under 40 per 100,000 inhabitants.
The only other states with more than 30 active cases per 100,000 people are Coahuila, Mexico City, Querétaro and Guanajuato.
Chihuahua, Aguascalientes, Baja California Sur, Yucatán and San Luis Potosí have more than 20 active cases per 100,000 people, while Tabasco, Durango, Nuevo León and Tamaulipas have between 10 and 20. Each of the 17 other states has fewer than 10.
Nationally, reported cases are down 40% this month compared to October. An average of 2,751 new cases per day was reported during the first 14 days of November compared to a daily average of 4,612 in October.
This month’s daily average is 83% lower than the average in August, which was the worst month of the pandemic with more than 500,000 reported cases. The last time average daily case numbers were lower than they currently are was in May when an average of 2,225 per day were reported.
Reported deaths linked to COVID-19 have averaged 199 per day this month, a 43% decline compared to the daily average of 350 in October. The last time the average daily COVID-19 death toll was below 200 was in April 2020 when Mexico was amid the first wave of the pandemic.
The country’s accumulated case tally currently stands at 3.84 million, while the official COVID-19 death toll is 291,147. Both totals are considered vast undercounts, mainly due to Mexico’s low testing rate.
Nevertheless, Mexico ranks 15th in the world for total cases and fourth for fatalities behind only the United States, Brazil and India.
On a per capita basis, Mexico has the 22nd highest death rate in the world with 228 fatalities per 100,000 people, according to data compiled by Johns Hopkins University. Mexico’s fatality rate of 7.6 deaths per 100 confirmed cases is the third highest in the world after those of Yemen and Peru.
For vaccination, Mexico ranks 73rd in the world with 59% of the total population having had at least one shot, according to The New York Times vaccinations tracker. Among adults – the only sector of the population to which vaccines have been widely available – the rate is about 83%, according to the Health Ministry.
Just over 129.8 million shots have been administered to 75.4 million people. More than 63.3 million of those are fully vaccinated. That means approximately 12.1 million people have had one dose of a two-shot vaccine but chose not to get a second one or are still waiting for it.
Authorities in Mexico City – the country’s coronavirus epicenter – have offered first and second shots to all age groups but are currently administering vaccines to people who previously chose not to get vaccinated or were unable to get to vaccination centers.
One such person is Victoria Reyes, a 29-year-old woman with kidney problems who got her first shot late last week.
“What worried me is that I would get some kind of reaction,” she told the newspaper El País when explaining why she didn’t get vaccinated earlier despite losing two family members to COVID.
Reyes said she finally decided to get a shot because she’s now seeing fewer people wearing face masks and following other measures designed to stop the spread of the virus.
“People are not looking after themselves like before and I think that now [that I’m vaccinated] I’ll be more protected,” she said.
El País, which spoke to several people getting shots at the Vasconcelos Library in Mexico City last week, said there were a range of reasons why people had not previously been vaccinated, including fear, distrust of authorities, inability to get to a vaccination center and inadvertently missing their designated vaccination day.
“In my family getting vaccinated was not looked upon well,” said Diana, an 18-year-old student. “They’re anti-vaxxers and they have their theories about what’s being put into you,” she said.
“I was in Veracruz for about three months and I couldn’t come to get my second dose,” said Jesús Ramírez, a 36-year-old security guard.
Some other people showed up at the Vasconcelos Library to try to get an AstraZeneca shot after previously being vaccinated with the CanSino or Sputnik vaccines, which are not certified by the World Health Organization or recognized by United States authorities. Such people cannot currently enter the United States and many other countries, prompting them to seek inoculation with an approved vaccine.
But Yomaya Bezares, a 27-year-old teacher vaccinated with CanSino, told El País that her “mission” to get an AstraZeneca shot had failed, explaining that she was turned away because only second doses of that vaccine were on offer.
Soldiers firing from a garrison during the Ten Tragic Days, a coup that removed and killed President Francisco I. Madero, who himself ousted a president. Casasola Archives
Like that of the Mexican War of Independence, the history of the Mexican Revolution can look like a confusing series of armed struggles — few major battles but lots of fighting. However, it is important to understand the basics of what happened in this period of history to understand the Mexico of today.
The Revolution’s official start is marked by an open letter written by Francisco I. Madero urging Mexicans to revolt on November 20, 1910 — hence the upcoming federally-recognized holiday, Revolution Day.
Like all revolutions, this armed conflict was against a political and social system, and the “sins” of that society would shape what would replace it.
That system was the more than 30-year dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, who came to power in 1880 during a century when Mexico’s history was marked by coups, civil wars and foreign invasions.
Díaz’s rule started with a coup, but he managed to stay in power and even bring economic expansion and political stability to the country through foreign investment, political acumen, as well as ruthlessness.
Perhaps the most iconic photograph of the Mexican Revolution, underpinning the importance of the railroads to both sides. Casasola Archives
This period of time, called the Porfiriato, was marked by the best and worst of the Industrial Revolution: there were trains, factories and revived mining but also atrocious working conditions, company stores and the dispossession of communal lands into haciendas.
Díaz’s motto was “order and progress,” with the aim of relegating indigenous and agricultural communities to the past and justifying these actions through the academic concept of “scientific politics.”
But the economic progress benefited few and dispossessed many. During the Porfiriato, there were strikes, rebellions and other unrest, but Díaz managed to keep a lid on all that. However, some in the upper classes soured on him as presidential elections under Mexico’s 1857 constitution became a farce, with Díaz “re-elected” again and again.
Then 80 years old, Díaz promised in 1910 not to run again, which set off a flurry of political activity. Díaz reneged on the promise, but not before significant opposition had coalesced around Francisco I. Madero, a businessman and writer with reform in mind.
Shortly before the election, Díaz had Madero arrested and eventually proclaimed himself the winner in a “landslide.”
Madero escaped prison and wrote that open letter calling for armed rebellion against Díaz, later called by others “The Plan of San Luis Potosí.”
The generals and other revolutionary leaders after the Battle of Ciudad Juárez. DeGolyer Library, Southern Methodist University
This document did not drive Díaz from power, but Madero’s allies — northern strongmen Pascual Orozco and Francisco “Pancho” Villa — mobilized in Chihuahua and began raiding government garrisons. They eventually took Ciudad Juárez, a strategically important city garrisoned by federal troops. This act forced Díaz to resign, and Madero was declared president.
If Madero had been an effective leader, that might have been the end of the story. Unfortunately, he was too idealistic and alienated key allies such as Orozco, as well as Emiliano Zapata, who was angered after Madero became president that he did not make Zapata governor of Morelos and the relationship soured between them.
Counterrevolutionaries pulled off the Ten Tragic Days, a 10-day violent coup in February 1913 that eventually resulted in Victoriano Huerta, the general of the Federal Army, becoming president and Madero being killed.
Villa and Orozco, along with fellow northerners Venustiano Carranza and Álvaro Obregón, went back to war, leading a coalition of separate armies that succeeded in ousting Huerta a year later.
But the alliance among the different generals almost immediately faltered. Soon after Huerta’s ouster, the Convention of Aguascalientes was held to try and unify the armies politically, but it resulted in Villa and Zapata forming one faction and Venustiano Carranza and Álvaro Obregón forming another. Mexico found itself back in active civil war.
The two sides fought battles until 1915. Villa was defeated at the Battle of Celaya, taking him out of the picture. Zapata’s forces, also defeated, turned to guerrilla tactics.
Center front from left to right: Francisco “Pancho” Villa and Emiliano Zapata in Mexico City. Casasola Archives
With the upper hand, but victory not assured, Carranza called for another convention in Querétaro in December 1916. It resulted in the 1917 (and current) constitution adopted in February.
Many of the grievances of the various generals are addressed in this document, having to do with working hours, land redistribution and other economic issues. It also was the beginning of a new identity for Mexico, one that combined the indigenous and the Spanish, supposedly with equal weight.
The ideal of this notion is best seen in the murals of Diego Rivera and other artists who worked in the 1920s and 1930s.
The constitution’s adoption was the beginning of the end, but the Mexican Revolution really petered out rather than conclude with a single battle or treaty. For this reason, there is disagreement as to an ending date.
Many put it at 1920, the year Álvaro Obregón was elected and served his term without getting ousted or killed. But since violence continued sporadically, some put the date as late as Lázaro Cárdenas’s presidency in the 1930s.
Perhaps the biggest change as the 20th century progressed was Mexico’s shift from political power centering on one person to power centering on institutions. The most important of these was the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which would essentially rule Mexico almost unopposed for 80 years.
Former president Vicente Fox, left, in 2003 with AMLO and México state governor Arturo Montiel. government of Mexico
By the time Vicente Fox of the National Action Party was elected president in 2000, the country had soured on the PRI but not the ideals of the Mexican Revolution.
Nowadays, we might be in a transitional post-PRI phase of Mexican politics, but we are definitely not in one where the Revolution ceases to matter.
Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico 18 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.
