Monday, September 22, 2025

Majority of Culiacán mass kidnapping victims have been released

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National Guard truck in Culiacán
The National Guard is continuing efforts to locate the eight people still missing following the kidnappings on Friday. (Cuartoscuro)

A total of 66 people were kidnapped in Culiacán, Sinaloa, on Friday and 58 of that number have returned to their homes, state authorities said Sunday.

Men, women and children were reportedly abducted on Friday by armed men who forced their way into their victims’ homes in various parts of Culiacán, a municipality that includes the state capital of the same name as well as rural and coastal areas.

State authorities initially said that 15 people were kidnapped, but that number was later revised to 66.

Public Security Minister Gerardo Mérida Sánchez said Sunday that a total of 58 people had returned to their homes, leaving just eight abductees — all adults — unaccounted for. He said that state authorities were working with their municipal and federal counterparts to locate the eight missing people.

The security minister didn’t say whether authorities had located and rescued the 58 people or whether they had returned to their homes on their own account after being released by their captors.

However, the El Financiero newspaper reported that the abductees were freed by their captors in various parts of Culiacán, and that “some were assisted to return to their homes, while others preferred to return on their own.”

Gerardo Mérida, security minister for Sinaloa
Public Security Minister Gerardo Mérida said he was hopeful that “someone” would file an official complaint in order to assist authorities investigating the kidnappings. (SSP Sinaloa/X)

Mérida said that none of the 58 people who have returned to their homes wanted to file an official complaint with authorities. He expressed confidence that “someone” would do so in due course and thus assist authorities to establish what happened on Friday.

There are limited details about the abductions, and it is unclear who perpetrated them and for what reason. Mérida on Friday attributed the abductions to “criminal groups,” but didn’t identify any by name.

Sinaloa is the home state and foremost stronghold of the Sinaloa Cartel, the powerful criminal organization formerly led by imprisoned drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán.

Two factions of the same cartel, one led by Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada García and another led by sons of Guzmán (Los Chapitos), have been engaged in a turf war in the state.

DEA Reward poster for Los Chapitos
Culiacán is a stronghold for the “Los Chapitos” faction of the Sinaloa Cartel. The U.S. DEA considers this group to be a primary target for fentanyl trafficking into the United States. (DEA)

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador suggested Monday that the abductions on Friday were related to the dispute between the competing factions.

Mérida on Sunday referred to the 66 people who went missing as “absentees” rather than abductees, and said that authorities had no “certainty” that kidnappings had in fact occurred.

For his part, Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya thanked federal authorities including the army and the National Guard for their “constant support” in the wake of the disappearances on Friday. Some 1,800 soldiers and National Guard members have participated in the search for the missing persons, according to López Obrador.

National Guard member in a truck with a gun
A large number of National Guard members and soldiers were deployed to the Culiacán area in response to the kidnappings on Friday. (Cuartoscuro)

In a post to the X social media platform, Rocha said that a search operation would continue until the eight remaining missing persons have been found. On Friday, the Morena party governor described the kidnappings as “things that unfortunately happen,” a remark seized on by Xóchitl Gálvez, presidential candidate for a three-party opposition alliance.

“I don’t think these are things that happen,” Gálvez said Saturday, asserting that the governor’s remark was an attempt to “normalize violence” and have people see the abduction of “seven families [including] wives and children” as “normal.”

Violence and insecurity will be a major issue in the contest to become Mexico’s next president. All three presidential candidates — Claudia Sheinbaum of the ruling Morena party, Jorgé Álvarez Máynez of the Citizens Movement party, and Gálvez of the Strength and Heart for Mexico coalition — endorsed a “Commitment for Peace” document drawn up by Mexico’s Roman Catholic leadership earlier this month.

The presidential election will take place June 2.

With reports from La Jornada, El Financiero and El País 

The week in photos from Mexico: Playa del Carmen to Tenejapa

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Dancers at the Teotenango archaeological site
Mar. 21: At the Teotenango archaeological site in México state, hundreds of visitors arrived to celebrate the spring equinox with ceremonial dances, offerings and cleanses. (CRISANTA ESPINOSA AGUILAR /CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Take a visual tour of Mexico — from pre-Columbian marriage ceremonies in Puebla to protesters in Playa del Carmen — with this selection of pictures from the week.

Mexico City

Ballerina Elisa Carrillo gives a mass ballet class in Mexico City
Mar. 17: Ballerina Elisa Carrillo Cabrera offered a free mass ballet class in the Zócalo as part of International Women’s Day events, in which over 5,000 participated. (GOBIERNO DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO /CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Acapulco, Guerrero

Crowds on a beach in Acapulco
Mar. 18: Tourists enjoyed the long weekend in Acapulco, where the government said hotel occupancy reached 81.6%. (CARLOS ALBERTO CARBAJAL/CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Mexico City

Mexico City Mayor Martí Batres on a merry go round
Mar. 20: Mexico City Mayor Martí Batres attended the inauguration of the new Parque Aztlán amusement park in Mexico City. (GOBIERNO DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO/CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Tenejapa, Chiapas

Women collecting coffee beans in jungle
Mar. 21: Women from the Yashanal community who have worked since they were young on coffee plantations and then decided to create their own collective. Chiapas is one of the biggest coffee-producing states in Mexico. (ISABEL MATEOS/CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Playa del Carmen, Quintana Roo

Protesters block a road in Playa del Carmen
Mar. 22: On World Water Day, environmentalists protested the Maya Train by blocking part of highway 307. (ELIZABETH RUIZ/CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Tepeyahualco, Puebla

A couple at a pre-Columbian wedding ceremony
Mar. 21: Nine couples married in a pre-Columbian ceremony at the Cantona archaeological site on the spring equinox. (MIREYA NOVO/CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Almoloya de Juárez, México State

An artisan works on a wooden figure of Judas
Mar. 22: Artisans spend over a month in the community of San Mateo Tlachichilpan preparing figurines for upcoming Easter traditions. (CRISANTA ESPINOSA AGUILAR /CUARTOSCURO.COM)

To cheese or not to cheese: What’s in a quesadilla?

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What makes a quesadilla a quesadilla? Apparently, Mexicans haven’t figured it out. (Unsplash)

If there’s one thing that sets Mexico City and its surroundings (including México state) apart from the rest of the country, it’s the never-ending debate about whether or not quesadillas should be filled with cheese.

Being from Guadalajara, I grew up eating quesadillas the only way I knew them: a tortilla folded in half and filled with melted cheese. 

Quesadillas are a product of the syncretism between pre-Hispanic cultures and their conquerors. (Wikimedia Commons)

Whether at a restaurant or taquería, asking for a quesadilla required no further explanation beyond the type of tortilla: corn or flour. 

But apparently, in Mexico City, you have to elaborate

When I first ordered a quesadilla at a taquería in the capital, I was bewildered when the waiter replied, “¿Con queso o sin queso?” meaning “With cheese or without cheese?” 

My brain kind of froze, and I didn’t know what to say. 

“Isn’t it obvious?” I thought, “The filling of the quesadilla is implied in its name!”

The waiter then interrupted my thoughts by enlisting an array of fillings, with or without cheese, for the quesadilla. 

A cheese hamburger, according to chilangos. (BuzzFeed)

To explain why many of us argue quesadillas should include cheese, let’s go back to basics. 

The origin of the word quesadilla

The term quesadilla combines two words: queso (cheese) and the suffix -illa. The latter, unlike popular belief, doesn’t derive from the word tortilla.

Quesadilla was used in Spain to refer to a pastry. The word is derived from quesada, a Spanish pastry containing cheese. The suffix illa indicates a diminutive form or a smaller version of the pastry, specifically a small cheesecake.

Thus, since quesadilla originally referred to a sweet dish that included cheese, it is reasonable to assume that Mexican quesadillas require a tortilla to be filled with cheese. 

However, the chilangos (from Mexico City) insist the cheese is optional.

An intensifying debate in social media

While the debate has existed for decades, social media has made it even more evident. As is typical with topics like these, there is an impressive array of memes circulating on social media, poking fun at the quarrel. 

A cheesecake, according to chilangos. (BuzzFeed)

The debate has even reached Mexican TV. 

In an episode of MasterChef México, two contestants were asked to prepare a quesadilla with mushrooms. 

The contestant from México state prepared a quesadilla without cheese stuffed only with mushrooms. The other chef, originally from northern Mexico, prepared a quesadilla with cheese and mushrooms. 

The debate over the quesadilla’s filling took up a good part of the program. Everyone except those from Mexico City and its surroundings argued that a quesadilla needs cheese. 

Neither the contestants nor the jury could reach an agreement. However, the jury (which one would assume were all from the Valley of Mexico) chose the quesadilla without cheese as the episode’s winning dish.  

What does the Royal Spanish Academy say?

Spain’s version of the Oxford English Dictionary, the Royal Spanish Academy (RAE) defines the Mexican quesadilla as a corn tortilla stuffed with cheese “or other ingredients.”

However, many consider the RAE to be wrong. 

In 2016, Ricardo Mendoza Blancas submitted a change.org petition, asking the RAE to modify its definition of the quesadilla to specify that tortillas should include cheese.

In an interview with the BBC, Mendoza said at the time that it was clear the name quesadilla indicated it had cheese in it, “and only one state out of 32 of the republic is in favor of it not containing cheese.” 

Thus, he said, “I have decided to launch this petition so that the RAE returns to the true meaning, and above all, logical concept of the word quesadilla.” 

Whether it was due to disagreement with his position or to a lack of publicity, the petition only got 81 votes. 

A map showing the places where the quesadilla does not include cheese. (BuzzFeed)

When did quesadillas stop having cheese? 

In his book Minutiae of the Language, language historian José G. Moreno de Alba points out the semantic shift — i.e., a change in a word’s meaning over time — that has unleashed this heated but friendly debate between Mexico City and the rest of the country. 

In his book, Moreno wrote, “While there are still cheese quesadillas in this capital, there are also all kinds of fillings: picadillo, huitlacoche, pumpkin flower, brains, potatoes, etc.” 

“Evidently, there has been a semantic shift, not at all uncommon in the language, in the meaning of the word quesadilla, which no longer necessarily designates something that contains cheese — as its name seems to indicate — but another type of filling,” Moreno explained. 

“The quesadilla has become a generic term for all cases in which a tortilla bends,” linguist Luis Fernando Lara added to the debate in 2016, in a video recorded for the Mexican Academy of Scientists and Artists, the Colegial Nacional.   

An obvious quesadilla, containing cheese. (Wikimedia Commons)

However, it is still unclear to me (and most Mexicans) what differentiates a quesadilla of pumpkin flower without cheese from a taco of pumpkin flower. 

I guess we’ll never know. 

Sincronizadas, gringas and beyond quesadillas 

If you thought the debate over the content of a quesadilla was difficult to understand, let me tell you, it doesn’t end there. 

Indeed, the quesadilla matter is complex. 

In Mexico’s northern and western states, two tortillas with cheese and ham in the middle are not quesadillas but sincronizadas. If the quesadilla has pork or beef instead of ham, it’s called a gringa. But if the meat and melted cheese are served on top of a toasted tortilla (like a tostada), it’s a volcán.

And if you move down to southern Mexico, a quesadilla more greatly resembles an empanada than a traditional corn tortilla quesadilla. 

Whatever the flavor or shape, these dishes, no matter what they’re called, only add up to the richness and diversity of our culture and cuisine. 

And while I feel incredibly proud of this assortment, I will forever defend the original notion of a quesadilla con queso.

Gabriela Solis is a Mexican lawyer turned full-time writer. She was born and raised in Guadalajara and covers business, culture, lifestyle and travel for Mexico News Daily. You can follow her lifestyle blog Dunas y Palmeras.

Why the bells of San Miguel de Allende ring for Mexico

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The sun sets behind San Miguel's Church of the Immaculate Conception
The sun sets behind San Miguel's Church of the Immaculate Conception. (Daniels Joffe/Unsplash)

When church bells ring in the Bajío region of Mexico, listeners may recall a pivotal moment in the country’s history. It was in the town of Dolores in Guanajuato, only 40 kilometers from San Miguel de Allende, that local priest Miguel Hidalgo ignited the flames of freedom with an act that still reverberates across the nation. In the quiet of the early hours on September 16, 1810, he rang the bells of his church to summon the townspeople in a fervent cry for liberty. The iconic Cry of Dolores galvanized the population to rise against the oppression of Spanish rule and heralded the Mexican War of Independence.

Captivated by the evocative tolling of the church bells that echo through San Miguel de Allende, I set out to unravel the mysteries behind their timing and purpose. My curiosity led me to seek guidance from the people most knowledgeable on the topic: the church staff entrusted with this melodic task.

San Miguel de Allende’s churches are more than just places of worship. (Chris Luengas/Unsplash)

Like in so many places around the world, church bells play a key role in San Miguel’s religious life, where their primary function is to announce religious services and call worshippers to prayer. This practice keeps the community connected to their faith, reminding everyone, amidst their daily activities, to pause and come together. 

While interviewing church staff, I became aware of the distinction between church bells and clocks. Despite their similarity, they emit distinctly different sounds. While clocks sound to mark the passage of time, church bells carry a deeper significance, summoning the community to gather for worship or celebration.

Bells also ring to mark significant moments in life. At the end of the marriage ceremony, they peal joyfully to celebrate the union of the newlyweds. Conversely, at the beginning of a funeral service, the bells toll in a slow and spaced-out tempo, solemnly honoring the departed.

Church bells are not rung in a uniform schedule across all parishes, as each has its own calendar. There are two types of church bells: those rung by pulling on a rope and those that are rotated and made to keep turning to create a melancholic sound, particularly used on somber occasions like the Day of the Dead and Holy Week. 

Each parish has its own schedule for bellringing, meaning the air is often filled with the sound of chimes. (Chris Luengas/Unsplash)

The Parroquia de San Miguel Arcángel, the city’s iconic main church — St. Michael is San Miguel de Allende’s patron saint — follows a precise and reverent bell-ringing schedule to signal its various religious services and events throughout the day. Like other churches, the bells start ringing 30 minutes before mass at 15-minute intervals, marking the countdown to the services held at 7 a.m., 8 a.m., noon and 8 p.m.

At the Templo de la Inmaculada Concepción, commonly known as Las Monjas, Sister Inés kindly agreed to answer my questions. Although the church’s tower holds four bells, she told me, only one is used to call worshippers to mass and is rung by pulling on a rope. Thirty minutes before mass, this bell chimes at 15-minute intervals. Ringing all four bells requires climbing to the tower and is only done on special occasions, such as the Feast of the Immaculate Conception on December 8; the feast of St. Beatrice of Silva, founder of the Order of the Immaculate Conception;  and when a new Sister takes her vows. The bell remains silent for the daily morning mass because the priest’s arrival time varies, so it is only used to announce the daily 7 p.m. mass, and the 11:30 a.m. Sunday mass. 

At the Parroquia de San Antonio de Padua, I interviewed Amado Rubio, the church’s young sacristan. He explained the bells ring following the same pattern as other churches: three calls at 15-minute intervals for the 8 a.m. and 8 p.m. masses. You can expect to hear loud tolling on and around June 13, the Feast of  St. Anthony of Padua, this church’s patron saint. The church’s bells peal to mark this holiday and then again on the following weekend to mark the start of one of San Miguel’s most cherished festivals. 

The Desfile de los Locos (Parade of the Crazies) is a lively and cherished tradition celebrated in San Miguel de Allende every year. Participants adorn themselves in elaborate costumes and masks, showcasing a spectrum of creativity from whimsical to humorous. The chimes of the Parroquia de San Antonio’s bells beckon the spirited participants, affectionately dubbed “locos,” to converge at its terrace. From there, they embark on a joyous procession, wildly dancing their way through the winding streets toward the city square known as the Jardín Allende.

As the church bells reverberate, I feel the contrast to the private messaging facilitated by digital devices. Church bells resonate throughout entire neighborhoods, fostering communal engagement and a sense of belonging. With each peal, I am reminded of the enduring legacy of faith and resilience that binds us together, transcending time and space.

Sandra Gancz Kahan is a Mexican writer and translator based in San Miguel de Allende who specializes in mental health and humanitarian aid. She believes in the power of language to foster compassion and understanding across cultures. She can be reached at: [email protected]

Bilingual laughs: The best Mexican memes of the week

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Time to laugh with the best memes while learning a little about the Mexican sense of humor.

It is time once again, my friends! If you love Mexican memes and you have a questionable sense of humor like I do, then you’ve come to the right place.

Seriously though. What better way to learn about Mexico and its humor than through the Spanish-language memes currently making the rounds? See below for some hearty laughs, complete with translations. Enjoy!

Meme translation: “The good thing is that you have your kitty so you won’t feel lonely.” “Safe distance, safe distance!!!” 

What does it meme? Well, here it is, folks: the reason I’m not really a cat person. (Why can’t they just let me love them?)

“Safe distance” doesn’t actually do the translation above justice. During the pandemic (oh, how distant it seems now!), the Mexican government came up with a character named “Susana Distancia” as a catchy way to illustrate and remind people (mostly kids) how far they should be standing from each other to lower the risk of transmission.

The name “Susana” is common, and also means something if you split it up: “su sana…” (your safe…” in English). Cute, right? It was also a great opportunity for those who, like that cat, didn’t love being in close proximity with others in the first place.

Meme translation: “My body is like a Catholic church. Filled with bread, wine, and sin.”

What does it meme? Cute, right? I imagine that this is something that would give most Mexicans (who are majority Catholic) a pretty good laugh. Especially now during the winter months, I’m heavy on the bread and wine – got to keep warm and keep up my reserves!

Meme translation: “What do you know about caresses if you’ve never traveled by metro?”

What does it meme? I’ll admit that this one is not new, but it’s one of my favorite ever so I just had to share it with you.

If you’ve ever traveled by metro on one of the more heavily traveled routes (especially during rush hour), you’ve probably, like me, stood staring in disbelief as more people than you thought possible packed themselves into a metro car. 

Don’t like people touching you? Too bad. Not only will you be squished in like sardines, you’ll have to fight your way both in and out. Godspeed! 

Meme translation: “When I see some chick graffitiing a monument that I peed on three days ago.”

What does it meme? It’s always during the annual women’s marches in Mexico that righteous indignation for the country’s symbols of patriotism swells like rainwater during a hurricane. 

Quite a lot of it is geared toward graffiti from the march – women writing feminist messages or symbols on highly visible monuments and buildings. It’s not very ladylike, and extremely unappreciated by those who would prefer the damitas stay home and wait patiently for their equal rights to show up. 

Do a side-by-side, though, and I don’t think you’d find much of a difference between women marching for their rights and the average male citizen when it comes to general respect for pristine public spaces.

Meme translation: “Men: not all men are like that.” “Men to their daughters: yes, all men, every single one of them.”

What does it meme? And speaking of feminism, a fair zinger, I’d say. 

When wondering about whether you really believe what you’re saying, a good question to ask yourself is this: Would I swear this to the person I most love if I knew they would take my words deeply to heart?

Meme translation: “Bro, how do I know if my Jordans are real or fake?” “Mm, look at the logo. Hold on, look…”

What does it meme? At least in the 20+ years that I’ve been here, Mexico has been a place where you can find counterfeit goods galore (the word that most people would use to describe a knockoff of something is “chafa”) – there are even certain markets that are famous for them.

I’d personally actually seek out those chafa sneakers above, and I’d be willing to be someone out there knew there’d be a market for them. (If any of you see them on sale anywhere, e-mail me? Thanks.)

Meme translation: “What is that?” “An insect.” “What kind?” “A green one.” “Right but what’s it called?” “Jonathan.”

What does it meme? Mexicans enjoy deadpan humor as much as the rest of us! Remember, if you’re not sure what something is called…you can always make up a name!

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sarahedevries.substack.com.

How Mexico can avoid the middle income trap: A perspective from our CEO

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Amazon Web Services
Amazon announced a US $5 billion investment in Mexico recently, which could be part of a trend towards increased productivity and more high-skill jobs. (Wikimedia Commons)

Is Mexico at risk of falling into the “middle income trap?”

Much has been written about this infamous trap in economics, which refers to the situation in which a middle-income country — which Mexico is becoming — can no longer compete internationally in standardized, labor-intensive goods because of wage increases, but also struggles to compete in higher value-added sectors, because of low productivity.

In short, this means a country is no longer poor, but not yet wealthy, and can get stuck — unable to advance economically. The danger of this is that a middle-income country can then fail to attract additional foreign direct investment into lower-skill industries, due to a relatively high cost of labor, yet lack the skilled labor and productivity to attract investment in other sectors.

Further complicating matters, a common solution to get out of the “trap” is a currency devaluation that, while lowering labor costs, can create many other problems.

The recent strengthening of the peso has put Mexico at risk of this dilemma, which I have written about previously. Mexico needs to evolve beyond relatively low-skill, basic manufacturing and service jobs to those that are of higher skill levels, and/or to increase productivity of existing jobs. This means more output from each worker, which tends to lead to increased wages, higher-skill work, and ultimately improved standards of living for workers.

But is this really happening in Mexico?

Part of what makes the country so fascinating to watch is that a transformation across multiple industrial sectors is taking place at the same time — right before our eyes. There is an industrialization boom taking place in the manufacturing sector, being led by the auto industry but there is also significant investment in aerospace, healthcare and other industries. There is a boom in the food and beverage industry, with exports hitting record highs across many products in that sector.

There is also an infrastructure boom, with investment and improvements pouring into airports, ports, highways, and trains. There is a tourism boom, with tourist spending hitting record highs across the country. These transformations are undeniably creating new and better jobs for many Mexicans, but are they improving productivity?

Mexico is receiving record amounts of foreign direct investment, with the vast majority continuing to be in the manufacturing sector. Perhaps of most interest, many of these investments are going into higher skill manufacturing in new technologies like electric vehicles, solar panel production and medical devices, which are industries that have more advanced technology, require higher skill levels and as a result will pay workers better wages.

The recent US $5 billion investment announcement from Amazon Web Services (AWS) into cloud computing infrastructure is especially promising. This investment, to be made in the center of the country in the state of Querétaro, will serve to boost Mexico’s digital transformation across many industries.

The investment from AWS is a game changer because it is an enabling technology, allowing companies to lower costs and improve productivity in their operations. In this sense, an investment like this can have a much larger, “multiplier” effect, given the impact it can have on many other companies.

Since 2017, AWS says that it has up-skilled over 400,000 Mexicans in digital technologies, and will train an additional 200,000 by 2026. An investment in infrastructure along with the training provided by AWS will allow businesses of all sizes to better leverage vital digital resources like cloud computing.

It is not easy for an emerging economy like Mexico to attract investment in both new technologies like electric vehicles and into enabling technologies like cloud computing.

The fact that Mexico has had significant investment announcements in both of these strategic areas is a very bullish sign for the country’s economy. These types of investments will help by providing higher-wage jobs, raising the standard of living of workers, and ultimately helping the government to have the resources it needs to invest in important areas such as education, health care and infrastructure for its citizens.

Travis Bembenek is the CEO of Mexico News Daily and has been living, working or playing in Mexico for over 27 years.

US and Mexico men’s soccer teams prepare for Nations League final

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Soccer player Edson Álvarez celebrates after scoring a goal.
Edson Álvarez celebrates a goal during Mexico's semifinal game against Panama. (Concacaf)

Get ready for March Madness, soccer style, as the Mexican men’s national team goes up against the United States in the final of the Concacaf Nations League on Sunday.

Mexico advanced with a 3-0 statement victory over Panama on Thursday night, just hours after the USA somehow turned a 1-0 deficit in the final seconds into a 3-1 overtime win over Jamaica in the first semifinal.

Sunday’s 7:15 p.m. championship match will take place at AT&T Stadium in Dallas, Texas, where supporters of El Tri — the team’s nickname because of the three colors of the Mexican flag utilized in its uniforms — are expected to be louder, more passionate and in greater numbers than the USA fans.

“Don’t expect the Stars and Stripes to feel at home,” wrote the Dallas Morning News.

El Tri averaged 52,337 fans per game in 15 games in the United States last year, whereas the U.S. men’s national team averaged 29,578 in 11 games on home turf.

The Mexico-Panama game in Dallas drew 40,926 fans, and a packed house of 80,000 on Sunday is possible.

Mexico's Edson Álvarez faces off against Christian Pulisic of the U.S.
Mexico’s Edson Álvarez faces off against Christian Pulisic of the U.S. in a 2023 game. (Concacaf)

What is the Nations League?

The Concacaf Nations League involves the 20 best national teams out of the 41 member nations in North America, Central America and the Caribbean.

Group-stage games began way back in September, although four top-rated teams (including the U.S. and Mexico) went straight to the quarterfinals.

Mexico was almost eliminated right there, losing 2-0 to Honduras in the first leg, then leading only 1-0 in the second leg at the end of 90 minutes. But a miracle goal by Edson Álvarez 11 minutes into injury time created a 2-2 aggregate score, and in penalty kicks, Mexico won 4-2 to advance.

Quiñónez and Álvarez huddle with other team members at Thursday's game against Panama.
Quiñones and Álvarez huddle with other team members at Thursday’s game against Panama. (Federación Mexicana de Fútbol)

The U.S. is two-time defending champion, and this year’s final is a rematch of 2021, when Mexico lost 3-2 in overtime.

The best six teams in this year’s tourney earn bids into this summer’s Copa América, an intense mini–World Cup for the Americas that could be a swan song for Argentine legend Lionel Messi.

Mexico vs. USA — and itself

After taking a 1-0 lead on naturalized citizen Julián Quiñones’ first goal for Mexico, El Tri cruised past Panama thanks to 38-year-old veteran goalkeeper Guillermo Ochoa and goals by Álvarez and Orbelín Pineda.

Now Mexico sets its sights on the U.S., and the pressure is on.

Mexico has no wins, four losses and two ties in its last six against the U.S., including a 3-0 thrashing in the 2023 Nations League semifinals.

A fan celebrates at Thursday's game against Panama.
A fan celebrates at Thursday’s game against Panama. (Federación Mexicana de Fútbol)

Mexico leads all-time with 36 wins, 17 draws and 23 losses, but the U.S. has an 18-8-9 edge since 2000.

Most betting outlets have installed the Americans, who come in 13th in the current FIFA world rankings, as Sunday’s favorite against Mexico, which is ranked No. 15.

Overall, what’s most important to Mexico is getting back on track after its 2022 Qatar debacle, when it failed to advance past the group stage for the first time in its last eight World Cup appearances.

Gerardo “Tata” Martino left as head coach after four tumultuous years, and then his replacement, Diego Cocca, was dismissed after only four months. Jaime Lozano took over last year — with perhaps brighter and more stable times ahead for El Tri.

Didn’t Mexico just shock the USA in soccer?

Less than a month ago, Mexico pulled off a 2-0 upset win over the United States in a Concacaf tournament — only it was the women’s team playing in the W Gold Cup.

But it was indeed a stunner: Mexico was No. 35 in the world rankings, the U.S. was No. 2, and Mexico had lost 41 of its previous 42 matches to Team USA.

Mexico went on to beat Uruguay 3-2 in the quarterfinals, but lost 3-0 to Brazil in the semifinals.

With reports from El Economista, La Jornada and Dallas Morning News

Mass kidnapping of at least 15 people reported in Culiacán, Sinaloa

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Governor of Sinaloa Rubén Rocha
Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya has said authorities are working to locate the people abducted from Culiacán on Friday, including children. Some reports indicate there could be as many as 41 victims. (Cuartoscuro)

Authorities in Sinaloa said that 15 people including several children were kidnapped in Culiacán on Friday, while several media outlets reported that the real number of abductees is 39 or higher.

State Public Security Minister Gerardo Mérida Sánchez said that 15 people, including as many as seven children, were abducted from their homes in the Sinaloa capital. He described the number of victims as a “preliminary” figure and explained that it came from 911 emergency operators.

Media outlets including Milenio, SDP Noticias and Animal Político reported that at least 39 people were kidnapped, while the El Universal newspaper put the figure at 41.

El Universal said that additional calls were made to emergency services from three Culiacán neighborhoods, and that based on the information received by operators, the total number of people abducted by “armed men” had increased to 41. Men, women and children from several families are reportedly among the victims. The motive for the kidnappings was unclear.

Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya said in a post to the X social media platform on Friday afternoon that the information in media reports was “still not confirmed.”

Since early Friday, authorities of all three levels of government have been working to “clarify the facts and rescue each person deprived of their freedom, if that was the case,” Rocha said.

A post from the news site Debate showing police in areas where abductions were reported

“In any case, the lives and safety of women, girls and boys must be sacred,” he added.

Mérida attributed the abduction to “criminal groups,” but didn’t identify any by name.

Milenio reported that abductions occurred at various addresses in Culiacán starting at around 4 a.m. Friday. The Reforma newspaper said that state police had visited houses where kidnappings occurred and found firearms, “disarray” and evidence that doors had been forced open.

El Universal reported that residents of the El Palmito neighborhood witnessed armed men entering an address and abducting a man, woman and three children who were put into pickup trucks. Similar events reportedly played out at several other addresses.

Culiacán garbage truck on fire
Immediately after the arrest of Ovidio Guzmán, son of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, presumed cartel members launched a series of armed attacks around Culiacán, and major travel routes around the state were blocked with burning vehicles. (Alma Fonseca / Cuartoscuro.com)

Mérida said there would be a “strong” response from authorities, while Rocha urged Culiacán residents to not be afraid.

“These are things that unfortunately happen,” the governor said, before declaring that in no way had authorities been “overwhelmed.”

Culiacán is a stronghold of the Sinaloa Cartel, the powerful criminal organization formerly led by imprisoned drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán.

The arrest in January 2023 of one of Guzmán’s sons, Ovidio, triggered a day of violence in Culiacán that left 29 people dead, while a wave of cartel attacks led authorities to take the decision to release the same suspect after he was captured in October 2019.

With reports from Reforma, El Universal and Milenio

US Treasury sanctions Sinaloa Cartel members for cellphone money laundering scheme

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The facade of a Smart Depot store
Smart Depot, a chain of cellphone stores with locations in Mazatlán, Culiacán and Quintana Roo, was implicated as part of a money laundering network. (U.S. Treasury)

The operators of a scheme in which the proceeds of illicit fentanyl sales are used to buy cellphones in the United States to supply a chain of stores in Mexico are among 15 Sinaloa Cartel members sanctioned by the Biden administration on Friday, U.S. authorities said.

Deputy Secretary of the U.S. Treasury Wally Adeyemo announced the sanctions against 15 alleged cartel members and six Mexico-based businesses in Phoenix, Arizona, where he declared that the “Biden Administration will continue to use every tool at our disposal to target the violent drug cartels that profit from deadly fentanyl sales in our country.”

The U.S. Department of the Treasury said in a statement that its Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) had sanctioned Mexico-based cellphone business Smart Depot and “several related actors, including brothers, Arturo D’Artagnan Marín Gonzalez and Porthos Marín Gonzalez.”

The Marín brothers and others are responsible for operating a “Black Market Peso Exchange (BMPE) scheme” for the Sinaloa Cartel, Treasury said.

“In coordination with Sinaloa Cartel fentanyl suppliers, the Marín brothers brokered fentanyl sales in the United States and used the proceeds of the illicit sales — which were in bulk U.S. dollars — to purchase cellphones from U.S. companies,” the statement said.

“After the phones were transported to Mexico, they were sold in Smart Depot stores located in Culiacán, Sinaloa; Mazatlán, Sinaloa; and Cancún, Quintana Roo — for Mexican pesos. As Smart Depot thrived and expanded, the Sinaloa Cartel traffickers received their illicit proceeds in their national currency,” the Treasury said.

Samsung cellphones
A 2020 photo shared on social media shows Samsung phones for sale at a Smart Depot store in Culiacán, Sinaloa. (Foursquare)

Among the other alleged Sinaloa Cartel members sanctioned on Friday are “fentanyl suppliers” Rolando Verduzco Castro and Jesús Manuel León Valdez, “who utilized the BMPE scheme run by the Marin brothers to launder their drug proceeds,” according to the U.S. authorities.

Léon “was previously an enforcer for Joaquin Guzman Loera (“El Chapo”)” and “now operates at the direction of Los Chapitos,” the Treasury said, referring to a Sinaloa Cartel cell controlled by sons of “El Chapo,” who is in prison in the United States.

“Based in Las Trancas, Tamazula, Durango, Jesús León oversees clandestine drug labs, producing both methamphetamine and fentanyl,” the statement added.

Four businesses established “using illicit drug proceeds and Smart Depot profits” were also sanctioned by OFAC.

Brothers Porthos and Arturo D'Artagnon Marín
Brothers Porthos and Arturo D’Artagnon allegedly launder money through a chain of cellphones stores call Smart Depot. (U.S. Treasury)

Sinaloa Cartel members affiliated with top cartel leader Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada García, and who also participated in the Marín brother’s BMPE scheme were also sanctioned on Friday, the Treasury said.

In addition, Jorge Alejandro García Velazco, identified as “a San Luis Río Colorado, Sonora-based associate of the Marin brothers” as well as his spouse, Mayra Gisel González Cordero, and his cellphone business, Celulandia, were also sanctioned.

“Similar to the Marín brothers, Jorge Garcia operates a BMPE scheme to launder drug proceeds for the Sinaloa Cartel. Assisted by Mayra González, Jorge García’s scheme involves Celulandia, which has two locations in San Luis Río Colorado,” Treasury said.

A chart showing all the sanctioned individuals and businesses can be viewed here. Treasury said that “several” of those designated on Friday are fugitives.

As a result of the sanctions imposed, “all property and interests in property of the designated persons that are in the United States or in the possession or control of U.S. persons must be blocked and reported to OFAC,” said the Department of the Treasury, which has sanctioned numerous other alleged members of Mexican cartels in recent times

“… Today’s action is part of a whole-of-government effort to counter the global threat posed by the trafficking of illicit drugs into the United States that is causing over 110,000 deaths of Americans annually, as well as countless more non-fatal overdoses and poisonings,” the department said.

Mexico News Daily 

Opinion: Impunity is the elephant in the room in the 2024 elections

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Protesters outside the Attorney General's Office in Toluca
Mexico's attempts to address human rights violations via mechanisms such as the Ayotzinapa truth commission and others have done little to reduce impunity, according to the author. (Cuartoscuro)

In the year 2024, Mexico will celebrate its fourth federal election process as an electoral democracy since the democratic transition of power from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) party to the competing National Action Party (PAN) in the year 2000, ending 70 years of authoritarian rule.

Not far into its democratic transition, instances of lethal violence and forced disappearance, among other types of violence, began to increase dramatically in Mexico.

Despite being, by all accounts, an electoral democracy, for the last 17 years Mexico has been undergoing what various human rights monitoring international bodies have characterized as a crisis of human rights violations and impunity.

What happens when something that is meant to be exceptional — a crisis — becomes a regular part of the daily operations of public institutions and, more significantly, the everyday lives of the country’s most vulnerable citizens: children, teenagers, women, journalists, human rights defenders and even local politicians?

The causal explanations that have been put forward to address the disconcerting twin reality that Mexico is a democracy and a very violent society are varied. We can find some common ground in at least four of them.

The first is “the tip of the sword:” the intensification, starting with President Felipe Calderón’s 2006-2012 term, of the deployment of military forces and militarized federal and state law enforcement agencies to tackle crime-related issues.

Next is the  “uncommon response:” the fact that organized criminal actors fought back with “bullets and bribes.”

The third explanation is the opportunity factor —  the increase in the availability of illegal weapons flowing from the United States to Mexico due to relaxed gun control policies in the northern neighbor, providing more and deadlier tools to fight these fights.

Lastly, violence can also be partly explained by the paradox of local democratization itself in fragile contexts, where increasing democratic competition has tended to destabilize collusive arrangements between the state and organized crime, leading to large-scale criminal violence.

Against this backdrop, Mexico is entering the 2024 national election process. Here, I want to highlight two approaches in projects stemming from the work of Justicia Transicional en México (JTMX), the think-and-do tank on impunity issues in the country that I have led for the last two years. 

The first approach takes place on the micro, or local, level. By partnering with the Guernica Centre for International Justice to document and trace trajectories of violence in parts of a specific state in the country — Nayarit —  for a relatively protracted period (2011-2021) we have gained a degree of, albeit superficial, understanding on how violence unfolds and operates in local realities

Put briefly, in many realms of the country, violence establishes the real rules of the game and the resort to it coalesces private, public and illegal interests. The exercise of citizens’ rights is heavily restricted in these terrains. That should concern us. 

Second, at the macro or national level, a recent study by JTMX explores institutions established since 2013 to address aspects related to impunity in gross violations of human rights.

These include national systems like the National Search Commission (CNB), established in 2017, and Executive Commission for Attention to Victims (CEAV), founded in 2013, as well as presidential commissions addressing specific situations, like the 2018 Ayotzinapa truth commission and the 2021 commission on human rights violations committed from 1965 to 1990, during Mexico’s “dirty war.” It goes without saying that these institutions are merely the culmination of claims from victims and movements seeking improved institutional tools to address their demands for redress. 

However, despite partial solutions and even with greater support from the federal government on some issues, such as addressing disappearances their promise has begun to fade, as exemplified by a questionable strategy to reduce reported disappearance numbers.The intertwining of impunity with the country’s political system raises questions about the commitment of the three presidential candidates to address impunity: the elephant in the room. This year will be key. And time is pressing.

This article was originally published by The Mexico Institute at the Wilson Center

Jorge Peniche Baqueiro is a specialist in issues related to combating impunity and transitional justice. He previously served as the Executive Director of “JT MX. Justicia Transicional en México” (JT MX), a think and do tank that, since 2019, has been providing technical support to local and grassroots processes seeking truth and justice for gross human rights violations across Mexico.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Mexico News Daily, its owner or its employees.