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Arrest warrants issued in Ayotzinapa case include retired army general

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General Jose Rodriguez Perez of Mexico
Retired General José Rodríguez Pérez is reportedly being sought by authorities for ordering the murder of six kidnapped teaching students in 2014 from the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers' College in Guerrero. Internet

A retired army general is among scores of people sought in connection with the disappearance and presumed murder of 43 students in Guerrero in 2014, the newspaper El País reported Wednesday.

Retired Gen. José Rodríguez Pérez, a then-colonel who commanded the 27th infantry batallion at the time of the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers College students’ disappearance in Iguala on September 26, 2014, is accused of ordering the murders of six students several days after they went missing.

On August 19 – the day former attorney general Jesús Murillo Karam was arrested in connection with the students’ disappearance – the federal Attorney General’s Office (FGR) said that a federal judge had issued a total of 83 arrest warrants against 20 military commanders and soldiers belonging to two battalions in Iguala, five administrative and judicial officials in Guerrero, 33 municipal police officers from Huitzuco, Iguala and Cocula, 11 state police and 14 members of the criminal organization Guerreros Unidos.

The FGR hasn’t said whether Rodríguez – who became a general in 2015 before retiring a short time later – is among the military commanders sought, but El País reported that sources close to the investigation have confirmed that he is.

Deputy Interior Minister of Mexico Alejandro Encinas
Deputy Interior Minister Alejandro Encinas, second from right. Alejandro Encinas/Twitter

The revelation comes almost two weeks after Deputy Interior Minister Alejandro Encinas, the government’s point man for the Ayotzinapa case, made explosive accusations against the fugitive army leader. Speaking at President López Obrador’s regular news conference on August 26, Encinas said there was evidence that six of the 43 Ayotzinapa students were held in a warehouse for several days before Rodríguez ordered their murders.

It was the first time that the government directly accused the military of active participation in crimes committed against the students, although Encinas previously said that the army witnessed their abduction without intervening.

“There is … information corroborated with emergency … telephone calls where allegedly six of the 43 disappeared students, [still] alive, were held during several days in what they call the old warehouse and from there were turned over to the colonel,” Encinas said August 26 during lengthy remarks about a truth commission report on the Ayotzinapa case.

“Allegedly the six students were alive for as many as four days after the events and were killed and disappeared on orders of [someone referred to as] ‘the colonel,’ allegedly the then-colonel José Rodríguez Pérez,” said the deputy minister, who earlier last month described the Ayotzinapa case as a “state crime.”

ex attorney general of Mexico Jesus Murillo Karam
According to El Pais, General Rodríguez’s warrant was issued the same day as ex-attorney general Jesús Murillo Karam, who is currently in preventative prison charged with torture and other crimes in the case.

The Ayotzinapa truth commission report says that the army received an anonymous emergency call on September 20, 2014, during which the caller claimed that students were being held in a large concrete warehouse on the outskirts of Iguala.

It also says that on September 30, 2014, an unnamed colonel (believed to be Rodríguez) remarked that “they” – presumably soldiers – “will take care of cleaning everything up and that they had already taken care of the six students who had remained alive.”

The entry about the anonymous emergency call, the Associated Press reported, is followed by several pages of redacted material, but that section of the report concluded with the following: “As can be seen, obvious collusion existed between agents of the Mexican state with the criminal group Guerreros Unidos that tolerated, allowed and participated in events of violence and disappearance of the students, as well as the government’s attempt to hide the truth about the events.”

The federal government has rejected former president Enrique Peña Nieto administration’s so-called “historic truth” in the Ayotzinapa case, but a common thread between the truth commission report and that version of events is alleged collusion between Guerreros Unidos and authorities. However, the previous government rejected claims that the army was involved.

27th Batallion of Mexico in Iguala, Guerrero
Rodríguez, then a colonel, commanded the 27th infantry army battalion believed to have been involved in killing at least some of the kidnapped students. TRT World

The “historic truth,” presented by Murillo Karam in January 2015, posits that the students, traveling on a bus they commandeered to go to a protest in Mexico City, were intercepted by corrupt municipal police who handed them over to members of the Guerreros Unidos, who – mistaking them for rival gangsters – killed them, burned their bodies in a dump in the municipality of Cocula and disposed of their remains in a nearby river.

The former attorney general is alleged to have fabricated the version of events. He faces charges of forced disappearance, torture and obstruction of justice.

Many people have long suspected that the army played a role in the kidnapping and apparent murder of the students, a belief supported by leaked testimony from a suspected Guerreros Unidos leader.

The remains of just three students have been found and identified, leaving most of the students’ families with no closure – and as yet no justice – in the case that upended their lives eight years ago.

With reports from El País and AP

The story of Mexico’s national anthem and its banned verses

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Decorations for Independence Day
Decorations for Independence Day in Mexico. (Shutterstock)

In Mexico, September is the month of las fiestas patrias (patriotic festivities) — a time for flags, fireworks and, of course, singing the himno nacional, or national anthem. But Mexicans today don’t sing the song as it was originally written.

In 1853, president Antonio López de Santa Anna hosted a contest to create this symbol of national pride, calling for submissions from poets and musicians. Out of 26 participants who submitted lyrics, a poem was chosen by Francisco González Bocanegra, originally from San Luis Potosí.

The poem, a colorful ode to the country’s military glory and national fortitude, was supposedly written by González under duress. Legend has it that his fiancée had such extraordinary faith in his talents that she locked him in a room filled with images from Mexican history and refused to let him out until he finished the lyrics.

After González’s lyrics were chosen, it was time to put them to music, and among the entries was a composition by Jaime Nunó, a Spaniard who had met Santa Anna on a trip to Cuba and had just arrived in Mexico to work as a band director.

Mexican National Anthem - "Himno Nacional Mexicano" (ES/EN)
Mexico’s National Anthem.

Nunó’s music was chosen to accompany Bocanegra’s lines, but even though his work was the official choice, many Mexicans didn’t like the fact that Nunó was a foreigner and felt that both the lyrics and the music of the national anthem should be written by Mexicans.

In the end, Nunó’s music was selected despite local grumbling, and the anthem was first heard on September 15, 1854, at the Santa Anna Theater in Mexico City (what would later become the National Theater). That first playing of the anthem was under the direction of orchestra leader and double bass virtuoso Giovanni Bottesini, an Italian who had also participated in the national contest.

Because President Santa Anna wasn’t present for this first performance, it wasn’t considered the anthem’s official debut, instead, it was “debuted” the following day, with musicians directed by Nunó himself.

Santa Anna, then anthem’s sponsor, would eventually be vilified by many Mexicans as the leader responsible for losing over half of Mexico’s national territory to the United States. By 1943, during the presidency of Manuel Ávila Camacho, a new official version of the anthem was published that excluded several stanzas referring to Santa Anna.

The verses about Agustín de Iturbide, an Independence-era general and the country’s first emperor, were also removed. According to Mexican law, a singer can be fined a whopping 900,000 pesos for singing the banned stanzas of the anthem or modifying the lyrics.

With reports from La Silla Rota, Excelsior, Velas Resorts Magazine, and Milenio

Section 6 of Maya Train is “environmentally viable”

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Heavy machinery clears a section of jungle to make way for the Maya Train.
Heavy machinery clears a section of jungle to make way for the Maya Train. Greenpeace / Paola Chiomante

A study carried out by the National Autonomous University (UNAM) has concluded that the Tulum-Chetumal section of the Maya Train railroad is environmentally viable, but Greenpeace warned that the project places jungle along the route at “serious risk.”

Citing an environmental impact statement (EIS) prepared by UNAM’s Institute of Engineering at the federal government’s request, the National Tourism Promotion Fund (Fonatur) said in a statement Tuesday that section 6 of the 1,500-kilometer-railroad is “environmentally viable” as it “complies with Mexican laws and international treaties in the area.”

Fonatur, which is managing the US $10 billion project, also said that “complementary works” such as 138 wildlife crossings will be built along the 255-kilometer Tulum-Chetumal section, which will pass through the Quintana Roo municipalities of Tulum, Felipe Carillo Puerto, Bacalar and Othón P. Blanco.

The section, which will be built by the army and is expected to cost some 70 billion pesos (US $3.5 billion), has already been granted provisional approval.

Fonatur officials and UNAM academics presented the result of the government-commissioned study in the community of Felipe Carillo Puerto on Tuesday.
Fonatur officials and UNAM academics presented the result of the government-commissioned study in the community of Felipe Carillo Puerto on Tuesday. Tren Maya / Facebook

At a meeting in a Felipe Carillo Puerto community on Tuesday at which the section 6 EIS was presented to local residents, Fonatur officials and UNAM Institute of Engineering academics highlighted that the EIS “provides for programs and actions” to compensate for “possible” environmental impacts “during the preparation of the site, construction, operation and maintenance of the project,” Fonatur said in its statement.

It said that some of the impacts “would be temporary and others can be prevented, mitigated and/or compensated.”

For its part, Greenpeace México, which carried out its own technical analysis of sections 6 and 7 of the Maya Train project, offered a scathing assessment of the environmental impact statements prepared for those routes, the latter of which will run between Bacalar and Escárcega, Campeche.

“Hand in hand with experts, Greenpeace meticulously reviewed the environmental impact statements and found that once again, the National Tourism Promotion Fund is presenting insufficient, false and inaccurate information,” the environmental organization said in a statement published Monday.

Greenpeace said that sections 6 and 7 are slated to run through “regions of major importance for conservation” and that its technical analysis concluded that the Mayan Jungle would be placed at “serious risk.”

“Section 6 is located just 2.5 kilometers from the Sian Ka’an Natural Protected Area (ANP), and therefore it’s very probable that the negative impacts … will affect this ANP, which was registered as a UNESCO World Heritage Site,” Greenpeace said after noting that the Tulum-Chetumal stretch will also pass through areas with cenotes (natural sinkholes) wetlands, lagoons and mangroves.

It also said that section 7 will negatively impact “the area of influence of the Mexican Caribbean Biosphere Reserve” and the UNESCO-protected ancient Mayan city of Calakmul, among other areas.

Greenpeace – which also challenged the EIS for the contentious Playa del Carmen-Tulum stretch of the railroad – called on the government to “stop pretending and protect the Mayan Jungle,” of which almost 1,500 hectares need to be cleared for section 6 alone.

Greenpeace said that the proposed Maya Train routes will negatively impact the ancient Mayan city of Calakmul, a UNESCO-protected site.
Greenpeace said that the proposed Maya Train routes will negatively impact the ancient Mayan city of Calakmul, a UNESCO-protected site. INAH

The environmental impact statements for both sections 6 and 7 should be rejected because the two projects pose risks to heritage sites and wildlife corridors that are “crucial for the preservation of endangered species,” the organization said, adding that they “violate international treaties and human rights.”

President López Obrador has repeatedly played down the impact the railroad will have on the natural environments of the five states – Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatán, Quintana Roo and Chiapas – through which it will run.

He asserts that the railroad – which has faced a range of legal challenges since construction began in 2020 – will spur social and economic development in what he describes as Mexico’s long-neglected southeast, and has pledged that it will begin operations in 2023.

However, two people working on the ambitious project claimed earlier this year that it won’t be finished while the current federal government is in office, if at all. Several construction companies offered a similar opinion last year.

With reports from Sin Embargo, La Jornada Maya, Reforma and Expansión

Labor statistics show increase in job creation

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Construction workers on a rebar structure with a construction crane in the background.
The transport and communications sector recorded the biggest job growth, followed by the construction sector. DepositPhotos

A net total of more than 157,000 formal sector jobs were created last month, the best result on record for the month of August.

The Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS) reported Monday that the total number of IMSS-affiliated jobs rose by 157,432 in August to more than 21.23 million. Last month’s result was a 0.7% improvement compared to July.

The financial group Banco Base noted that formal employment has recovered fully from the pandemic-induced downturn, with the total number of positions 3% higher than in February 2020.

IMSS said that a net total of 616,718 jobs were created in the first eight months of the year, 76.2% of which are permanent positions. Almost 87% of the more than 21 million IMSS-affiliated jobs are permanent.

New jobs created in each state in 2022 (as of August).
New jobs created in each state in 2022, as of August. México Cómo Vamos

In the 12 months to the end of August, just over 816,000 jobs were created, IMSS said, lifting the total number of people employed in the formal sector by 4%.

In August, almost 20,000 jobs were created in Mexico City, the highest figure among the 32 federal entities. Nuevo León, where over 18,000 formal sector jobs were added to the IMSS books ranked second, followed by Jalisco, México state and Coahuila.

The only states where the number of formal sector jobs decreased last month were Morelos and Guerrero.

Over the past year, Baja California Sur recorded the strongest job growth in percentage terms, with the total number of positions up by 13.6%. Tabasco (13.5%) and Quintana Roo (10.7%) were the only other states with formal sector job growth above 10%.

The economies of both Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo – home to destination such as Los Cabos and Cancún – are heavily dependent on tourism, which was hit hard by the pandemic and associated restrictions. However, the sector has recovered strongly, allowing tourism-related businesses to increase their workforces.

Government infrastructure projects such as the Dos Bocas refinery and the Maya Train likely boosted employment in Tabasco, President López Obrador’s home state.

All 32 states recorded net job growth in the past 12 months, with seven states – Hidalgo, Nayarit, Yucatán, Querétaro, México state, Tlaxcala and Nuevo León – reporting figures of 5-9%. Sixteen states recorded job growth of 2-4%, while the figures for six states were below 2%.

Among the latter group, Sinaloa was the worst performer with the total number of formal sector jobs up by just 0.7% over the past year. San Luis Potosí, Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Campeche and Michoacán recorded job growth between 1.3% and 1.5%.

State and local economies that depend on tourism, like Cancún in Quintana Roo, have recovered strongly.
State and local economies that depend on tourism, like Cancún in Quintana Roo, have recovered strongly. DepositPhotos

Among the different sectors of the economy, transport and communications recorded the biggest job growth in annual terms with the total number of positions up by 8.6%. The construction sector ranked second with the number of people it employs up by 5.3%, followed by the commercial sector with growth of 4.1%.

IMSS also reported that the average base salary of formal sector workers was 484.3 pesos (US $24) per day in August.

“This [average] salary represents an annual increase of 11.5%, the highest registered for any month in the last 20 years,” the institute said.

Data shows that the unemployment rate in Mexico (considering formal and informal sector workers) was just 3.2% in the second quarter of 2022, but over 49 million Mexicans – almost 40% of the population – were considered to be living in situations of in-work poverty due to their low salaries. Women were slightly more likely than men to be in situations in which they work but cannot afford all basic necessities.

With reports from Proceso and Publimetro

Puebla missing persons collective finds connection in shared grief

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Voz de los Desparecidos search collective, Puebla
Voz de los Desparecidos founder María Luisa Nuñez, right, comforts fellow member Rosa Sánchez during a search for Sanchez's missing son. Photos by Joseph Sorrentino

When María Luisa Núñez Barojas’ son didn’t return home one night in late April 2017, she became extremely worried. She lives in Tehuiztla, a part of Puebla city that’s so dangerous, people don’t go out at night.

“We imposed curfew,” she said. “After six in the evening, nobody leaves their house and nobody drives on the highways or on the roads because it is very unsafe.”

Her son Juan was with two friends in a Dodge Durango and were still out at 9:30 p.m, already enough reason to make him a possible crime victim where they live.

“I thought that maybe they had been assaulted to steal the truck or that they could have them confused with other young men. My son, he was not a criminal.”

Voz de los Desparecidos collective in Puebla
Two members of Puebla’s Voz de los Desparecidos search collective look for human remains along a stream.

Days later, when the three young men still failed to show up, she realized they had become what Mexicans call los desaparecidos. The disappeared.

She and the families of the other two young men, searched for them. Their search eventually led Núñez to found The Voice of the Disappeared in Puebla Collective, which conducts searches for the desaparecidos.

At first, Nuñez hoped she would find her son alive. “[I thought] maybe they hit him,” she said. “Maybe he lost his memory or was in a coma in some hospital, [or] was in a condition in the street in which he could not return home. I looked for him alive, among the living.”

But Juan’s disappearance haunted her.

“As a mother, when my son disappeared,” she said, her eyes beginning to tear up, “every day I was worried, thinking, ‘Where could he be? How is he? Is he alive? Could he be dead? If he is alive, is he cold? Does he eat or drink water?’

“I could not sleep, thinking that maybe my son was cold, and I could not eat, thinking my son was hungry. It is to die every day. It’s permanent torture, and it wears you down in every way.”

So she continued searching. Because she didn’t know where, or even how to search for Juan, she started looking on social networks like Facebook for information.

“I looked for an organization, an association, someone who could help me — who could orient me, accompany me — who could help me look for my boys in Puebla,” Núñez said.

She didn’t find anything or anyone in Puebla, but she did learn about colectivos (collectives) in other states that searched for desaparecidos. In the beginning, she didn’t see their value.

“I did not find much of a reason to be in a colectivo,” she explained, “because I saw that the they were looking primarily in clandestine graves, and I did not want to think that my son was dead. I saw that colectivos made protest marches. I said, ‘In what way will a protest find someone? I am not going to find my son by marching.’”

Instead, she sought help from her state government’s state search commission, created in 2017 by national law.

After years of intense pressure from families of disappeared persons and others, the Mexican government enacted the General Law on Forced Disappearances and Disappearances of Individuals, which also created the National Search Commission, tasked with finding the missing. There are also search commissions in every state.

Voz de los Desparecidos collective, Puebla
“This whole country’s a clandestine grave,” said Marcelo Salinas, right, using a metal rod called a varilla to probe a possible body dumping site.

The National Search Commission website lists 103,261 disappeared persons in Mexico. In the state of Puebla, there are close to 2,000. Both numbers are almost certainly undercounts.

Many families are afraid that those who took their relatives — gangs, cartels or even police — might come after them, so they don’t report disappearances.

“The whole country is a clandestine grave,” said Voz de los Desparecidos member Marcelo Salvador Salinas Cubillos, “The whole country.” Salinas’ wife and brother-in-law disappeared in Veracruz just over three years ago.

In August 2018, a year after Juan’s disappearance, Nuñez was frustrated with the lack of help given by the state search commission, so she changed her mind about search collectives and started Voz de los DesparacidosTwo or three times a month, the group conducts a búsqueda, or a search, held when someone in the group receives information, sometimes a phone call.

“The information [may not] be true because the call is anonymous,” said Salinas. But sometimes, he said, they learn “…that in a certain place, there is a clandestine grave or that in such a place they throw bodies.”

In November 2020, Nuñez’s worst fears came true: the group found the remains of Juan and his two friends.

“To know… that they tortured him horribly,” she said, “they executed him, they threw him in a grave more than 20 meters deep, it hurts so much.” But, she added, “He is finally safe from so much evil. The torture of not knowing how he is doing is over.”

Despite having found her son, and despite the risks, she continues to organize and go on searches. She’s not afraid, she said. “The only fear I had,” she said, “was that I would die without finding my son.”

Recently, in late June, group members gathered in Puebla’s zócalo: a member had received a phone call that the body of her son, who disappeared in 2018, may have been left in a ravine. They drove to the location, where they met staff from the state search commission, firemen and a contingent of police. The first two groups were there to help with the search; the police were there to provide protection.

Members have received threats Núñez said. Once, when she was searching for her son, “A pickup followed us,” she said. “When we were looking in the hills, on roads, they called me on the phone and told me, ‘Stop looking for your son.’”

On this day in June, members watched as a fireman rappelled into the ravine. The group fanned out. “We look for depressions in the ground,” Salinas explained. “If the grave is fresh, there is usually a mound, but after a rain, the ground sinks a bit.”

He carried a varilla, a thin, pointed metal rod. When the group finds something that could be a grave, he sinks it into the ground, alert for a tell-tale smell.

“Sometimes the odor of a body is released or I can smell it on the tip. It is the smell of a person, of decomposition,” Salinas explained.

Nobody was recovered that day. But the group keeps trying, for themselves and for other members. Although Salinas’ wife and brother-in-law disappeared in Veracruz, he regularly participates in searches with the Puebla colectivo.

“It’s not only me looking for my family,” he said. “We are looking for everyone. So when a member tells us information that my son might be in such a place, well, most of us go to accompany them and to find them.”

In the collective, they have found a family, Salinas said.

“We get along really well,” he said. “[We] share the pain and the same objective: to find the desaparecidos.

Joseph Sorrentino, a writer, photographer and author of the book San Gregorio Atlapulco: Cosmvisiones and of Stinky Island Tales: Some Stories from an Italian-American Childhood, is a regular contributor to Mexico News Daily.

Legislative proposal threatens Va por México party coalition

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Logs of PAN, PRI, PRD parties in Mexico
A three-party opposition alliance to Morena looks ready to crack as the PRI looks ready to support a Morena's desire to extend use of the military for public security tasks.

A three-party alliance opposed to the government in power could be on the verge of breaking up after an Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) lawmaker presented a constitutional bill that would authorize the use of the military for public security tasks until 2028.

The National Action Party (PAN) and Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) – which together with the PRI constitute the Va por México coalition – expressed their opposition to the proposal, which seeks to extend the period during which the government can use the armed forces for public security tasks from five years to nine.

A constitutional reform in March 2019 created the National Guard and authorized the continued use of the military alongside the new security force until March 2024.

PRI Deputy Yolanda de la Torre presented the bill proposing the four-year extension, and her party as well as the ruling Morena party and its allies look likely to support the initiative. It will be put to a vote following a debate scheduled for next week.

Mexico PRI Deputy Yolanda de la Torre
PRI Deputy Yolanda de la Torre’s proposal to extend use of the military for public safety is scheduled for congressional debate next week. De la Torre/Twitter

The bill states that a “solid and effective” police force “is not built overnight” and therefore, while the National Guard “develops its structure, capacities and territorial establishment,” the president of the day can use the armed forces for public security tasks in an “extraordinary, regulated, controlled, subordinated and complementary way.”

The bill notes that several regions and states face a “climate of violence” created by criminal groups, which exert control over large swathes of territory.  It also says that the public security work of the military has been “essential” in recent years.

De la Torre’s introduction of the bill to the Chamber of Deputies last Friday came as President López Obrador and Morena seek to put the National Guard under the control of the Department of Defense (Sedena).

PAN national leader Marko Cortés today called on PRI lawmakers to withdraw de la Torre’s bill, or vote against it.

If they don’t heed this advice, the PRI will be responsible for the breakup of the legislative and electoral alliance that is Va por México, he said, adding that the coalition would lose its “reason to exist.”

He told the newspaper Milenio that the proposal is “absolutely contradictory” to the alliance’s commitment to not support modifications to the constitution – which Morena and its allies can’t push through on their own because they don’t have the required two-thirds congressional majority – or the militarization of the country.

Cortés said he has expressed his concerns to PRI leader Alejandro Moreno, who “committed to review the issue.”

For his part, PRD leader Jesús Zambrano said that the bill put forward by de la Torre is “not only concerning but also offensive” and that it “wouldn’t make electoral sense” for the Va por México coalition to run in upcoming elections, including the national presidential election in 2024, if the PRI does not respect the coalition platform.

Mexico PRD party leader Jesús Zambrano
PRD leader Jesús Zambrano, left, said that de la Torre’s bill is “not only concerning but also offensive.” Zambrano/Twitter

Zambrano said he hoped that the PRI would scrap the constitutional bill “for the good of Mexico.”

However, de la Torre said that she would only be prepared to withdraw her bill if PAN governors commit to tackling insecurity in their states after 2024 without the assistance of the military.

“If they say they are ready [to combat insecurity on their own], my proposal would have no reason to exist because they would guarantee they have the capacity to do what the army does,” she stated.

The lawmaker said she lacked confidence in the capacity of state and municipal police to face up to heavily armed criminal organizations. “The day after the army is withdrawn from the streets” – which as things stand would occur in March 2024 – “organized crime will set the whole country on fire.”

López Obrador on Monday welcomed the proposal to extend the period during which the government can deploy the armed forces to bolster public security efforts, and called on the PRI to divorce itself from the PAN’s “rancid conservatism.”

The president – who previously appealed to the PRI to support his ultimately unsuccessful plan to overhaul Mexico’s energy sector – said that the PRI’s help in Congress would be very useful, but stopped short of endorsing a political alliance with Mexico’s once hegemonic party.

Questioned about his campaign promise to remove soldiers from the nation’s streets and return them to their barracks, López Obrador – who has relied on the military for a broad range of non-traditional tasks – admitted that he had changed his mind on the issue.

“I changed my mind when I saw the [security] problem I inherited,” he said.

With reports from Aristegui Noticias, Animal Político, Milenio and El Universal 

Sonora: Mexico’s Silicon Valley of clean energy?

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solar farm in Jalisco
Governor Alfonso Durazo sees a new plan for CFE to generate power in his state as another step toward Sonora becoming a clean energy hub. Rodrigo Contreras Lopez/Shutterstock

Mexico’s Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE) has granted a permit to the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) to generate energy at the solar power farm that is under construction in Puerto Peñasco, Sonora.

The permit granted to the CFE allows for the generation of solar power at the Puerto Peñasco plant for 30 years, although it could be withdrawn if not found to be in legal compliance.

The CFE will own 54% of the plant and the Sonora state government will own 46%, according to Sonora Governor Alfonso Durazo Montaño.

The solar power plant reportedly will be the largest in Latin America and the eighth largest in the world when it is completed.

Authorities said commercial activities will begin there in May 2023 and that the second phase will begin operations in May 2024.

The plant will be located on the Miramar ejido (communal land) on the Puerto PeñascoCaborca ​​highway. It’s being built on land donated by businessman Daniel Chávez, owner of Grupo Vidanta.

The plans for the US $1.69 billion project were announced 14 months ago, with both President López Obrador and Durazo (then the governor-elect) singing the praises of the Mexican state’s pursuit of clean energy production, which is a sector that has been dominated by private investment.

The photovoltaic plant will satisfy the demand for electricity in northwestern Mexico, a region that uses fossil fuels to generate electricity or imports it from the United States. Its location will take advantage of the sun-drenched, desert conditions of Puerto Peñasco, in a stretch of land between the Gulf of California and the Arizona border.

Sonora Governor Alfonso Durazo
“We are going to go from being net importers of energy to being exporters,” Sonora Governor Alfonso Durazo promised. Twitter

In addition, it was announced that 10 public sector agencies are coming together to create the Sonora Clean Energy Plan, reportedly at the urging of López Obrador.

Representatives will come from the economic, treasury and foreign affairs ministries, CFE, Sener (energy), Semarnat (environment and natural resources), the navy, the Mexican Geological Service and elsewhere. The committee is supposed to come up with a plan within a month, Durazo said.

“We are going to go from being net importers of energy to being exporters because a high-voltage line is going to be added to link the solar power plant to the Baja California peninsula” and the National Interconnected System (SIN), Durazo added. “I want to replicate in the state of Sonora the model of the Puerto Peñasco solar plant in two, three, four, five places.”

The SIN is Mexico’s national grid for electricity distribution. It serves about 98% of Mexico.

Building solar plant in Sonora Mexico
The CFE plan in Sonora could eventually free Baja California from having to buy electricity from the U.S. Government

“The president says that he wants to turn Sonora into the Silicon Valley of clean energy,” Durazo said.

The first phase of the project will cover some 2,000 hectares with solar panels, according to the governor.

“The first section is already under construction, and the tender for the second stage is coming,” he added, “and the second stage will be triple the first. The first is 124 megawatts; the second will be close to 400 megawatts … truly a mega-work.”

In reports last year, it was noted that electricity generated by the plant will benefit the more than 4 million inhabitants of Sonora and Baja California, replacing Baja California’s purchase — at a high cost — of electricity from California. It will also connect electricity-strapped Baja California to the rest of the country, as it currently operates separately from the SIN. 

With reports from Forbes, Reforma and El Sol de Hermosillo

Tropical storm Kay strengthens to hurricane; heavy rains forecast in Baja California Sur and Sinaloa

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National Hurricane Center Hurricane Kay prediction map
National Hurricane Map showing the predicted trajectory of Kay's center.

Hurricane Kay, a Category 1 storm that was some 500 kilometers south of the tip of the Baja California peninsula as of Tuesday afternoon is forecast to bring torrential rain and strong wind to Baja California Sur and Sinaloa on Tuesday.

Kay, which strengthened into a hurricane on Monday, has already claimed three lives in Guerrero. As a tropical storm over the weekend, it damaged homes, toppled trees and caused rivers to break their banks.

As of 1 p.m. Central Time on Tuesday, Kay was 515 kilometers south of the southern tip of the Baja California peninsula, the United States National Hurricane Center (NHC) said in an advisory.

It said that the hurricane had maximum sustained winds of 140 kilometers per hour with higher gusts and was moving northwest at 22 kilometers per hour,  already producing rough surf on the southern Baja California peninsula and in southwestern Mexico.

National Hurricane Center map showing predicted wind arrival times as Kay passes over the Baja Peninsula.

“This general motion should continue through tonight,” the NHC said, adding that “a turn toward the north-northwest is expected on Wednesday, and this motion should continue into Friday.”

“On the forecast track, the center of Kay is expected to pass to the west of the southern Baja California peninsula on Wednesday, and be near the west-central coast of the Baja California peninsula Thursday and Friday,” the NHC said.

“… Weakening is forecast to begin by Thursday, but Kay is forecast to remain a strong hurricane when it passes near the Baja California peninsula,” the advisory also said.

The National Meteorological Service (SMN) said in a statement Tuesday morning that Hurricane Kay would bring torrential rainfalls of 150–250 millimeters to Baja California Sur and Sinaloa on Tuesday. It warned of the risk of flooding and said that both states could expect “intense” gusts of wind and rough seas.

It also forecast intense rainfall of 75–150 millimeters in Chiapas, Durango, Guerrero, Oaxaca, Puebla, San Luis Potosí and Veracruz, but that predicted precipitation is associated with the Mexican monsoon rather than Hurricane Kay.

In Baja California Sur, Governor Víctor Manuel Castro Cosío announced that between 50 and 100 national Civil Protection personnel would arrive Tuesday to “strengthen prevention works in the entire state.”

Soldiers, state and municipal police and members of the National Guard are also contributing to the preparation efforts and are ready to carry out any required rescue missions.

Schools and other educational institutes in Baja California Sur and Sinaloa will remain closed while Kay remains a threat, authorities said.

Acapulco flooding from Tropical Storm kay
In Acapulco, Guerrero, heavy rains from Kay caused flooding that dragged 20 cubic meters of soil and 1,000 tonnes of trash onto city streets, according to municipal councilors.

In Guerrero, where Kay brought trees and electrical posts down, flooded homes and caused landslides next to highways, state Civil Protection chief Roberto Arroyo confirmed three tropical storm-related deaths.

With reports from Reuters, Excélsior and La Lista  

4 Supreme Court justices reject proposal to eliminate mandatory pretrial detention

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supreme court justices Mexico
The four Supreme Court justices stated Monday their intentions to vote against the repeal of the preventative prison provision in the constitution.

A proposal to abrogate a constitutional provision that applies mandatory pre-trial detention (prisión preventiva oficiosa) for suspects accused of certain crimes appears doomed to fail after four Supreme Court (SCJN) justices rejected it on Monday.

The court’s 11 justices will rule today, September 6, on whether to invalidate automatic incarceration for people accused of crimes including homicide, rape, kidnapping, human trafficking, illicit enrichment, fuel theft, burglary and firearm offenses.

Eight justices must vote to repeal the constitutional provision in order for the proposal to be successful, but getting to that number won’t be possible without the support of the four justices who have spoken out against it. The proposal to end mandatory pre-trial detention was put forward by their colleague, Justice Luis María Aguilar Morales.

Justices Alberto Pérez Dayán, Yasmín Esquivel Mossa, Loretta Ortiz Ahlf and Juan Luis González Alcántara Carrancá all indicated that they would vote against annulling this provision contained in article 19 of the constitution.

Supreme Court Justice Yasmin Esquivel
Justice Yasmín Esquivel said that repealing the preventative prison measure would leave society at the mercy of organized crime.

Pérez said that he wasn’t the kind of person who “tears pages out of the constitution,” while Esquivel asserted that eliminating the provision would “leave society at the mercy of gangs dedicated to organized crime.”

The federal government also spoke out against the proposal, arguing that the measure is essential to ensure that suspects don’t evade justice and continue committing offenses. At President Lopez Obrador’s daily press conference on Friday, Deputy Security Minister Ricardo Mejía listed the names of several judges who had allegedly let suspects go free improperly.

At the conference, he also reinforced the federal government’s view that the proposal would work against the pursuit of justice and said that abrogation of elements of the constitution is not within the SCJN’s powers.

The four opposing justices also contend that the SCJN doesn’t have the authority to rule against the constitution. Only the federal Congress – with the support of two-thirds of lawmakers – can modify it, they said.

Supreme Court Justice Alberto Pérez
Supreme Court Justice Alberto Pérez said that he’s not the kind of person who “tears pages out of the constitution.”

Ortiz suggested that a SCJN ruling against pre-trial detention would be in violation of the separation of powers doctrine. Similarly, Esquivel asserted that the court’s obligation to uphold the constitution takes precedence over the “observance” of international treaties.

Advocating for mandatory pre-trial detention’s abrogation, two National Autonomous University researchers recently noted that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) has made it clear that the measure is a violation of due process, the presumption of innocence and personal freedoms.

In defending his proposal, Justice Aguilar stressed that the intention is not to prevent judges from remanding accused criminals into preventive custody since judges would still have the ability to remand suspects via prisión preventiva justificada in cases where there is a flight risk and/or imminent danger to the community.

“When a crime is committed and the public prosecutor’s office has sufficient evidence to support an accusation, of course they will be able to request pre-trial detention,” he said.

The justice also emphasized that his proposal, if validated, wouldn’t lead to automatic release of all suspects held in pre-trial detention. Some 90,000 prisoners – four in 10 inmates – have not been convicted of the crime they are accused of committing, federal government data shows.

Other advocates of the elimination of mandatory pre-trial detention, such as Saskia Niño de Rivera – president of a civil society organization that helps ex-prisoners reintegrate into society – have noted that accused criminals are often left to languish in Mexican prisons for years before facing trial.

Supreme Court of Mexico
The Supreme Court is voting on whether to abrogate the mandatory pre-trial detention provision of the constitution on Tuesday. Fernando Gutiérrez/Shutterstock

Niño de Rivera recently said she personally knew of people who have spent close to two decades in prison without facing trial. “In Mexico, [suspects] are guilty until the opposite is proven,” she said.

Two men who share that view are Daniel García and Reyes Alpízar, accused of the 2001 murder of María de los Ángeles Tamés, a councilor in the México state municipality of Atizapán. They spent over 17 years in pre-trial detention – a Mexican record – before they were released in 2019.

García and Alpízar – who are still required to wear ankle monitors and are not permitted to leave México state – have always maintained their innocence and denounced a range of human rights violations in their case, including the use of torture against them.

“It got to a point where I couldn’t take it anymore,” Alpízar said late last month in reference to the torture to which he was subjected. He told the newspaper El País that he was forced to sign incriminating documents without being privy to their contents.

García, who worked as the secretary of the mayor of Atizipán at the time, told El País that authorities also tried to force him to sign incriminating documents. “I refused, and they said to me, ‘If you don’t sign, we’re going to arrest members of your family,’” he said.

García’s father, son, brother and four cousins were subsequently detained, although they were later released due to a lack of evidence against them.

Late last month, García and Aplizar’s case reached the IACHR, which ruled that they were detained arbitrarily and acknowledged that they were tortured. The court, which heard the men’s case in Brasilia, also recommended the elimination of the mandatory pre-trial detention provision from the Mexican constitution.

With reports from La Jornada, El Universal, El País and Infobae

An abundance of rock proves a challenge for ambitious Chetumal canal project

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Deepening the short Zaragoza canal was not as easy as originally thought.
Deepening the short Zaragoza canal was not as easy as originally thought.

At the southern end of the Costa Maya — less than 3 kilometers from the Mexico-Belize border — is a tiny canal that officials in Quintana Roo are trying to make into a bigger deal.

But it’s not working out very well.

Begun in 1901 during the government of Porfirio Díaz, the Zaragoza Canal is located on a thin peninsula — about 225 kilometers south of Tulum — that forms part of Chetumal Bay. If the canal and its surrounding waters were deep enough, it would allow cargo ships, cruise ships and large yachts to sail directly from the Caribbean Sea to Quintana Roo’s capital city of Chetumal without passing through Belizean waters.

With that enticement, state officials began a dredging project in 2019, just as they had done some two decades before. The aim is to spur tourism, boost commercial shipping and make it easier to get from Chetumal to the coastal village of Xcalak in an unspoiled corner of the Mexican Caribbean (for cruise ship excursions, among other reasons).

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But according to a report in the newspaper Milenio, the attempts of the state government are “about to conclude” because the dredging efforts have “come up against a very hard bottom, made of flagstone.” The machinery being used is unable to break up most of those stone slabs.

The canal itself is 1.2 kilometers long and 50 meters wide, which is fine. But the depth of the artificial channel hardly exceeds 2 meters, and the depth of Chetumal Bay isn’t much better at 4 meters in many places, and shallower in others. Only small boats can navigate it, and another factor is this: Since there is no traffic, the bottom becomes silt.

So the goal of the 2019 project was to dredge a 4.8-kilometer channel off the canal, bringing the total length of the canal and channel to 6.3 meters, and deepening everything to at least 3 meters.

But the bottom isn’t budging. At least not much. “They have even used dynamite to destroy it,” Milenio wrote, but “that stone does not yield.”

The administration of Carlos Joaquín González, governor of Quintana Roo from 2016 until later this month (when two-time Cancún mayor Mara Lezama Espinosa will be sworn in) has “invested at least 400 million pesos (US $20 million) for this task,” Milenio reported.

“As much as possible was dredged,” said Hiram Toledo, commercial manager of the Quintana Roo Integral Port Administration. “It reached 2½ meters, almost 3 meters deep, [but] right now they need another type of machinery.”

Currently, only fishing boats, tourist boats or small yachts can enter the bay through the canal. To get cargo and cruise ships through, of course, more money will be needed.

And that’s beyond what would already cost US $42 million, according to Toledo: $25 million for a terminal with capacity for three cruise ships (for which a depth of up to 6 meters is needed); $2.5 million for a marina in Chetumal Bay for 56 yachts (up to 51 feet long); $12.5 million for ecotourism villages with 600 rooms; and $2.7 million for a cargo terminal.

An aerial view of the coast of Chetumal.
While business leaders are advocating for the canal to be deepened, some residents are worried about the impact that larger-scale tourism would have on the bayside town.

Businessmen from Chetumal are insisting that, in the name of economic development, both state and federal governments invest in making the canal functional. If that were to happen, Chetumal could fully capitalize on its status as a transit city to Central America, said Eloy Quintal, president of the Business Coordinating Council of Chetumal.

“It has to do with the issue of facilitating trade, of expanding the possibilities that the city of Chetumal, strategically due to its border position, can commercially supply, through these routes,” he said.

Then again, Xcalak, the town closest to the canal, exists on low-impact tourism, such as sport fishing, diving and snorkeling, and people there do not welcome the idea of ​​attracting bigger boats.

“They told us every day, ‘It will bring you good things. Xcalak will grow.’ But we are used to being lied to,” said Fortunato Herrera, a local resident.

Herrera also warned about the risk to the area’s Mesoamerican Barrier Reef, the largest barrier reef system in the Western Hemisphere, stretching nearly 700 miles from the Yucatán Peninsula along the coasts of Belize, Guatemala and Honduras. It is also known as the Great Mayan Reef.

“I don’t have much study, but I imagine that the United Nations [would] say, ‘Why are they breaking natural phenomena?’” said another Xcalak resident, Don Nato.

“The lagoon part of the reefs is not suitable for even a sailboat, because there is a lot of coral,” added another resident, Antonio Salazar. “In fact, some sailboats … have passed and have damaged many corals.” 

With reports from Milenio