Cerralvo Island, located 95 kilometers east of the city of La Paz, is part of an expansive UNESCO World Heritage site off the coast of Baja California Sur. (Shutterstock)
A listing on the e-commerce site Mercado Libre offering Cerralvo Island — part of an expansive UNESCO World Heritage site off the coast of Baja California Sur (BCS) — for US $115 million has sparked controversy.
The listing from mid-April has drawn especially strong opposition from BCS Governor Víctor Manuel Castro Cosío, who has condemned the proposed sale, asserting the island is part of Mexico’s national heritage and vowing to block privatization efforts.
The 136.5-square-kilometer island, controversially renamed Jacques Cousteau Island in 2009, is being promoted by KW Metropolitan as a “sustainable development” project that could feature eco-hotels, renewable energy plants, an airport and conservation zones. KW Metropolitan is a brand of Texas-based Keller Williams, one of the world’s largest real estate franchises.
Satellite images and details in the listing confirm the property as Cerralvo Island, located 95 kilometers east of the city of La Paz in the Gulf of California — famously dubbed “the world’s aquarium” by the late explorer Cousteau because of its extraordinary marine biodiversity.
The listing on Mercado Libre for Cerralvo Island has been live on the site since mid-April. (Mercado Libre)
Castro Cosío clarified that the island — more than twice the size of Manhattan, New York — has been privately held by the powerful Ruffo family, whose legacy in Baja California and BCS dates back to the late 1800s.
But in recent comments in the regional newspaper El Sudcaliforniano, he stressed that “all islands, seas and lands should be considered national property” and urged federal authorities to review the island’s legal status. He also said any development would require environmental impact assessments from Mexico’s Environment Ministry (Semarnat).
Cerralvo Island’s ecological significance is undisputed: It shelters migratory species such as humpback whales, hammerhead sharks and endangered seabirds — and 20 years ago was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site alongside 243 other islands, islets and Gulf of California coastal areas.
Article 27 of Mexico’s Constitution restricts foreign ownership of coastal land and mandates federal oversight for island sales, though exceptions exist — such as Cayo Culebra, the last virgin island on the Riviera Maya, going on sale last year for a reported US $68 million. (No official announcements or media reports indicate the sale has been completed … in case you’re interested.)
KW Metropolitan’s listing — active as of Monday — faces skepticism from environmentalists who warn of irreversible harm to fragile ecosystems. While the listing touts “eco-tourism” and infrastructure, critics note the logistical challenges of building in pristine areas and the precedent such a sale would set.
The controversy echoes past disputes over Mexico’s islands, such as San José Island, also in the Gulf of California. It is privately owned and undeveloped with no permanent residents.
Cerralvo Island is also undeveloped as well as uninhabited, with no large-scale infrastructure. It is named for the 3rd Marquis of Cerralvo, Don Rodrigo Pacheco y Osorio, who served in the early 1600s as viceroy of New Spain (which would become Mexico).
Known for its rugged natural beauty and extraordinary marine biodiversity, the island currently serves as a destination for adventure tourism and traditional fishing.
President Sheinbaum has made it clear that she would never accept any kind of U.S. military intervention in Mexico, regardless of the threat to national security. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)
President Claudia Sheinbaum said Saturday that she rejected an offer from United States President Donald Trump to send the U.S. Army into Mexico to combat drug cartels.
On Sunday, Trump confirmed that he made the offer, and accused Sheinbaum of being “afraid” of Mexican cartels, six of which were designated as foreign terrorist organizations by the U.S. government in February.
Speaking at an event in Texcoco, México state, on Saturday, Sheinbaum said that she told Trump that Mexico’s territory and sovereignty are “inviolable” when he offered to send U.S. troops to Mexico.
“Yesterday, it came out in a United States newspaper, in The Wall Street Journal, that President Trump, in one of our calls, told me that it was important for the United States Army to come into Mexico to help us in the fight against drug trafficking. I want to say it’s true, that in some of the calls … he said: ‘How can we help you to fight against drug trafficking? I propose that the United States Army come in to help you,” she said.
“And do you know what I told him? No, President Trump. [Mexico’s] territory is inviolable, [our] sovereignty is inviolable, sovereignty is not sold,” said Sheinbaum, provoking a rousing response from the attendees of the inauguration of a new government-funded “well-being university” in Texcoco.
“Sovereignty is loved and defended,” she continued.
“… We can collaborate, we can work together, but you in your territory and us in ours. We can share information, but we’re never going to accept the presence of the United States Army in our territory,” Sheinbaum said.
The president, who has previously made it clear that she would never accept any kind of U.S. military intervention in Mexico, said that she had also told Trump that if he wants to help combat Mexican cartels, he should “help us” stop the entry of firearms to Mexico from the United States.
Trump says US would be ‘honored’ to combat cartels in Mexico
On board Air Force One on Sunday, during a flight from Palm Beach, Florida, to Washington D.C., Trump told reporters it was “true” that he made an offer to Sheinbaum to send the U.S. Army into Mexico.
“So Mexico’s saying that I offered to send U.S. troops into Mexico to take care of the cartels. … It’s true. … They are horrible people that have been killing people left and right. … They’ve made a fortune on selling drugs and destroying our people. We lost 300,000 people last year to fentanyl and drugs. They’re bad news,” he said.
“… If Mexico wanted help with the cartels, we would be honored to go in and do it. I told [Sheinbaum] that, I would be honored to go in and do it. The cartels are trying to destroy our country, they’re evil,” Trump said.
'She's So Afraid Of The Cartel': Trump Reacts To Sheinbaum Rejecting Troops Taking On Mexico Cartels
“… We had 300,000 people die last year from fentanyl and all of that, we had millions of people brought into this country that shouldn’t be here, the cartels brought them in so if [Sheinbaum] said that I offered to do that she’s 100% right,” he said.
“She’s so afraid of the cartels she can’t walk. … I think she’s a lovely woman, the president of Mexico is a lovely woman, but she is so afraid of the cartels that she can’t even think straight,” Trump said.
As was the case in his first term as president, Trump has pressured Mexico to do more to stem the flow of migrants and narcotics to the United States. In early March, he briefly imposed 25% tariffs on all imports from Mexico and most imports from Canada due to what the White House said was the two countries’ failure to adequately stem the flow of “lethal drugs” such as fentanyl into the U.S.
Citing “people familiar with the discussions,” the WSJ reported that “President Trump is pressuring Mexico to allow deeper U.S. military involvement in the fight against drug cartels.”
Again citing its unnamed sources, the newspaper said that “tension rose toward the end of a 45-minute telephone conversation with Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum on April 16 when Trump pushed to have U.S. armed forces take a leading role in battling Mexican drug gangs that produce and smuggle fentanyl to the U.S.”
The report continued: “Sheinbaum told Trump her administration would cooperate on matters such as intelligence sharing but not accept a direct military presence, the people added.”
Citing Mexican officials, the WSJ also reported that “Mexico won’t consent to a U.S. military presence because of the nations’ fraught history, which includes two invasions since 1846.”
According to a report published Friday by the Wall Street Journal, Trump and Sheinbaum’s most recent call on April 16 intensified when Trump pushed to have the U.S. Army take a leading role in battling Mexico’s drug gangs. (@Claudiashein/X)
Sheinbaum has spoken to Trump by telephone six times since he won the U.S. presidential election last November. Trade has been a key focus of their most recent calls, as Trump has imposed tariffs on a range of imports to the United States from Mexico, despite the two countries being party to the USMCA free trade pact, which also includes Canada.
Key Mexico-US security developments since Trump took office
Here is a timeline of some of the key Mexico-U.S. security developments since Trump began his second term as U.S. president on Jan. 20. The hyperlinks will take you to previous Mexico News Daily articles.
Jan 20: On the first day of his second term, Trump declared a national emergency at the United States’ southern border and laid the initial groundwork for the designation of Mexican cartels as foreign terrorist organizations. Asked at the time whether he would consider “ordering U.S. special forces into Mexico” to “take out” cartels, Trump said it “could happen.”
Feb. 1: The White House asserted that “Mexican drug trafficking organizations have an intolerable alliance with the government of Mexico,” and that “the government of Mexico has afforded safe havens for the cartels to engage in the manufacturing and transportation of dangerous narcotics.”
March 25: Trump praised the Mexican government for ramping up the fight against the trafficking of illegal drugs to the U.S. and the northward flow of migrants.
April 16: Sheinbaum rejected Trump’s claim that she is afraid of cartels, and revealed that Mexico had sent a diplomatic note to the United States after the U.S. moved to militarize its southern border. On the same day, she said that the United States is “always looking to intervene more” in Mexico.
By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)
With just a few ingredients, this classic Mexican fudge, known as jamoncillo, couldn't be simpler to make. For special occasions, you can liven it up with Mexican spirits. (Shutterstock)
Jamoncillois traditional Mexican fudge, but if you know any Spanish, you also recognize that the literal translation is “little ham.”
So, how does fudge get named after a piglet? It seems that original versions of this Mexican fudge recipe tinted the fudgy delicacies pink or red and shaped them into ham-like pieces.
Many of Mexico’s traditional sweet treats, especially those made with dairy products, were frst whipped up by nuns, known for creating other classic foods and beverages in Mexico, such as Rompope and chiles en nogada. (Cafe Tacuba)
But where did this sweet concoction originate? Leave it to those ingenious Maya and Mexica, who loved making similar desserts from maize, honey and fruits. Naturally, the Spanish conquest in the 16th century kicked up the cuisine, adding milk and sugar to the mix, which paved the way for milk-based Mexican sweets like fudgy jamoncillo.
During the 300 years of the colonial period, or the Spanish conquest of Mexico, Catholicism was ignited by the 12 Apostles of Mexico — a group of Franciscan friars who arrived here in 1524. Along with them came other orders: Dominicans, Augustinians and, later, Jesuits. And then came the nuns, who changed the course of sweet culinary cuisine in Mexico forever.
These Spanish nuns in convents across Mexico, especially in Mexico City, Guanajuato and Puebla, were passionate about cooking, and they are credited with the development and refinement of milk-based sweets in the country.
Their Old World techniques and ingredients (like sugar and milk) were blended with Indigenous traditions to come up with a wide variety of diverse Mexican candies like jamoncillo, marzipan and camotes (sweet-potato candies), to name a few.
The traditional jamoncillo recipe is rather simple and bland and is composed of butter, brown sugar, condensed milk and vanilla extract and is garnished with pecans. Although rich, fudgy and delicious, I thought kicking it up with some ultra-Mexican flair might be a good thing, so here’s my recipe for you.
This “little ham” packs a big punch. (AI-generated image)
Jamoncillo with Cinnamon, Pecans and a Mezcal, Tequila and Kahlua Combo
* Makes 16-25 pieces, depending on how large you cut them.
1/2 Tbs. (7.5 ml) Kahlúa (hint of coffee and sweetness)
Zest of 1 lime or orange for brightness. (limón o naranja)
For the garnish
12–16 pecan halves (nuez pecana)
Pinch of flaky sea salt or chili salt (sal de mar en escamas osal con chile)
Instructions
1. Prepare the pan
Line an 8×8-inch pan with parchment paper or lightly grease it. Set aside.
2. Prepare the fudge
In a heavyweight (stainless steel or cast iron) medium pot, add milk, sugar, baking soda, vanilla and cinnamon stick. Stir until sugar is dissolved.
Place pot over medium heat. Stir frequently.
When the milk begins to foam (just before boiling), reduce heat to low. Continue cooking for 35–45 minutes, stirring often and scraping the sides of the pot.
The mixture will get thick and dark and resemble caramel sauce.
3. Test for Doneness
Drizzle a little of the mixture into a bowl of cold water. If it forms a soft ball, it’s ready.
4. Add Flavors and Nuts
Remove the pot from heat. Discard the cinnamon stick.
Immediately stir in mezcal, tequila, Kahlúa and citrus zest.
Add crushed pecans and mix well to distribute.
5. Beat, Set, Pour
Stir the mixture vigorously for 5–7 minutes with a wooden spoon to help it cool and thicken.
Pour mixture into prepared pan and smooth the top.
While still warm, gently press pecan halves into the surface so each future square will feature a pecan on top.
Sprinkle with flaky sea salt or chili salt for extra pizzazz, if desired.
6. Cool and Serve
Let cool to room temperature, then put into refrigerator for at least 2 hours until firm.
Cut into squares and serve.
Disfruta!
Deborah McCoy is the one-time author of mainstream, bridal-reference books who has turned her attention to food, particularly sweets, desserts and fruits. She is the founder of CakeChatter™ on FaceBook and X (Twitter), and the author of four baking books for “Dough Punchers” via CakeChatter (available @amazon.com). She is also the president of The American Academy of Wedding Professionals™ (aa-wp.com).
Former President Zedillo is remembered for the 1995 Mexican bank bailout following the 1994 devaluation of the peso against the US dollar. (Daniel Augusto/Cuartoscuro)
Mexico is witnessing an unprecedented public political clash between a former president and the country’s current leader.
The dispute began after the magazine Letras Libres published an essay by former president Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León (1994-2000) titled “Mexico: From Democracy to Tyranny.” In the piece, Zedillo delivered a scathing critique of the policies of the governing party, Morena, which sparked a public debate between President Claudia Sheinbaum and Zedillo himself.
In a letter published April 27 in Letras Libres, former president Ernesto Zedillo accused Morena and President Sheinbaum of having “assassinated” Mexico’s “young democracy.” (Wikimedia Commons)
Since the piece was published, Zedillo, who for years had refrained from publicly commenting on the nation’s political course, has published three more letters in response to Sheinbaum’s statements.
What did Zedillo’s first essay say?
In his first essay, Zedillo gives a brief review of Mexico’s troubled transition to democracy and accuses the Morena party — founded by Sheinbaum’s predecessor Andrés Manuel López Obrador — of steering the country back to authoritarian rule.
“Having come to power thanks to the democracy that we Mexicans achieved after many struggles, López Obrador and his party have worked hard — and have made great progress —to destroy it,” Zedillo wrote.
He singled out the judicial reform proposed by former president López Obrador last year and championed by Sheinbaum, which instituted the popular election of judicial officials, including judges, magistrates and ministers of Mexico’s Supreme Court (SCJN).
“No truly democratic country elects its judges this way. That’s something dictators only invent to control the judiciary,” Zedillo stated, while adding that Morena is seeking to impose a “regime” to make “arbitrary and abusive” decisions according to its own political interests.
The disappearance of autonomous institutions like the National Institute of Transparency and Access to Information (INAI) and the militarization of public security are indicators of an “autocratic and tyrannical” government, Zedillo continued, before accusing Morena and Sheinbaum of having “assassinated” Mexico’s “young democracy.”
What did Sheinbaum say back?
Following these accusations, Sheinbaum fired back.
“Now it turns out Zedillo is the champion of democracy,” she stated during her morning press conference on April 28.
Sheinbaum se lanza contra Zedillo: "ahora resulta que es el paladín de la democracia"
Sheinbaum questioned Zedillo’s role in the 1995 bank bailout known as Fobaproa, suggesting that he and those close to him benefited at the expense of millions of indebted and bankrupt Mexicans.
“It was a scam to the nation,” she said.
The Fobaproa is a contingency fund created in 1990 during the government of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari, and utilized by Zedillo in 1995 in response to one of Mexico’s most severe economic crises. Activating the Fobaproa resulted in the government acquiring bank debt for 552.3 billion pesos (US $28 billion).
Sheinbaum added that Zedillo’s sudden public opinion on the judicial reform shows a lack of credibility the likes of other opposition spokesmen such as Ricardo Anaya, Alito Moreno or Enrique Krauze (founder of Letras Libres).
“They’re saying [the judicial reform] is ‘authoritarianism’ because the people are going to elect the judiciary,” Sheinbaum said during her April 28 press conference. “Imagine the contradiction. Isn’t a government run by the people a democracy?”
What happened next?
Following Sheinbaum’s statements, Zedillo published a second letter proposing the appointment of “an independent, international auditor without any potential conflict of interest” to “evaluate a series of projects initiated by the López Obrador government.” He recalled that during his government, an independent international auditor evaluated the bank bailout.
In turn, Sheinbaum escalated the clash with accusations of links to organized crime between the former president and his wife. The president referred to a reported phone call between a woman, allegedly Nilda Patricia Velasco, Zedillo’s wife, and a member of the now-defunct Colima Cartel, calling for an investigation into potential cartel ties.
Morena senators have since announced plans to create a special commission to review Zedillo’s financial dealings, particularly with regard to Fobaproa. According to the group, the federal Financial Intelligence Unit (UIF) has reported irregularities in the audits of Fobaproa, as well as the discovery of secret accounts.
Zedillo fired back with yet another letter, accusing Sheinbaum of ignoring his claims and resorting to personal attacks as a way to distract Mexicans from the serious threats to democracy of her government. In a Sunday interview for Ciberdiálogos with León Krauze, Zedillo doubled down, arguing that Morena’s so-called fourth transformation means “a transformation from democracy into tyranny.”
In a country of ancient culinary artistry, will Mexico City remain immune to the Chipotle fever? (Proshob/Wikimedia Commons)
The Chipotle fever is real. Founded in 1993 in Denver, Colorado, the brand quickly gained recognition across the United States for its “classically-cooked real food,” (at least according to the company’s current Chief Business Development Officer, Nate Lawton.) And how could they not? Chipotle Mexican Grill is not Taco Bell. You don’t get the dreaded ‘taco shells’ — sacrilege to a Mexican native palate — ornon-spicy guacamole. It kind of tastes real.
Today a multinational chain, with stores from the United Kingdom to Kuwait, the company runs at least 3,700 locations worldwide, as per theirmost recent count. Now, the beloved U.S. grill is aiming to introduce the ‘Chipotle fever’ to Mexico.
The very first Chipotle store, near the University of Denver campus. (CW221/English Wikipedia / Wikimedia Commons)
Partnering with Alsea, the Mexican corporation that operates Burger King, Starbucks and other fast food brands, Chipotle is confident that “[Mexico’s] familiarity with our ingredients and affinity for fresh food make it an attractive growth market for our company,” as they wrote last week in astatement.
Scheduled for early 2026, the first store is thought to be opening in Mexico City. The company, however, has not yet revealed the official location. And yes, the announcement has created high expectations in Mexico. Even the newspaper El Economista recentlydescribed the brand as “[the restaurant] that reinvented Mexican food.”
Given that our cuisine is the product of thousands of years of Prehispanic heritage, merged with the Spanish influence in the Colonial era, this might come as a little bit of a stretch.
Are Mexicans really crazy for Chipotle Mexican Grill?
Chipotle Mexican Grill is not Mexican at all. It is a Mexican-inspired restaurant. And we, Mexicans, take great pride in our street food. Lawton was right when herecently said that Mexico has “affinity for fresh food”. We love our freshly prepared salsa and recently handmade tortillas. When we think of having tacos — or burritos, in the northern states — we certainly do not think of dining at a grill.
On the contrary, we think of more accessible alternatives. Even before the UNESCO included our cuisine in theList of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2010, we already held carnes asadas in the north, and continued to visit our maestros parrilleros, with their regional particularities. They are often budget-friendly, fresh and close to our palates.
Will Chipotle Mexican Grill choose a high-end location for its first store in Mexico? (Juan Carlos Fonseca Mata/Wikimedia Commons )
Why, then, does a fast food company from the U.S. create such expectations in the Mexican market? My guess is that we are curious: as curious as we were about the opening of the first Shake Shack, back in 2019. People were eager to see what they had to offer. When we realized aburger was over 250 pesos, the idea of dining at Shake Shack became a lot less interesting. A similar phenomenon was seen with Wendy’s and Tim Hortons, that simply went out of fashion — and business, in the case of Wendy’s — when the novelty wore off.
It is interesting, though, that restaurants that are regarded as not-so-pricey options in the U.S. choose high-end locations in the main cities in Mexico. To this day, Shake Shack has stores in Reforma Avenue, Santa Fe and other A+ neighborhoods. It’s hard to imagine local people in Mexico City getting in their cars and driving through traffic with the sole intention of going to Chipotle Mexican Grill, honestly. I simply can’t picture a family driving all the way toSanta Fe regularly to have a burrito bowl.
“Chipotle is committed to making its food more accessible to everyone,” the company announced in a recent press release. Even though this might be true, will the Chipotle’s prices be comparable to those of local market stalls or trusted street puestos? Will they offer the freshness of the meat of the day, which we appreciate in Mexico from our maestros parrilleros? Hardly.
Andrea Fischer contributes to the features desk at Mexico News Daily. She has edited and written for National Geographic en Español and Muy Interesante México, and continues to be an advocate for anything that screams science. Or yoga. Or both.
Life in Puerto Vallarta is often one big party, but May takes it to the next level, with tons of Pride related events. (algobonito/Shutterstock)
May in Puerto Vallarta is heating up — not just with that looming summer humidity, but with a calendar packed full of art exhibitions, cultural festivals and LGBTQ+ Pride events.
Whether you’re a local or a visitor, there’s no shortage of things to do in Mexico’s Pacific playground this month. Here’s your go-to guide for what’s happening in Puerto Vallarta this May.
‘Impressions’ by Joaquin Bolivar Thomas
Don’t miss “Impressions,” a solo exhibition of collagraph prints by Cuban-born artist Joaquin Bolivar Thomas at Art VallARTa. The show opens with a reception on May 9, offering a chance to meet the artist and experience his textured, emotive works.
Date: May 9 through June 28 Location: Art VallARTa, Pilitas 213, Zona Romántica, Amapas Cost: Entry is free
Tijuana-based superstars Grupo Firme, who in 2022 packed Mexico City’s Zócalo with record crowds, are one of the headliners at Festival Fiestas de Mayo Puerto Vallarta, which runs May 16-June 1. (Cuartoscuro)
Festival Fiestas de Mayo Puerto Vallarta
One of Puerto Vallarta’s biggest annual celebrations is back. Fiestas de Mayo brings top acts from the regional Mexican music scene to the Explanada Vallarta Arena. Expect carnival rides, craft vendors, sporting events and food stalls featuring classic Jalisco fare; think tacos al pastor, birria, tejuino and tequila. Touring Mexican superstars Grupo Firme are among the headliners.
Date: May 16 through June 1 Location: Explanada Vallarta Arena, Av. México 639 Cost: Ticket prices vary by concert
Date: May 17 at 6 p.m. Location: Starting at Municipal Stadium Cost: Free
(Red Diversidad/Twitter)
Vallarta Pride 2025
Puerto Vallarta’s world-renowned LGBTQ+ Pride celebration returns with the theme “Revolution: The Future Has No Gender.” Events will include the vibrant Pride Parade, pool parties, drag performances, beachside celebrations and more. More details coming here soon.
Date: May 17 through 25 Location: Various locations throughout Puerto Vallarta Cost: Varies by event
Part of Vallarta Pride 2025’s festivities, the Red Gala will feature a showing of “Happy Together,” the acclaimed 1997 film about a couple taking a vacation in Argentina. (Seewoo Film Company)
Red Gala
Held at the chic Almar Resort, the Red Gala is a stylish evening of film, fashion and philanthropy. The night includes a screening of Happy Together, a red-themed dress code and honors for HIV/AIDS awareness activists.
Date: May 18 Location: Almar Resort, Amapas 380, Zona Romántica Cost: Donations start at 100 pesos
(Radoslaw Lecyk/Shutterstock)
PV Pride Pet Parade
Because Pride is better with pets. Dress your dog in their most fabulous outfit and head to Parque Lázaro Cárdenas for live music, raffles and a costume contest. Local pet businesses will be showcasing their products, too.
Date: May 19 Location: Parque Lázaro Cárdenas Cost: Free
(pvlesbianpride/Instagram)
Puerto Vallarta Lesbian Pride 2025
This five-day celebration for LGBTQ+ women offers everything from beach parties and themed mixers to community events at the all-inclusive Hilton Vallarta Riviera Resort.
Date: May 21–26 Location: Hilton Vallarta Riviera Resort Cost: VIP Packages sold out, but public events are still open for registration.
(Bearidise)
Bear Pride 2025
Bearadise® Bear Pride returns with signature events like the Bearwatch Beach Party at Las Caletitas, pool parties and a Pride Parade party bus. It’s a celebration of body positivity, brotherhood and burl.
Date: May 21 through 25 Location: Various, including Las Caletitas and the Parade route Cost: Varies by event; party bus is limited to 30 spots
(CurielXperience)
Jungle Jiggle Party
Adventure meets Pride in this jungle bash hosted by CurielXperience. Hike to a waterfall, dance under the trees, sip margaritas from the open bar and chow down at the taco bar— all while zip-lining and playing wild party games.
Date: May 21 Location: El Nogalito Eco Adventure (meet at Parque Lázaro Cárdenas) Cost: 2,500 pesos; includes transport, drinks and food
By early March of this year, Mexico had received nearly 20,000 deportees from the United States since President Donald Trump returned to office, nearly 80% of whom were Mexican citizens. President Claudia Sheinbaum shared the figures in March, noting that 15,611 of deportees were Mexican nationals.
While deportation numbers rise and fall depending on who is in power in Washington, mass removals to Mexico are not new. They trace back nearly a century to the 1930s Mexican Repatriation, when hundreds of thousands of people of Mexican descent — many of them U.S. citizens — were forcibly expelled from the U.S. during the Great Depression.
A man deported from the U.S enters Mexico via the El Chaparral border entry point in Tijuana. (Omar Martínez Noyola/Cuartoscuro)
In this edition of My American Dream is in Mexico, we share Jackie’s story and the painful journey she endured behind bars before returning to the country her parents once left behind.
‘Learning English became a promise to myself’
Jackie first arrived in the United States at age five, living with her family in California before returning to Guadalajara. At 17, determined to reunite with loved ones and build a future, she crossed the border again without papers.
With little English but a lot of determination, Jackie enrolled in ESL classes at her local high school. Soon after, she moved to Nevada, got married and became pregnant with her first child. But the pregnancy brought unexpected challenges. She gave birth prematurely at six months and struggled to understand the doctors in the NICU, relying on the only Spanish interpreter at the hospital, who wasn’t always available.
“I remember thinking, how can my baby’s life depend on my laziness or my lack of speaking English?” she says. “I decided I had to learn.”
Ending up in a U.S. Newborn Intensive Care Unit giving birth prematurely with few English skills motivated Jackie to make a concerted effort to learn English. (For illustrative purposes only/Wikimedia Commons)
Jackie kept that promise. She learned English, built a life and eventually found work at Misty Phases, a maternal health company offering postpartum essentials. “I love my job,” she says. “I see myself in so many of the girls — nervous, unsure, wondering how things are going to turn out.”
‘Whatever I learn is mine forever’
Jackie made her first big career leap from dishwasher at a nursing home to leasing agent at an apartment complex. The change came not because she had the experience but because she convinced the owners to take a chance on her. She told them she was a fast learner; they’d only need to teach her once.
The memory of her experience with premature birth and struggling to communicate with doctors stayed with her as a constant push to keep learning.
“I realized that anything I learn, I carry with me. Whatever I can learn is mine forever,” she says.
Hungry to keep growing, Jackie turned to a local realtor who, as she puts it, was “kind of lazy.” That worked in her favor.
She offered to take on the tedious tasks he didn’t want to do, if he would teach her the skills. It was the early 2000s, when computers weren’t as common in every household, so learning to write reports on a computer felt like a major step. The realtor was hesitant at first, but Jackie made her case: Once she mastered the work, he could sit back and do even less.
By 2004, when the realtor quit, Jackie saw another opening and made her pitch. She asked the apartment owners to give her a shot at managing the property, arguing that she already knew the vendors and had the skills to do the job. They agreed to give her one month. That month turned into eight years.
But nearly a decade into the role, everything unraveled. The apartment changed ownership, and the new landlords discovered Jackie was undocumented. They let her go.
The loss of her job came just as Jackie made the painful decision to leave her abusive husband. But her freedom came at a devastating cost: He refused to let her take their two sons with her.
After she lost a hard-won job for eight years as a property manager, Jackie’s life began to unravel. She eventually ended up in a federal detention center and was ultimately deported. (ICE)
Determined to stay afloat, Jackie found work at another apartment complex, though the pay was less than half of what she’d earned before. To make ends meet, she started selling tennis shoes at swap meets and outdoor markets, piecing together a living however she could.
‘I wasn’t myself’
Around this time, Jackie began dating a man from Las Vegas who worked in Hawaii. She visited often and, at his request, signed the lease on an apartment there. What she didn’t know was that he was involved in drug trafficking. After a delivery was made to the apartment, Jackie was arrested. Her name on the lease was enough to send her to jail.
She was sentenced to 16 months for attempting to possess drugs, but her legal troubles were only beginning. Following her lawyer’s advice, she pleaded guilty while her immigration attorney filed an asylum claim on her behalf.
The timing couldn’t have been worse: just before the raid, Jackie had suffered a miscarriage. She arrived at the federal detention center deep in postpartum depression.
“I wasn’t myself. I felt like I was just being given a tour of the prison when I got there,” she says. “The other inmates thought I’d done time before because I was so calm, but I was just depressed.”
The asylum process dragged on. Instead of 16 months, Jackie spent nearly three years behind bars. During that time, she witnessed the sexual abuse of her cellmate by a correctional officer, an experience that left her with PTSD and insomnia.
After two years in the Hawaii detention center, Jackie was transferred to a California jail to await the outcome of her case. But under President Donald Trump’s immigration policies, asylum seekers were required to wait outside the U.S.
Jackie’s petition was denied. In December 2019, she was deported to Mexico.
‘I didn’t need to be afraid to return home’
When she was finally deported to Mexico, she arrived carrying more fear than hope, convinced that returning to the country her parents had left behind would be another kind of punishment.
After Jackie was deported to Mexico, she returned to Guadalajara, where her bilingual skills landed her a job at a call center. (Carlos O. Flores/Shutterstock)
But once she was back, that fear began to fade.
“I probably left too young,” she says. “I didn’t realize how beautiful my country and culture are. I didn’t need to be afraid to return home.”
A few months after arriving in Guadalajara, Jackie found work at a call center. Most importantly, she reunited with her children after more than three years apart.
It was around this time that Jackie reconnected with Lizeth, a friend she had met years earlier in Nevada during her days as a property manager. Back in Mexico, Jackie proposed that Lizeth bring her on to help with her growing online store. Jackie was already doing similar work for StubHub through the call center, and she saw an opportunity to apply her skills in a new way.
Lizeth agreed, and five years later, Jackie has expanded her expertise into inventory management, customer service and e-commerce operations.
Today, Jackie’s sons are young adults in their early twenties. They visit her often in Guadalajara, and together they’ve traveled throughout Mexico, exploring the beaches and rediscovering the country she once feared returning to.
Jackie is now focused on nurturing her creative side, especially her love of photography. She wants to capture the rich, vibrant essence of Mexico — the warmth, the color, the life she has reclaimed.
“Mexico is not something to be afraid of,” she says. “It’s something to be proud of.”
Rocio is based in Mexico City and is the creator of CDMX iykyk, a newsletter designed to keep expats, digital nomads and the Mexican diaspora in the loop. The monthly dispatches feature top news, cultural highlights, upcoming CDMX events & local recommendations. For your dose of must-know news about Mexico,subscribe here.
Satire and politican cartoons have a long and glorious history in Mexico. (La Orquesta)
The political cartoon has left an indelible mark on the political satire of Mexico. Beginning in the 1820s, it became a powerful tool for political critique and social commentary. Deeply rooted in Mexico’s freedom of expression, by 1877, political cartoons had become an important part of Mexican politics and culture. Caricaturists used finely honed weapons — their drawing instruments and their talent — to provoke ridicule and induce laughter.
The roots of the political cartoon in Mexico
Mexico’s first ever political cartoon, “La Tiranía,” published in 1826. (El Iris)
The War of Independence saw the flowering of journalism in Mexico after a long period of colonial censorship, with dozens of pro-independence newspapers appearing in the first years of independence struggle. In the early independence period, publications took advantage of the newly-enshrined freedom of the press and kept up their activism, taking sides in the divide between centralists and federalists.
The stage was set. But the political cartoon would not have been possible without a specific technology: lithography, the printmaking technique invented in 1796. In September 1825, days after Mexico celebrated its first anniversary as a republic, Italian lithographers Claudio Linati and Gaspar Franchini arrived in Veracruz to set up the country’s first lithography press.
It was El Iris, the newspaper that Linati established in Mexico City, that published the first political cartoon ever printed in the country. “La Tiranía” (Tyranny), published in the April 15, 1826 issue of El Iris, shows a tyrant on a throne accompanied by a priest and a demon waving a bloody axe while another demon burns liberal newspapers of the time. In a sign of things to come for political cartoonists, El Iris ran for only 40 issues and Linati was forced to leave Mexico for his political agitation.
The Golden Age of the political cartoon
The political cartoon exploded as lithography became more widespread, and cartoonists weighed in on all sides of every major event of Mexico’s turbulent first decades, from the Mexican-American War to the Second Empire to the liberal Reform. It was the Porfiriato, however — the 34-year rule of President Porfirio Díaz — that ushered in one of the most productive periods in the history of Mexican cartooning.
When the weekly La Mosca appeared in 1877, it made its intent crystal clear with the headline: “Impertinent newspaper with a sharp sting that will itch Porfirio and his people.” Díaz immediately shut them down. After this development, some cartoonists stopped signing their caricatures. In 1879 the popular weekly El Tranchete launched a sharp criticism of the Díaz regime, causing the newspaper to be suspended.
A Revolution-era cartoon, satirizing the fanfare over the arrival of Emiliano Zapata. (Art.com)
The weekly El Hijo del Ahuizote, founded in 1885, was a leader in political satire. In 1902, the paper was taken over by the brothers Enrique and Ricardo Flores Magón, who led it to play an important role in generating opposition to the Díaz government. The weekly’s strength was its ability to reach the country’s people with easy-to-understand, simple and direct language. As a result of their success, they expanded their readership, reaching the masses and strengthening the gestating Mexican Revolution. Eventually, the paper’s staff was persecuted and jailed by Díaz for the crime of offenses against public officials. The Díaz government also decided to imprison all of their collaborators in Mexico City’s notorious Belen prison, including typographers and lithographers.
Jesús Martinez Carreon, one of the most significant and combative cartoonists against the Díaz regime, collaborated with the weekly for ten years until it closed. He was one of several cartoonists imprisoned in Belen prison, where he contracted typhus and died in 1906. The Flores Magón brothers, unable to publish their writings, went into exile in the United States and would eventually stage several uprisings that played a role in inciting the Mexican Revolution in 1910.
José Guadalupe Posada changes cartooning
In 1908, the working-class-oriented paper El Diablito Rojo appeared to take El Hijo del Ahuizote’s place, featuring anti-Díaz cartoons by cartoonist José Guadalupe Posada. Posada, known as the pioneer of printmaking and the artist who created La Calavera Catrina, was a prolific illustrator and printmaker. La Catrina became symbolic of Mexican culture and the Day of the Dead. His satirical and politically charged illustrations were very recognizable due to the unmistakable signature cadavers that Posada used to satirize and criticize the politicians and public figures of the time.
The original print of La Calavera Catrina has an etching of a female skeletal figure wearing an elaborate French hat decorated with ostrich feathers but not wearing clothing. To the Mexican women, he seems to be saying “You have nothing but you are still wearing a fancy hat.” He is also criticizing Porfirio Díaz who was known for his French affectations – powdering his face white and donning European clothing. Posada often used skulls and cadavers to mock politicians and the upper class, sending a message of equality: For all your preening and prancing around, we are all equal when we die.
The 20th century is considered the Golden Age of the political cartoon, and satirical cartoons were critical to the success of the Mexican Revolution. Despite facing censorship and backlash, the cartoonists continued to challenge power and speak truth to those who hold that power. Political cartooning is built into Mexico’s history and continues its commitment to push for change by fostering social consciousness.
José Guadalupe Posada is perhaps Mexico’s most important political cartoonist. (José Guadalupe Posada)
Political cartooning continued following the end of the Mexican Revolution. Porfirio Díaz was exiled and Francisco Madero became president, but satirical cartoons were here to stay. The caricaturists even took swipes at the popular new president, poking fun at Madero’s belief in Spiritism and his insistence that he spoke with the spirits of the dead, including Benito Juárez. Political satire poked fun at every president that followed.
Political cartoons in the 21st century
Political cartooning continued to thrive in the last half of the 20th century and into the 21st, in print and digital formats. Among the best known living cartoonists — often called moneros — are José Hernández, Rafael “Rapé” Pineda and Rafael “El Fisgón” Barajas.
The political cartoon holds a special place in the hearts of Mexicans as a powerful instrument for social commentary and freedom of expression. This cultural tradition continues its mission today of challenging authority and encouraging dialogue and public discourse.
With a population of well under 10,000 at the time, the Baja California Peninsula was seen as easy pickings for anyone who was brave enough to try taking it. (Baja California Más Ancho Que Larga)
The age of the filibusteros was a brief one, historically speaking. But it certainly hasn’t been forgotten on the Baja California Peninsula — where between 1850 and 1900, men referred to as “filibusters” made no less than four attempts to take over what are today the states of Baja California and Baja California Sur, in addition to several more attempts on the Mexican state of Sonora.
Of course, this was illegal. But for that brief 50-year period, a few ambitious men felt capable of conquering a country or region. What led to this delusion?
Count Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon was the first of several 19th-century filibusters to try to take over parts of Mexico, resulting in his inglorious execution. (Public domain)
Several events inspired these small-scale wars. One was the example of Texas, which had achieved independence from Mexico through a settler revolt before becoming a U.S. state. Another was the Mexican-American War, in which Mexico lost over half its national territory, ceding all or parts of what are now nine U.S. states in the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.
Many of the filibusters were also men who had failed to get rich during the California Gold Rush and were looking for another opportunity to make their fortune. They had an economic motive, and in Manifest Destiny, they found their ideology.
They also had a shining practical example: Count Gaston Raoulx de Raousset-Boulbon, an impoverished French aristocrat who failed in the gold fields before trying to take over the state of Sonora.
It did not end well for the count, but filibusters nevertheless saw it as a blueprint for their own actions.
Raousset-Boulbon and the 300 would-be colonists
Count Raousset-Boulbon’s first attempt to conquer Sonora in 1852 had a promising start. First entering the state under the guise of a settlement project authorized by the federal government, the count and his men took Hermosillo after a short battle. However, he was soon defeated at Guaymas and fled. But two years later, he decided to try again, setting sail from San Francisco with 300 would-be French colonists aboard the schooner Belle.
These days, San José del Cabo is invaded only by tourists. (Art Walk San José)
Their first stop was San José del Cabo in what is now Baja California Sur, where they were quickly beaten back, ending any peninsular designs. Thus chastened, Raousset-Boulbon and his men proceeded to Guaymas, the town on the coast of southwest Sonora they had failed to conquer two years earlier. Again, things did not go as planned. The French forces ultimately surrendered, and Raousset-Boulbon was shot by a firing squad in August 1854.
William Walker and the Republic of Sonora
It’s hard to understand why William Walker, the most famous of the filibusters, would take Raousset-Boulbon’s failure in 1852 as an inspiration, but he did. Born in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1824, Walker was an educated man who practiced as a lawyer and a doctor. However, he was also a staunch pro-slavery advocate. He saw the Baja California Peninsula, once he conquered it, as another slave state that could be operated under the laws of the Code of Louisiana.
Walker’s ambition becomes perhaps more understandable considering that in 1851, the entire 760-mile peninsula had a population of only 7,000 people. Of course, he would have needed more than 45 men, the actual size of the army he had raised in San Francisco and sailed with in October 1853. But Walker was nothing if not optimistic.
His vision was for a Republic of Sonora that included the Baja California Peninsula and Sonora; in preparation, he had designed a flag and issued currency. After briefly landing at Cabo San Lucas, Walker and his small army proceeded to the capital, La Paz, where, surprising the locals, they seized both the outgoing and incoming jefes político, an office then equivalent to governor.
Emboldened, the filibusters looted the houses of better appearance and proclaimed their new slave state. However, opposition forces under two Mexican-American War veterans, Manuel Pineda and future general Manuel Márquez de León — the man for whom the city’s airport is now named — soon forced a retreat to Cabo San Lucas, where Walker and company were further harassed by local militia led by the legendary Ildefonso Green, remembered today with a street and neighborhood designation in the Land’s End city.
Thus repulsed, Walker and crew sailed to Ensenada, appropriating a ranch and receiving 150 reinforcements, a much-needed boost enabling them to hold off the local resistance for a few months before desertion and deaths led to the final retreat.
Famed filibuster William Walker wanted to turn the Baja California Peninsula into a pre-Civil War slave state.
“So ended the last battle of the Republic of Sonora,” wrote Irish-American poet James Jeffrey Roche in “By-Ways of War,” a 1901 history of the filibusters. “Four and thirty tattered, hungry, gaunt pedestrians, whimsically representing in their persons the president, cabinet, army and navy of Sonora, marched across the line and surrendered as prisoners of war to Major McKinstry, U.S.A., at San Diego, California.”
Walker was not discouraged by his defeat and next decided to conquer Nicaragua. That did not end well, either, although he succeeded briefly. Forced out of the country, he was ultimately executed for piracy and filibusterism by a Honduran firing squad in 1860.
A worse Napoleon in La Paz
By the mid-1850s, officials across the Baja California Peninsula were alert and ready for further filibustering expeditions.
Jean Napoleon Zerman, undoubtedly the lesser of the 19th-century Napoleons, sailed into the bay of La Paz in 1855 with three ships — two flying American flags, the other none — wearing a uniform of mismatched parts and a sombrero embellished with chicken feathers. Pablo L. Martínez, in his “Historia de Baja California,” notes that the would-be admiral’s letters contained “various absurd decrees, written in barbarous Spanish.”
Zerman claimed to have official backing from Juan Álvarez, the independence hero who had briefly been president of Mexico in 1855. However, locals did not accept this authorization, and Álvarez later denied giving it. Shots were fired, with one of Zerman’s men killed before his ships and weapons were confiscated. Was he really a filibuster? Zerman was Italian by birth, a veteran of the French navy, and 64 of his 65 men were foreigners. Also, his ships were outfitted with two cannons. But he was freed after two years of imprisonment and left the country unharmed.
This photo of General Manuel Marquez de León, who helped beat back filibustering attempts from William Walker and Jean Napoleon Zerman, hangs proudly in the Centro Cultural in Todos Santos. (Gobierno de Baja California Sur)
In that, he was fortunate. Two years later, former California senator Henry Crabb, who had tried to enlist with Walker, invaded Sonora with 100 men. After a six-day siege at Caborca, Crabb, like Raousset-Boulbon, was executed for his crimes, although only the Californian of the bunch had his head cut off and preserved in vinegar — or possibly mezcal; sources differ on this point.
San Diego newspaper editors try to take Baja with a ruse
The last and silliest of the 19th-century filibuster schemes was cooked up by San Diego newspapermen, including Walter Gifford Smith, editor of the San Diego Sun; B.A. Stephens, editor of the San Diego Informant; and Captain John F. Janes, who published the San Pedro Shipping Gazette. Funding, however, was courtesy of the English-owned Mexican Land and Colonization Company. The latter provided US $100,000 for the plot, thinking U.S. ownership of the Baja California Peninsula would send real estate prices soaring.
Like many modern-day Baja ventures, this was all about real estate. According to “The Filibusters of 1890,” edited by California historian Anna Marie Hager, the plan called for the local military to be overpowered, while presumably drunk, following a fandango at the Hotel Iturbide in Ensenada. This attack would be accomplished by filibusters arriving aboard the steamships Carlos Pacheco and Manuel Doblan, who could also help to capture the Mexican warship Democrata, which would inevitably arrive soon after.
However, the plan came to naught. Indeed, it was never even implemented after being leaked to the public by a rival newspaper. That was likely for the best for the plotters, and certainly so for the residents of the Baja California Peninsula. After half a century of takeover attempts, they’d had enough.
Chris Sands is the Cabo San Lucas local expert for the USA Today travel website 10 Best, writer of Fodor’s Los Cabos travel guidebook and a contributor to numerous websites and publications, including Tasting Table, Marriott Bonvoy Traveler, Forbes Travel Guide, Porthole Cruise, Cabo Living and Mexico News Daily. His specialty is travel-related content and lifestyle features focused on food, wine and golf.
Despite punishing hours and minimal pay, Mexico's service workers demonstrate a resilience and good humor that both humbles and inspires. (Canva)
One thing I really liked about the TV show “Downton Abbey” was the upstairs/downstairs aspect of it. It was a period show that, for once, didn’t only focus on the trials and tribulations of one rich family. It was just as much about the lives of the vast staff that ran the household — the workers whose long hours allowed the rich family to live the way they did with all their strict social expectations and habits.
Just think of the simple habit of changing for dinner, for example: first of all, you need someone to make your clothes. Someone also has to wash your clothes and ensure they’re both dry and pressed when you want to wear them. Someone has to ensure that your clothes are put up in a place you or your personal servant can find them. And for much of the fashion of the era, you need someone to help dress you.
In Mexico, are you the one who changes the toilet paper roll or does someone change it for you? (Jas Min/Unsplash)
As a U.S. citizen in Mexico, I am plainly part of the “upstairs” crowd. I don’t help people park their cars, and I don’t drive anyone in a taxi or shuttle. I don’t clean up after the partygoers have gone home, and I don’t hand people’s freshly washed and folded clothes back to them. I don’t ask people what I can get them from behind a stand at the market, and I don’t make sure there’s toilet paper in the café bathroom.
In short, I am always served, never the server.
My partner, however, is not. He grew up like many from smaller towns and cities here do: with a mother raising three kids on her own and a dad sending money home from grueling work in the United States. By Mexican standards, they lived well enough. By U.S. standards, it was basically poverty.
He did not go to restaurants, save on very special occasions. He didn’t even see a movie in a theater until he was nearly done with elementary school. Air conditioning was practically unheard of, even in his hot tropical town. He and his siblings took charge of keeping the house clean and the clothes washed.
And while all of them went on to college and secured stable, middle-class jobs, the luxuries afforded them have only meant very occasional “upstairs-living” experiences.
Mexico may have a reputation for a more relaxed way of life, but Mexicans work more than those of any other OECD nation. While there’s been talk of shortening the work week, which currently runs from Monday to Saturday for most, the realities of the low pay and increasingly higher costs of this economy render most proposals irrelevant.
Many Mexican workers may not see vacation as a valuable use of their time because every hour of pay is precious. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)
If you work in the vast informal sector, for example, those labor rules are not enforceable anyway. The formal sector, in the meantime, knows what’s up: if workers don’t want to abide by its punishing schedules, there’s a long line of other workers waiting for a job. If you need to feed and house your family, then you do what you have to do.
Mexico makes plain what many of us north of the border are unwilling to admit: hard work is tied only in the loosest of manners to material gain — with about a million caveats.
Being with my partner has allowed me to see the “downstairs” of the Mexican experience. While tourists might have a nice meal and then wander back to their hotel rooms, the workers who serve them often stay until 3 a.m. before heading back to their meager living quarters, which are often kilometers away.
The reason I’ve seen this so up-close lately is because of my partner’s current job managing a restaurant. Because the positions are so hard to fill, he frequently does the job of two to three people at once, operating the place he’s supposed to be supervising. He averages about 80 hours of work a week, often foregoing sleep and food. If things don’t improve soon, he’ll look for something else, but as people often say around here: es lo que hay. (It’s what’s available.)
Despite Mexico having labor laws to protect workers, they are often flouted by employers, with few — if any — consequences. (Louis Hansel/Unsplash)
I’m not writing this to make anyone feel bad for enjoying themselves in Mexico. A job is a job, and we’re all doing what we can to help and also try to relax once in a while. One of the things I recognize and feel proud of about my own culture, actually, is that most people are pretty fair-minded.
But having a front-row seat to these jobs has given me a different perspective. Most everyone is doing literally everything they can, for not a lot of monetary return. And despite that low return, they’re still mostly friendly and jovial.
My partner and the waiters sing along with the pay-by-the-song performers as they’re working. Whoever’s available to wash the dishes washes the dishes (sometimes that’s me). Even on holidays like Christmas and New Year’s, they’re there, usually for no extra pay (Christmas Day and New Year’s Day are the holidays, not the “Eves” that for those in the restaurant industry are just regular workdays).
Lots of things don’t work, nor are funds available to get them working. This is very hard for Americans, especially, to understand, I think, as we are very used to things working the way they’re supposed to. Here, however, most businesses are operating on the thinnest of margins. That’s what the owners always say, anyway.
When one of the many street hawkers I interact with — who surely keeps similarly punishing hours — hears me say “Gracias,” they respond anyway with “Okay, have a good day!” They make jokes: “These are stolen, but they’re genuine!”
Good humor certainly helps things along, but it’s no replacement for a life that lets you sleep and eat well. I often find myself wondering if workers here and on the other side of the border will ever see their conditions improve.
For now, neither place seems primed for a worker revolution despite the low probabilities of drastically improving one’s financial prospects.
There’s a song by the great Belgian singer Stromé about workers. The main chorus is, roughly — I don’t speak French — “We celebrate for the ones who can’t celebrate.”
So the next time you go out, perhaps you’ll raise a glass to those who are making your time out possible. It might not be the wage raise they need, but knowing they’re appreciated can still go a long way.
