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‘Under the Boot:’ NGOs document human rights abuses by security forces against migrants

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A National Guardsman wrestles a migrant to the ground.
A National Guardsman wrestles a migrant to the ground.

Arbitrary detentions, excessive use of force and sexual violence are among the abuses committed against migrants by the armed forces and the National Guard, according to a new report by six non-governmental organizations.

The Bajo la Bota (Under the Boot) report by the Foundation for Justice and the Democratic Rule of Law and five other groups examines the militarization of migration policy in Mexico and compiles testimonies from scores of migrants.

“Mexico has opted for the implementation of a migration policy without a human rights focus, making use of the National Guard and other military forces as an apparatus of migration control even when this goes against migration regulations and international human rights law,” the report said. “… The National Guard members [carrying out] migration tasks don’t act as guarantors of rights but as agents of contention and deportation or even as generators of risks for migrants and their families,” it said.

As a result of interviews with 76 migrants from African, Latin American and Caribbean countries, the NGOs documented cases of arbitrary and illegal detentions, racial profiling, violence against women and the excessive use of force.

“I’m always very scared of the police and the National Guard – when we go to buy things, when we’re walking, at any time of day or night. It’s a fear of being taken to the [detention center]. They don’t care if you’re an asylum seeker, they don’t care if you have children and a wife. The National Guard doesn’t care about anything,” said a Haitian migrant in Tapachula, Chiapas, a hub for migrants who have crossed the border with Guatemala.

“Every time I walk I see the police arresting people. The police asked me for identification and took it from me. They said it wasn’t valid. They searched me, they touched my body,” said a migrant from Cameroon.

A Nicaraguan woman recalled being detained in Chiapas along with her three young children even though they had been granted humanitarian visas. National Guard members and National Immigration Institute (INM) agents subsequently took them to a town on the border with Guatemala and dumped them in the middle of the night with the expectation they would leave the country. They and other migrants were warned they would be sent to a detention center if they entered Mexico again.

“My children were crying. They were afraid that the guards were going to shoot us with the big guns they were carrying,” the woman said. “… They took us to Talismán and threw us out like rubbish.”

Organizations say militarized migration policy has heightened the risks for migrants.
The report says militarized migration policy has heightened the risks for migrants.

The report said the use of the National Guard to combat the flow of migrants through Mexico is “one of the main institutional legacies” of the pressure imposed by the administration of former United States president Donald Trump on Mexico. Mexico deployed troops to its southern and northern borders in 2019 after Trump threatened to impose blanket tariffs on Mexican exports to the U.S. if the Mexican government didn’t do more to stem migration.

The six NGOs, among which are also Sin Fronteras (Without Borders) and Derechos Humanos Integrales en Acción (Comprehensive Human Rights in Action), said the militarized migration policy pursued by the current government “has deepened the risk contexts for migrants and asylum seekers, … especially those who are more vulnerable due to reasons of gender, race and ethnicity.”

“In addition, it forces migrants to travel along clandestine routes, making them more vulnerable to different kinds of human rights violations and crimes such as enforced disappearances, kidnapping, extortion, human trafficking and corruption as well as racial and ethnic discrimination, extreme climate situations and accidents,” the report said.

Bajo la Bota also said that the National Guard makes arbitrary arrests based on racial profiling and harasses people of color. “Migrant women of African descent in Mexico are exposed at all times,” said a Haitian woman.

“We can’t hide, our skin color is visible, our skin color annoys the racists. The National Guard and the INM treat us like prostitutes, make rude gestures to us, follow us when we’re walking, follow us inside stores. In stores, … we have to walk with our hands up to show them we’re not stealing,” she said. “… We’re not human beings for them, we’re trash. … We walk on large avenues, never on small streets because … the police and troops could attack us.”

The report also documented abuses committed against women at detention centers, including a case of a Honduran woman who was detained in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua. Guardsmen “strip women, put their fingers in their vaginas or put a gun in them,” the woman said.

The report said that 44% of the abuses occurred in Chiapas, the main entry point for migrants, most of whom intend to travel to the United States. Citing data from January, it also said that over 28,000 soldiers, National Guard members and INM agents – including almost 14,000 guardsmen – were deployed to the southern and northern borders to stop migrants, a strategy that ensures that many never reach their desired destination.

Hundreds of thousands have been detained in recent years, with many deported to their countries of origin.

The NGOs made numerous recommendations to the federal government, among which were to withdraw military forces and the National Guard from migration control tasks and to stop detaining and effectively incarcerating migrants.

They also called on the government to terminate any policies or agreements with the U.S. government that violate the human rights of migrants and refugees. The international principle of non-refoulement – which prohibits returning a person to a country where their safety or life could be threatened – must be respected, the NGOs said.

Mexico News Daily 

Tulum’s new ‘boundary pushing’ museum may push too much for some

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Several major media outlets have done stories on the Azulik Tulum hotel and the innovative design of its new art museum, SFER IK.

Written about in the Financial Times, Vogue, Travel and Leisure and countless other media outlets, the Azulik Tulum hotel and its new art museum SFER IK have been called “boundary pushing” and an “international melee of creativity.” SFER IK’s creator himself is quoted as saying everything in the museum is “sustained by magic.”

The Instagrammable biophilic design has caught the attention of artists and influencers around the world who are now making the trek out to a previously unknown village 40 minutes west of Tulum for a glance at what some consider Mexico’s hottest new cultural attraction.

But does it live up to the hype?

Entering through a birth canal-like tunnel lined with curved bejuco (liana) wood, you come upon a wild-looking bridge, dappled with sunlight and overlooking the towering white domes that peek their heads up above the tree line of the Maya jungle. The entrance of the SFER IK Museum at the end of the bridge is a massive circle of glass, pivoting open to reveal an expansive room, with polished walls that wrap and undulate around the room’s interior, the color of the sky before it rains.

SFER IK was imagined as a space that would force people “to feel and play in the space before interacting with art,” according to project coordinator Fernanda Ordaz.

Vining pothos plants hang from the ceiling, draping from the various trees that have been left to grow within the museum’s rooms, holes left in the ceiling for their treetops. Pools glisten below and ethereal music plays in the speakers throughout this jungle gallery.

It’s truly stunning until you have to take your shoes off.

Then the idyllic setting transforms into a test of tolerance for sheer pain and you wonder if the architect might have a masochistic streak. Built in 2018, SFER IK was imagined as a space that would force people “to feel and play in the space before interacting with art,” I was told by Fernanda Ordaz, one of the project’s coordinators via email, “a different way of approaching the aesthetic experience, one that feels more connected because is more natural.”

I’m not sure how natural it felt to gouge my feet on the knotted and shellacked rope net above a drop of about five meters or to have my soles pinched ever so painfully as I walked across the wood slate bridge connecting one area of the museum with another. But after 45 minutes of walking across a floor made of bujeco vines, my feet felt like I had walked a pilgrimage barefoot for some promise made to the Virgin. I thought I went for art, but maybe I went for penance.

The museum is the brainchild of Eduardo Neira Sterkel, better known as “Roth,” who also designed and built Tulum’s Azulik hotel – another incredibly beautiful space with mixed reviews from its guests. Roth was out of town when I visited, and so apparently was anyone else with basic knowledge of the project since my guide, who had only been on site for two months, could answer very few of my questions.

In what has been called by some the “Mayan Guggenheim,” there are two current displays. MEXX by Japanese flower artist Azuma Makoto is an eight-meter giant sculpted from vines, concrete, fiberglass and living plants that attempts to observe how living art can integrate itself into the surrounding environment over time. My guide pointed to a few of the pothos plants that were draped over the sculpture as an expression of that integration, but when I asked if they had been placed there by the museum or had grown there naturally, she demurred.

The other piece was Every Tree is a Civilising Entity by Brazilian visual artist Ernesto Neto, a combination of woven fibers, stones and other natural materials that hovers over the room like a forest canopy from outer space. The piece is a continuation of what Neto has referred to as bringing “the voice of the forest” to the viewers of his work. This piece somehow felt perfectly suited for the upended indoor-outdoor narrative of the museum.

SFER IK has been hailed in many outlets as having no carbon footprint and being one with the surrounding nature, but there seemed to me some conspicuous incongruencies: while the area’s zapote trees were preserved during the building process and no machines were used in the construction, water was being continuously pumped into the museum’s dozens of low-lying pools, the pothos plants that decorated the walls and draped into the space are not endemic to the area and the tropical plants around the grounds were being watered by gardeners.  When I probed a little further for ecofriendly aspects to the project –  thinking I must have missed solar energy or water recycling or even composting – I was told just that the building materials used to make the structures were organic – an argument for concrete I’ve never heard before – and that they worked with the local Maya community on the construction.

The birth canal-like tunnel you use to enter the museum.

This “City of Arts,” as it is called by its residents, includes four workshops where architects, designers and a few locals – although the percentage of that last group was not forthcoming from my guide – make pieces for the museum’s restaurant and grounds as well as the Tulum Azulik hotel. The beauty of those decorative pieces was undeniable – the intricate macrame wall hangings, or the one-of-a-kind ceramic pieces used in the restaurant, but access to the workshops is limited to the folks who work there and is not open to the public. My guide told me that there were no artist residences, but it was later confirmed that they do host artists three or four times a year.

The restaurant of the museum, Jungle Cuisine, is just as lovely as the museum itself, with small, bubbling pools, more draping vines and bossa nova covers of pop songs playing over the loudspeaker. The cuisine is supposedly based around traditional ingredients and regional cooking techniques, but I’ll never know since I was also told that I couldn’t eat there. Turns out that even if you have traveled over an hour and the 25-odd tables are empty — and especially if you are a lowly reporter — you’ll need a reservation.

When, hot and sweaty, I suggested that I might then just have a drink before heading back to Tulum in the midday broil, I was handed a bottle of water and scooted out the door.

On the way back into Francisco Uh May, the small town where the museum is located, I asked my motorcycle taxi driver what the locals thought of the museum. He said they were content – it had brought some jobs and raised the value of everyone’s land around it. But had he or anyone he knew ever been inside the museum? I asked, No, was the reply. As far as community involvement, Ordaz says there is an art school for community kids that happens once a week, but no one mentioned that during my visit.

Aesthetically speaking, the hype surrounding the SFER IK Museum is understandable; there is no denying that its beauty and its limited art collection is visually stunning. But if you go to SFER IK looking for something more – an institution that’s integrated into the local community, an exemplar of ecoconscious luxury or a bastion of bohemian hospitality – I’m afraid you might be disappointed.

Lydia Carey is a freelance writer and translator based out of Mexico City. She has been published widely both online and in print, writing about Mexico for over a decade. She lives a double life as a local tour guide and is the author of Mexico City Streets: La Roma. Follow her urban adventures on Instagram and see more of her work at www.mexicocitystreets.com.

Monarch butterfly numbers were up 35% but still well under previous years

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monarch butterfly in Michoacan mexico
A monarch butterfly at the Monarch Butterfly Biosphere Reserve in Michoacán. Natalia Gurieva/Shutterstock

The number of monarch butterflies overwintering in Mexico increased 35% last winter, according to the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) and the National Commission of Natural Protected Areas (Conanp).

Monarchs, which migrate to Mexican annually from Canada and the United States, covered an area of 2.84 hectares in the pine and fir forests of México state and Michoacán in December, an increase of 0.74 hectares compared to the same month of 2020.

The WWF and Conanp said in a report that the increase was mainly due to repopulation efforts in the southern United States.

Jorge Rickards, general director of WWF México, said the increase was good news but highlighted that butterfly numbers were still well below those recorded three years ago.

“In 2018–19 the area the butterflies occupied to hibernate was 6.05 hectares, which indicates that we have to continue working to maintain this [upward] trend and strengthen the protection measures … [in] Mexico, the United States and Canada,” he told a press conference.

“Monarchs are important pollinators, and their migratory journey encourages reproduction … of flowering plants, which benefits other species … and contributes to the production of food for human consumption,” Rickards said.

The butterflies formed a total of 10 colonies in Mexico last winter, five in México state and five in Michoacán. Six were in the Monarch Butterfly Biosphere Reserve, an almost 60,000-hectare UNESCO World Heritage site that straddles the two states.

Some 186,000 people visited four different sanctuaries to observe the butterflies, Conanp said in a statement.

Environment Minister María Luisa Albores noted that a presidential decree ordering the elimination of glyphosate – a controversial herbicide – by 2024 will benefit the monarch butterflies that migrate annually to Mexico. The herbicide kills milkweed, the plant on which monarch butterflies lay their eggs, and the caterpillars eat milkweed leaves.

Illegal logging, a huge problem in Mexico, and climate change also pose a threat to monarch butterflies, which according to a Purépecha legend are the souls of dead children returning to their families.

With reports from Reforma 

Electricity commission’s customer arrears soared 28% to 71 billion pesos

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A man pays an electricity bill at a CFE machine.
A man pays an electricity bill at a CFE machine.

Electricity customers owed the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) a record high of almost 71 billion pesos (US $3.6 billion)  at the end of 2021, an increase of almost 28% in the space of two years.

Bad debts – bills still not paid 30 days after the payment cutoff date – totaled 70.97 billion pesos at the end of last year.

The figure is included in the CFE’s 2021 report, which was submitted to Congress earlier this month. It is almost 15.4 billion pesos, or 27.7%, higher than the bad debt total at the end of 2019.

Municipal, state and federal authorities are among the biggest debtors, according to the CFE report.

protest against CFE over cutoffs to well in Mexico state
Not even cutting off municipal wells in 2020, which provoked protests, persuaded Ecatepec, México state, to pay off its CFE debt.

According to the most recent data, the government of Ecatepec, México state, owes over 1.11 billion pesos to the utility, more than any other municipality. The next biggest municipal debtors are Acapulco, Guerrero; Ixtapaluca, México state; Texcoco, México state; and Chicoloapan, México state.

Household and commercial customers also owe large amounts of money to the state-owned utility.

The CFE noted that many customers in Tabasco, México state, Chiapas and Mexico City refuse to pay their bills as they continue to engage in civil resistance against the company.

A scheme in Tabasco that aimed to get electricity customers to start paying their bills by canceling their longstanding debt fell well short of its goal, according to data published late last year, with only one-third of the targeted customers signing up for the debt forgiveness program.

The increase in the value of unpaid bills has occurred despite the CFE seeking to encourage payment via a range of schemes.

The pace with which the utility’s bad debt has grown during the current government is much faster than that seen when former president Enrique Peña Nieto was in office between 2012 and 2018. During his entire six-year term, the company’s bad debt grew by only 7.7%, or just over 3.4 billion pesos.

With reports from El Universal 

Fuel theft on the rise again but the loss to Pemex is still a fraction of what it was

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Pemex pipeline explosion Nopala, Hidalgo
An explosion in Nopala, Hidalgo, in January caused by fuel theft from a Pemex pipeline.

The federal government has drastically reduced fuel theft since it took office in late 2018, but the crime still cost the state oil company Pemex a significant amount of money over the past three years and is now on the rise again.

Information obtained by the newspaper Milenio via freedom of information requests showed that fuel theft cost Pemex 2.46 billion pesos (US $123.6 million) between 2019 and 2021. The figure represents a loss of just under 2.25 million pesos (almost US $112,000) per day in the three-year period.

While the loss over the past three years is substantial, it is in fact a 98% decrease compared to that incurred by Pemex in the final three years of the government led by former president Enrique Peña Nieto. Pemex said in a 2019 report that fuel theft cost the company 147.2 billion pesos (US $7.4 billion at today’s exchange rate) between 2016 and 2018.

The huge decrease in losses emphasizes the vast size of the fuel theft problem inherited by the current government. While AMLO’s administration has succeeded in reducing its incidence compared to the final years of the Peña Nieto government, data shows that illegal taps on state-owned pipelines increased by 14.6% in the first quarter of this year compared to the same period in 2021.

former president Enrique Peña Nieto
Fuel theft cost Pemex 98% less in losses during AMLO’s administration than in the final three years of former President Enrique Peña Nieto’s. Government of Mexico

Authorities detected 3,199 taps between January and March, an increase of 409 compared to the first quarter of 2021.

Just over 45% of the total – 1,454 – were detected in Hidalgo, where an explosion on a tapped pipeline killed almost 140 people in 2019. Pipeline taps in the state increased 17% annually in the first quarter.

México state and Puebla ranked second and third, respectively, for pipeline taps in the first three months of the year with 477 in the former state and 267 in the latter.

Cuatepec de Hinojosa, a Hidalgo municipality on that state’s border with Puebla, is currently Mexico’s fuel theft capital with more taps detected there than in any other municipality.

Despite the recent increase in taps, Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez said Monday that the government is achieving “encouraging results” in its ongoing fight against fuel theft.

Speaking at President López Obrador’s morning press conference, she highlighted that 72,000 barrels of fuel were stolen every day when the government took office, while the figure for April was 6,700 barrels per day (bpd), a reduction of over 90%. The savings generated by the government’s military-led crackdown on fuel theft between December 2018 and April 2022 are estimated to be just over 206 billion pesos (US $10.4 billion), Rodríguez said.

She presented additional data that showed that the volume of fuel stolen has recently increased. The figure rose to 5,800 bpd in March from 4,500 bpd in February before jumping 15.5% in the space of a month to 6,700 bpd in April.

The International Crisis Group, an NGO, warned earlier this year that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine could make fuel theft more lucrative and prevalent in Mexico, but it was unclear whether the recent spike was related to that conflict.

Mexican soldier guarding gas pipelines in Hidalgo
A soldier in Hidalgo, part of a deployment of soldiers guarding 327 kilometers of pipelines across the state.

National Defense Minister Luis Cresencio Sandoval told López Obrador’s Monday press conference that the military is carrying out operations in rural and urban areas to detect illegal taps on pipelines.

“The deployment has been strengthened with a greater number of elements,” he said, adding that military aircraft support the efforts.

Sandoval also said that the military and the National Guard conduct operations to seize stolen fuel. Security forces check the documentation of tanker trucks traveling on the nation’s highways and carry out “administrative visits” to gas stations, he said.

The army chief explained that soldiers monitor the flow of fuel through the nation’s pipelines from Pemex headquarters in Mexico City to detect illegal taps and highlighted that the military has a coordinating center in Hidalgo.

The overarching aim, he said, is to strengthen the anti-fuel theft strategy in order to reduce the incidence of a crime that has once again begun to grow.

Almost 850 pipeline taps were detected and repaired over the past month while 761,000 liters of stolen fuel were recovered, data shows. In the same period, authorities seized 135 vehicles and six properties used by fuel thieves and detained 31 people.

With reports from Milenio

Health minister says neoliberalism to blame for increase in chronic illnesses

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Hugo Lopez-Gatell
Hugo López-Gatell at the 75th World Health Assembly's opening event on Sunday. He challenged the thinking that the private sector is more efficient than the public.Photos from Hugo López-Gatell/twitter

Neoliberalism has contributed to an increase in the prevalence of chronic diseases in Mexico and around the world, according to Deputy Health Minister Hugo López-Gatell.

The federal government defines Mexico’s neoliberal period as the 36 years between 1982 and 2018, the year President López Obrador took office.

Speaking at the World Health Organization’s 75th World Health Assembly in Switzerland on Tuesday, López-Gatell said that “another world is possible for health and peace,” but hindering its construction is a “structural barrier” in the form of an “economic system that has concentrated wealth, degraded our ecosystems and protected commercial interests over health interests.”

“Neoliberalism as a doctrine and a system has justified itself with the dogma that the private sector is invariably more efficient than the public sector,” he said.

Hugo Lopez Gatell at World Health Assembly 2022
Among other social ills, Gatell also blamed neoliberalism for job insecurity, degradation of ecosystems and food insecurity.

“… The negative effects of this model are enormous,” López-Gatell added, citing social inequality, job insecurity, degradation of ecosystems, the dismantling of welfare systems, food insecurity, an increase in violence and erosion of cultural wealth.

“The health of our people has consequently deteriorated,” the deputy minister said.

The government’s coronavirus czar said the COVID-19 pandemic has provided “three fundamental lessons,” the first of which was that the “enormous burden of chronic illnesses … resulting from the individual and collective lifestyles that neoliberalism creates a favorable atmosphere for, is the biggest risk factor associated with serious COVID.”

López-Gatell also said that the pandemic has highlighted the need to “close the enormous gaps of social and economic inequality” in order to have communities that are resistant to future health emergencies. In addition, it has shown that universal health care schemes are essential in order to guarantee social wellbeing, he said.

Hugo Lopez Gatell at WHA 2022
López-Gatell also participated in a WHA forum on obesity, organized by World Obesity, a global NGO. World Obesity

“Improving health doesn’t depend as much on personal decisions as it does on modifying structural factors. We must generate conditions and capacities to mobilize and empower communities [and] manage natural resources for their benefit,” López-Gatell said.

In a five-minute address, the deputy minister also railed against multinational companies that produce processed food and beverages, which he described as the “driving force” behind chronic diseases. He has previously described sugary drinks as “bottled poison.”

López-Gatell also told the WHO event that “we need to fight resolutely against tobacco and alcohol addiction,” which he claimed is “induced and stimulated by an industry that systematically corrupts the efforts of regulation and control by governments.”

He accused tobacco and alcohol companies of using “tactics to recruit minors through new and emerging products like vaping devices and electronic cigarettes.”

The deputy minister’s attack on neoliberalism is in line with the rhetoric of López Obrador, who blames past neoliberal governments for all manner of problems plaguing Mexico today.

In 2020, the president claimed that the pandemic served as proof that the neoliberal economic model had failed. In a lengthy dispatch entitled Some lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic, he also blamed neoliberal governments for failing to respond over a period of decades to the widespread prevalence of health problems that make many people more susceptible to serious COVID-19 illness.

Later the same year a high-ranking agriculture official blamed neoliberalism for Mexico’s high levels of junk food consumption and resulting high levels of obesity.

“In summary, we can say that the neoliberal model imposed food imperialism, a colonization of our palates,” said Deputy Agriculture Minister Víctor Suárez Carrera.

With reports from El Universal 

10 killed, 5 seriously wounded in attack on hotel in Celaya, Guanajuato

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Emergency personnel at the scene of Monday's attack in Celaya.
Emergency personnel at the scene of Monday's attack in Celaya.

At least 10 people were killed in an armed attack on a hotel and two adjoining bars in Celaya, Guanajuato, Monday night.

According to authorities consulted by the newspaper Milenio, five people were seriously wounded in addition to the 10 fatalities.

Several other media outlets have reported 11 fatalities in the attack, which occurred at approximately 10:00 p.m.

Guanajuato authorities haven’t released any information about the violence, which was reportedly perpetrated by a group of 15 armed men.

They entered the Gala Hotel and began shooting for several minutes. They also used Molotov cocktails, according to one report, and the establishment was set on fire. At least some of the victims were women.

Local police and federal security forces attended the scene of the crime, where they found deceased and wounded people. No arrests were reported. Firefighters extinguished the blaze and paramedics transferred the wounded to hospital.

The newspaper El Sol de Bajío reported that the gunmen left a narco-message at the hotel.

It was a bloody day in Celaya Monday with at least 14 homicides, the newspaper El Financiero reported.

Guanajuato was the second most violent state in the first four months of the year with 993 homicides. It has been Mexico’s most violent state in recent years.

Among the criminal groups that operate in Guanajuato are the powerful Jalisco New Generation Cartel and the Santa Rosa de Lima Cartel, which began as a fuel theft gang before diversifying into other crimes.

With reports from Milenio, El Financiero, El Universal and El Sol de Bajío

Sahara dust cloud makes its annual debut

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Satellite imagery shows how air currents carry dust west from Africa.
Satellite imagery shows how air currents carry dust west from Africa.

The first dust cloud of the year from the Sahara Desert arrived in Mexico on Friday in the annual meteorological event known as the Saharan Air Layer, causing misty, reddish skies especially at sunrise and sunset.

Each year, upwards of 60 million tonnes of dust from arid areas in North Africa – made up of particles of iron, silicon, mercury and phosphorus, among other chemical elements – are dragged by wind currents 7,000 kilometers west to the Americas.

The cloud was expected to remain over the weekend, affecting the Yucatán Peninsula, some parts of the Gulf of Mexico and the northeast as well as parts of the United States.

The clouds are more common in July and August when there is little rain and intense winds in the region, but the mass of dust, which can cover an area similar in size to the United States, arrived early this year.

The National Disaster Prevention Center (Cenapred) said that the natural phenomenon is unlikely to present any health risks, but that people who are sensitive to the thicker air could experience some discomfort.

It added that people with chronic breathing problems, seniors, pregnant women and children should use face masks if dust arrives in large quantities and that people should wash their eyes with clean water if they feel they have been affected.

Conapred also said that if a large amount of dust arrives citizens should cover water sources such as wells and water tanks.

The World Meteorological Organization has previously warned that inhaling the dust can increase the probability of contracting a bacterial infection.

Meanwhile, the natural phenomena is beneficial for the environment: the dust acts as a natural fertilizer and has been found to play a key role in restoring minerals to depleted rain forest soils in South America’s Amazon basin. Studies also suggest that the dry air from the dust stifles the formation of storms and hurricanes.

However, research has shown that it may be harmful to coral reefs if it descends into the ocean before reaching land. One study found that the dust can trigger toxic algae blooms, also known as red tides, that have the capacity to kill large numbers of fish, shellfish, marine mammals and birds.

With reports from El Financiero

Three basic steps Mexico must take to start building an honest police force

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National Guard publicity photo Mexico
Publicity photo for National Guard's 'On Guard Against Corruption' anti-corruption campaign, encouraging citizens to report abuse of authority by officers. National Guard

Why can’t Mexico seem to punish anyone for crimes they commit?

Maybe because the people in charge of the functioning of the justice system either are criminals or enablers of criminals, which gives way to the same results.

This is the main question I have after reading about the appalling record of the newly formed National Guard — you remember, the federal law enforcement corps that was supposed to wipe corrupt police impunity off the face of the country?

As we can see, that is not what has happened. Most of them aren’t even certified to be in the National Guard (or doing any police work, for that matter) in the first place.

Which begs another question: how did they get in? Why is certification not a prerequisite for a uniform and a job?

My guess is that so few people want to do such a dangerous job that they’ll just let anyone in that shows up. And while the salary isn’t terrible at an average of 15,000 MXN plus benefits, it’s certainly not enough that I would want to risk my life to do it.

So to sum up: Guardsmen largely haven’t gone through any kind of proper training, and when they flat-out abuse the public they’re meant to serve and even their own institution – half of the complaints are for extortion, followed by abuse of authority, theft of National Guard assets, and general theft — they face no consequences for it.

With 988 probes launched since July 2019 and February 2022 (half of probes for extortion), a grand total of (drum roll, please…) two faced consequences!

That’s right; two ended in guilty verdicts.

¿Qué?

Our president, López Obrador, has made a big show since his entry into office of having “ended” corruption — and the National Guard, of course, is his darling. “I’m pleased because of the tranquility, the peace that is guaranteed in the capital of the republic” is his most recent comment denying the fact that there is not, in fact, guaranteed peace anywhere.

Indigenous communities especially remain unprotected. My God, people are asking narcos directly for help in finding their loved ones. That’s how little confidence the public has in Mexican security institutions.

What needs to happen for AMLO to recognize that there’s a problem? Recognition is of utmost importance: it’s impossible to find solutions to a non-problem.

To be clear, I’m not blaming the president for not ending violence and corruption in Mexico. What I am saying is that it’s irresponsible and counterproductive to go around crowing about the end of violence in Mexico when it’s clearly not true.

In doing so, he paints himself as either insincere or delusional and opaques the real accomplishments that have been achieved since he took office.

“There’s no more corruption.” The exception, of course, is when it comes from the “other side.” That’s corruption, says AMLO.

What is the other side, you may ask? Well, it seems that if an action is taken that he doesn’t approve of, the perpetrators are automatically “against the fourth transformation.” Convenient, right?

And just like López Obrador dragged scores of old, well-known corrupt politicians from other parties into his own government upon taking power, so have the various police forces around Mexico let in untrained, unvetted members.

What did anyone think would happen? It’s the usual suspects all around.

Might AMLO himself be an honest man in his own dealings? Maybe. Probably. But at this point, I don’t even care. If he can’t oblige government officials and those in charge of running our system of law and order to be honest and law-abiding, it simply doesn’t matter how good a person he is in private.

And constantly bragging about how corruption has been wiped away since he stepped into office is maddening to average citizens and particularly insulting to those who have first-hand, personal evidence that this assertion simply isn’t true.

But back to the National Guard, and police forces in general, who are essentially the first line of defense in terms of proving the president’s claims about violence and corruption.

Here are the problems to address:

  • Certified officers: I suspect that if these institutions started insisting on the CUP (Certificado Único Policial) for new and current officers, they’d quickly find themselves incredibly short on recruits. I tried researching how to obtain it, and there’s precious little real, helpful information online about how to actually go through the process. Can anything be done online? Do people need to travel to take the courses? Are there prerequisites? How long does training last? Can it be part-time so you can keep doing your current job? How difficult is it?
    Answers: absolutely no idea. So making sure all of this is clear and that anyone going into any of the armed forces can easily complete the process will help a lot.
  • Vetting: an acquaintance of mine had a job with the municipal police a few years ago. It was to interview police candidates and evaluate them psychologically to ensure they were apt for police work.
    The stories this acquaintance told were hair-raising: there would be men who admitted (proudly!) to rape and murder who would somehow magically be given a badge even after strong recommendations against their hiring (and for their arrests).
    The vetting process has got to be transparent. What is the point of letting actual criminals defend the law that they themselves have no respect for?
  • Salaries: A $15,000-peso salary isn’t terrible if you’re pushing papers in the safety of an office a few hours a day. But that’s not “please risk your life for your country” money. Higher salaries (like triple to quadruple higher to start) would dignify the job as it should be.

Surely, we can do better.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sdevrieswritingandtranslating.com and her Patreon page.

Homicides declined but extortion spiked in first four months of the year

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Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez.
Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez shared a security update on Monday.

Homicides declined 12.3% in the first four months of the year but extortion increased 22.6%, official data shows.

There were 9,895 homicides between January and April, 1,392 fewer than in the same period of 2021, according to information presented Monday by Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez.

It was the lowest murder count for the first four months of the year since President López Obrador took office.

Homicides declined 3.9% to 2,547 in April compared to 2,651 the previous month.

Michoacán, where the Jalisco New Generation Cartel is engaged in a fierce turf war with the Cárteles Unidos, was the most violent state in the first four months with 1,000 homicides.

Guanajuato was the second most violent with 993 murders followed by México state with 830; Baja California with 805; Jalisco with 642; and Sonora with 580. Almost half of all homicides in the first four months of the year occurred in the six most violent states.

Yucatán was the least violent state with 12 homicides between January and April. Campeche and Aguascalientes recorded 17 each while there were 19 murders in Baja California Sur.

Rodríguez also presented data that showed there were 3,555 reported cases of extortion between January and April, an increase of 655 compared to the same period of last year. There were 1,142 reports of that crime last month, a 21.2% increase compared to March.

México state recorded the highest number in the first four months with 1,391, or 39% of the total. A fruit and juice vendor in the municipality of Tlalnepantla was murdered earlier this month when he refused to make an extortion payment.

Veracruz recorded the second highest number of extortion cases with 264 followed by Nuevo León with 246; Guanajuato with 231; and Jalisco with 202.

Data also showed that offenses committed with firearms were up but drug trafficking, financial crimes, vehicle theft and home burglaries all declined.

With reports from Reforma and El Financiero