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Mexico greenlights 20 new renewable energy plants in push to transform the nation’s power grid

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Wind turbines in the Santa Catarina Wind Park near Monterrey, Nuevo León
Five of the newly announced projects are wind farms like this one in Monterrey, while the other 15 are solar farms. (Shutterstock)

Private companies will invest US $4.75 billion to build 20 renewable energy projects across 11 Mexican states, Energy Minister Luz Elena González announced Wednesday. To complement the private initiatives, the government is building or planning three more solar plants and investing nearly $2 billion in transmission infrastructure.

Speaking at President Claudia Sheinbaum’s morning press conference, González said that the 20 private projects — which were rapidly approved by the Energy Ministry (Sener) — will add 3,320 megawatts of electricity generation capacity and 1,488 megawatts of storage capacity.

Energy Minister Luz Elena González
Energy Minister Luz Elena González announced plans for 20 new solar plants and wind farms on Wednesday. (Juan Carlos Buenrostro / Presidencia)

Fifteen of the 20 projects are solar power plants (2,471 MW), while the other five are wind farms (849 MW).

González said that the projects were proposed by private companies in response to Sener’s call for solar and wind proposals in October. She said that a total of 98 proposals were submitted, of which 20 were given the green light.

González didn’t name the companies whose proposed projects were approved.

She said the 20 projects “represent an investment of US $4.752 billion” or “around 90 billion pesos.”

González said that construction will commence “immediately” because land for the projects has been secured and permits have been issued.

She noted that the approval process was completed much more quickly than is usually the case, but asserted that “technical rigor” in the evaluation of the projects wasn’t sacrificed.

“It was an extremely careful and impartial process, aligned with [our] planning, that resulted in 20 projects in various regions of the country,” González said.

She said that the projects will be built in Campeche, Hidalgo, Yucatán, Guanajuato, Oaxaca, Tamaulipas, Quintana Roo, Puebla, Veracruz, Zacatecas and Querétaro.

Gónzalez said that the “vast majority” of the projects will commence operations in 2028, with the remainder to be ready either in 2027 or 2029.

A second call for proposals 

Via its call for proposals in October, the Energy Ministry was seeking to find private companies to build renewable projects that together would add around 6,000 additional megawatts of generation capacity.

Given that the 20 approved projects will only add just over half that amount, Sener will put out another call for proposals next month.

“On the instructions of the president we will be putting out a second call for proposals at the end of January because we believe it is possible to align in a transparent way the country’s [electricity] generation needs with the possibility of private investment,” Gónzalez said.

By law, the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) has a 54% share of electricity generation in Mexico, while private companies are limited to producing the remaining 46% of the country’s power supply.

CFE will invest $4.3 billion in 5 new power plants 

In a separate presentation at Sheinbaum’s Wednesday morning press conference, CFE general director Emilia Calleja Alor spoke about the state-owned company’s electricity generation projects.

She said that the CFE will invest US $4.32 billion to build five new combined cycle power plants. They are:

  • A $1.38 billion, 1,013-MW plant in Tula, Hidalgo.
  • An $804.8 million, 495-MW plant in Salamanca, Guanajuato.
  • An $804.2 million, 583-MW plant in Altamira, Tamaulipas.
  • An $856.6 million, 581-MW plant in Mazatlán, Sinaloa.
  • A $473.9 million, 240-MW plant in Los Cabos, Baja California Sur.

Calleja said that the projects, whose construction is set to begin next year, will provide “greater support to the national electricity system.”

A combined cycle power station in Valle Hermoso, Tamaulipas
Combined cycle power plants like this one in Valle Hermoso, Tamaulipas, typically use natural gas to generate electricity. Though the fuel is not renewable, combined cycle plants are significantly more efficient than conventional power stations. (Carlos Valenzuela CC BY-SA 4.0)

Together they will add 2,913 megawatts to Mexico’s electricity generation capacity.

Calleja explained that “in the majority of the cases” the new “generation units” will be built on properties where the CFE already has power plants.

“This will allow us to take advantage of already-installed infrastructure,” she said.

“… This will expedite development times and reduce technical risks, implementation times and costs,” the CFE chief said.

“… Together these projects respond to a real need of the electricity system and form part of the National Energy Plan, which anticipates the energy transition toward renewable sources,” Calleja said.

Additional investment in Puerto Peñasco solar plant 

Calleja also said that the CFE is investing $710 million in stages 3 and 4 of the Puerto Peñasco solar energy plant. She said that construction of the additional stages will add 580 MW of generation capacity, bringing the plant’s total capacity to 1,000 MW.

The CFE chief said that construction of the third stage will begin next week, and construction of the fourth stage will commence in February.

“With these stages, the CFE will complete the largest solar energy complex in Latin America, reaching a total capacity of 1,000 megawatts,” Calleja said.

“This complex will generate enough clean electricity to light up an entire city the size of Guadalajara or Mérida, or the state of Baja California. With this, we will also prevent more than 1 million tons of CO₂ emissions per year,” she said.

Solar panels at the plant in Puerto Peñasco
Once complete, the Puerto Peñasco solar plant will be the largest in Latin America, CFE director Emilia Calleja said. (Presidencia)

Calleja also presented two new solar energy projects that the CFE will build in the northern border state of Coahuila. A total of $826.2 million will be invested in the two projects, which will have a combined generation capacity of 556 MW.

Construction is scheduled to commence next year, with completion expected in 2028.

Calleja also spoke about 66 “priority” transmission projects, in which the CFE is planning to invest $1.9 billion between the final quarter of this year and the end of 2026.

‘Energy is needed for the development of the country’

Later in the press conference, Sheinbaum stressed that “energy is needed for the development of the country.”

“… Development requires electrical energy. It also requires other types of energy, like gas, for example, but it mainly needs electricity,” the president said.

“… So we’re guaranteeing sufficient electrical energy for the development of the country.”

Sheinbaum also noted that Plan México  — the government’s ambitious economic initiative — “needs energy.”

“If we want to produce more in Mexico, we need more energy. So this [investment] scheme allows us to guarantee that there is energy,” she said.

“… In addition to all this, … we’re investing in transmission lines because if you generate [electricity] how do you transmit the energy? How does it get from one place to another? Via the famous transmission lines,” Sheinbaum said.

With reports from El Financiero, El Universal and La Silla Rota

The Christmas gift that Puerto Vallarta gave me

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Puerto Vallarta
Puerto Vallarta's lights shine a little brighter at Christmas. (Visit Puerto Vallarta)

My first Christmas in Mexico was in 2021. I’d moved to Puerto Vallarta much earlier that year, and my expectations for the holiday came from Instagram and travel magazines. 

I imagined streets twinkling with impossibly bright lights strung from palm trees, children laughing over colorful piñatas, and parades filling the Malecón and Old Town with music and fireworks. 

Traditional dancing in Puerto Vallarta
You can find parades and traditional dancing in Puerto Vallarta during the holiday season. But there’s a quieter side, too. (Vallarta Adventures)

I wanted a local Christmas, and I pictured it as a cultural performance I could admire and photograph. What I found instead was something quieter, slower and far more alive than any staged spectacle. 

A local Christmas

The signs of the season revealed themselves gradually. I began seeing poinsettias spilling from windowsills and paper lanterns hanging along narrow streets. 

Daily life shifted without fanfare. I witnessed a posada, part of the nine-day tradition that re-enacts Mary and Joseph’s search for shelter. 

It was beautifully intimate. Families gathered in the streets, carrying candles and small statues of the Holy Family. They sang, prayed, and knocked on doors, moving from house to house in a procession that felt both solemn and joyful. 

At first, I lingered at the edge of the crowd, camera ready. But then someone invited me to join them. As I walked alongside neighbours I’d never met, I began to understand the significance of being part of something so full of care, community and tradition; something much larger than myself. I realised this wasn’t a performance at all. It was an act of communal devotion. 

Two doors down from me lived a family of three generations. I’d pictured Nochebuena, or Christmas Eve, as an elaborate public event, but this family spent the evening at home. They invited me to join them. 

‘A story told through hands and memory’

Nativity scene
Figures carefully placed in a nacimiento, or nativity scene. (Gobierno de Mexico)

I marvelled at the nacimiento, the nativity scene they were building. It began filling an entire room. Figures were being placed with care, and small hand-crafted details were added to reflect local life and history. 

All generations participated, sharing stories and laughter as they worked. The scene became a story told through hands and memory. 

Their food told its own story. I’d imagined elaborate, picture-perfect feasts meant to impress visitors. Instead, I found their kitchen alive with family warmth, the smell of corn masa, and the quiet concentration of hands rolling tamales. 

I watched them work together in a rhythm both practical and tender. Children spread masa on corn husks while parents and grandparents folded them with practised precision. Their conversations flowed as easily as the warm ponche they sipped from small bowls. 

We sat down for dinner late at night. The table was overflowing, candles flickering, and carols rising softly. Gifts were exchanged quietly. 

The tamales they shared with me were delicious, but what stayed with me was the intimacy of their preparation. Each dish embodied memory and shared history. This wasn’t food made to be admired; it was food made with love. 

‘An expression of generosity and community pride’

Parroquia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe in Puerto Vallarta
The Parroquia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe is iconic in its beauty. (Visit Puerto Vallarta)

We went to Mass in the Parroquia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe. Iconic in its beauty, it overflowed with worshippers that night. The air smelled of incense, and the voices of the congregation rose in unison. 

It was profoundly moving. I felt the weight of centuries of devotion in every note and every whispered prayer. 

Everywhere I walked that Christmas season, the streets glowed. Houses were strung with flickering lights, and songs echoed from plazas. 

To an outsider, it might seem like a show for maximum effect. But for locals, it was an expression of generosity and community pride. Each light and each song were invitations to connect. 

‘A lived experience of family, faith and community’

Even Santa Claus, or Papá Noel, took on a local flavour. He appeared alongside the Baby Jesus or La Virgen de Guadalupe, a reminder that Christmas in Mexico blends imported customs with deep-rooted faith. Commercial imagery co-existed with devotion and storytelling rather than overtaking them. 

The more I experienced, the clearer something became. Mexican Christmas isn’t a spectacle for outsiders. It’s a lived experience of family, faith and community. 

Tamales served on a plate with (possibly) champurrado.
Nothing is more Mexican than a tamale, and nothing is better at Christmas. (Shutterstock)

You find it in the hands that fold tamales, the voices that rise in unpracticed songs, the neighbours who open their doors, and the silent prayers lifted in candlelight. It’s about connection, continuity, and celebrating life in its smallest, most enduring forms. 

I stopped seeing Christmas in Mexico as a show and began to feel it as a rhythm to join. I’ve learned to fold tamales, to hum along to songs I don’t fully understand, and to carry a candle through the streets in the warm night. 

I’m no longer a tourist seeking spectacle. I’m a participant in a centuries-old tradition, momentarily woven into its fabric. 

‘The beauty of Mexican Christmas’

And I’ve learned something essential. The beauty of Mexican Christmas doesn’t lie in the markets, the lights, or the costumes, but in the ordinary acts of togetherness. It invites participation and presence. It’s about people and the quiet, persistent joy of being together. 

Christmas in Mexico isn’t meant to be observed from the outside. It’s meant to be felt from within. And being welcomed into that circle of warmth and devotion has changed me. 

It’s taught me that the truest celebrations aren’t grand or loud, but shared in simple moments of presence and care. 

Puerto Vallarta beachfront
Puerto Vallarta is one of the best Christmas gifts you could hope to receive. (Unsplash/Emmanuel Appiah)

And that, I think, is the greatest gift I could ever have hoped to receive.

Charlotte Smith is a writer and journalist based in Mexico. Her work focuses on travel, politics, and community. You can follow along with her travel stories at www.salsaandserendipity.com.

A recycling plant, touted as ‘an act of justice,’ is rejected by Hidalgo residents

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A man reads a sign inviting citizens to participate in the "Consulta Ciudadana sobre el Parque Ecológico y de Reciclaje en Hidalgo"
Though the turnout for the referendum was abysmally low, the Sheinbaum administration said it would honor the result and look for alternative sites for the recycling plant and environmental park. (Francisco Villeda/Cuartoscuro.com)

Residents of the Mezquital Valley north of Mexico City rejected plans to build a recycling plant that the government had labeled “an act of justice” for the state of Hidalgo.

Fewer than 9% of registered voters participated in last Sunday’s public referendum, in which 63% voted against the government’s Circular Economy Park project. President Claudia Sheinbaum quickly announced that her administration would look for another site to develop the plant. 

“We will always respect the will of the people,” she said on Monday, adding that “this referendum reaffirms the democratic conviction of the Fourth Transformation, whose motto is ‘with the people everything, without the people nothing.’”

With much fanfare, Sheinbaum had announced plans for Mexico’s first Circular Economy Development Hub for Well-being (Podecibi) in September, promising to gradually eliminate 450 open dumps, benefiting the more than 600,000 inhabitants of the Hidalgo municipalities of Tula de Allende, Atitalaquia and Tlaxcoapan.

With development slated to begin in January, the federal government had set aside 1.72 billion pesos (US $95.7 million) for the project — 1.3 billion pesos for a recycling plant for reusing solid waste and 420 million pesos for an environmental park. 

Congress approved a new General Law on Circular Economy on Dec. 10, as part of a growing commitment to keep materials and products in circulation rather than the traditional use-and-discard approach. All that was then needed was public approval, setting the stage for Sunday’s referendum.

The Environment Ministry and the state government spearheaded an aggressive “Vote Yes” campaign, featuring ads blaming previous “neoliberal” governments for turning the Tula-Atitalaquia region into a “sacrifice zone” — that is, a geographic area that suffers disproportionate environmental harm from industrial activities for the economic benefit of others.

And indeed, the region was declared a sacrifice zone in 2019 due to high levels of pollution in the soil, air and water caused by the presence of thermoelectric plants, refineries and more than 300 industries.

However, opponents of the project blasted the government for a lack of transparency and claimed the government’s propaganda campaign was misleading, emphasizing that the authorities had yet to conduct an environmental impact study as required by law.

Greenpeace México denounced ads that declared it approved the plan, issuing a public statement saying representatives had attended one informational meeting but had never expressed support. 

In a Dec. 11 social media post, Greenpeace México said it rejected the project — which included the burning of plastic waste and tires via a process known as pyrolysis, which can generate highly toxic compounds and hazardous waste — and criticized the government’s failure to include the public in the decision-making process.

Environmental groups also criticized the new circular economy law, saying Congress relied solely on input from industry, refusing to involve civil society in the truncated approval process which did not include deliberations in legislative committees. Activists also decried the fact that much of the action depends on self-regulation within the industry itself. 

On Sunday, participants were asked to respond to this question: “Every person has the right to a healthy environment for their development and well-being. Do you agree with the construction of the Ecological and Recycling Park in Hidalgo to expand green areas, reduce garbage dumps and decrease the pollution they generate?” 

The end result? Nearly two-thirds (63.1%) of the 12,259 people who participated voted against the project with residents of the municipalities of Atitalaquia and Tlaxcoapan overwhelmingly rejecting the plan.

With reports from El País and Animal Político

How Oaxaca’s blind sculptor works with his inner eye

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Artisan and sculptor Jose Garcia Antonio of Oaxaca, Mexico, in his studio leans over a large piece of clay he is sculpting into the shape of a human figure. He's wearing a purple button down shirt and a traditional cloth sombrero.
José García Antonio, a renowned master ceramics artisan, at his studio in the small Oaxacan town of San Antonino Castillo Velasco. (Manos Que Ven/Instagram)

The morning arrived fresh in Oaxaca, with that clean air that only exists in the first hours of the day, when the sun is just beginning to warm the streets and the hills surrounding the city. I climbed into the car with my camera slung over my shoulder and my heart filled with the anticipation that always precedes true encounters. 

I didn’t know exactly what I’d find in San Antonino Castillo Velasco, a nearby town of Zapotec origin; all I had was a name — José García — and the promise of meeting a clay artisan whose story had reached me the way all good stories do: by word of mouth, wrapped in admiration and mystery.

There is something sacred in the craft of clay, something that connects the artisan to the very origins of humanity. Clay was the first thing we shaped, the first thing we transformed into something more than mere matter.

When I arrived, the town was quiet. Some people were walking in the streets, dogs were dozing in the shade of the trees, and the smell of burning firewood hung in the air. I asked about José García, and everyone knew who he was.

The same woman, rendered again and again

I knocked on the door, and a woman came out to greet me, her face lit up by a deep smile. She led me to her husband, who greeted us. His eyes, though open, had that opacity that betrays the absence of sight. José García, who lost his sight due to glaucoma, often known for his sculptures as “The Lord of the Sirens,” extended his hand to me with a warm smile, and in that simple gesture, I felt all his hospitality.

Under a corrugated metal roof that provided a shield from the sun but still let in the light, was José’s workshop. It wasn’t an ostentatious space, but it had that beauty that only places where things are created with soul possess. The house was large, and through the different rooms were wooden shelves filled with clay figures. Throughout the patio, pieces in various stages were freshly molded, still damp, air-drying, or already fired, bearing that terracotta hue.

But what caught my attention most was the repetition of these figures. Many of them depicted the same woman over and over, in different poses and dresses but always recognizable. Some stood with their hands on their hips; others were seated, as if resting after a long day; some carried pitchers or baskets.

Mexican asulptor Jose Garcia Antonio stands in his redbrick-lined Oaxaca workshop. He's posing with a brown life-sized clay sculpture of an older stocky woman in traditional dress with her arms raised. The sculpture is behind another shorter clay sculpture of three peacocks.
José Antonio García’s artwork has been recognized by the state of Oaxaca. He is nicknamed “Lord of the Sirens” because of his many clay sculptures of women. (Feria Maestros del Arte)

There were dozens of them, each unique in its details but all sharing the same essence, the same spirit.

“She’s my wife,” José told me, as if reading my mind. His voice had that soft tone of someone speaking about the most sacred things. “I’ve been doing it for years.” 

Sculpting by heart

He sat on his workbench, a low wooden seat polished by years of use, and held in his hands on the clay piece he had already shaped. He didn’t need to see to know exactly what to do. His fingers moved with a sureness that only muscle memory can provide, that wisdom that resides inside the body.

His hands worked as he spoke, kneading, shaping, smoothing. I watched as his fingers palpated the clay, recognizing every curve, every proportion. There was no doubt or hesitation in his movements. He knew every move by heart.

I remained silent, watching him work. There was something deeply moving about watching him bring the clay to life, creating the woman he loves over and over again. It wasn’t just craftsmanship; it was an act of devotion, a phrase made of clay and water, a way of speaking without words.

I raised the camera and began taking photographs. I captured his hands working the clay, the concentration on his face, the way his fingers moved with an almost dance-like grace. But above all, I tried to capture something intangible: the love that flowed from his hands into the clay, the devotion that transforms a simple lump of earth into a testament of gratitude.

Social anthropologist and photojournalist Ena Aguilar Peláez specializes on cross-cultural interactions within historical and cultural contexts. She writes about the environment, human rights, culture, and health.

Mexico City’s Paseo de la Reforma will turn into one huge dance floor on New Year’s Eve

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Last year's New Year's Eve party on Reforma, featuring Polymarchs, drew hundreds of thousands.
Last year's New Year's Eve party on Reforma, featuring Polymarchs, drew hundreds of thousands. (CDMX government/Cuartoscuri)

Mexico City’s Paseo de la Reforma will transform into “the world’s largest electronic music party” this New Year’s Eve, Mayor Clara Brugada announced Tuesday.

The capital’s signature avenue will be filled with music and lights, according to the mayor, with the Angel de Independencia monument being used as a stage for national and international talent.

“This Dec. 31, Paseo de la Reforma will become a dance floor,” she said, making the announcement via a press conference and on social media. “We call on all capital residents to ring in the new year dancing in the heart of Mexico City.”

Although the official line-up has not yet been announced, the mayor promised there would be something for all tastes and ages. Reports suggest that large screens, lights and sound equipment will be constructed along the avenue to prepare for the event. 

Mexico City aims to break the record attendance level set on New Year’s Eve 2024, when the Mexican DJ collective Polymarchs performed on Reforma, drawing in over 200,000 people. 

The celebration is set to begin at 6 p.m. on Dec. 31 and conclude at 2 a.m. on New Year’s Day, 2026. 

The mayor emphasized the idea of a public, free and safe celebration, inviting residents to ring in the new year “in a space filled with joy, community, and culture.”

Other Mexico City holiday events  

The electronic music party is not the only event in Mexico City this holiday season. The city’s Historic Center will teem with decorations and shows.

Three illuminated Christmas trees, 14 light sculptures, a 150-meter-long light tunnel and a monumental nativity scene will be installed across the center, as well as 120 exhibitors with street stands offering Mexican handicrafts.

What’s on in December in Mexico City

Celebrations will take place between Dec. 20 and Jan. 4, with over 600 artistic activities, including nativity plays and musical performances. 

A Christmas show will also be set up in the city’s main Zócalo square, with daily performances of nativity plays and storytelling.

With reports from Animal Político, Infobae and Milenio

Mexico, US agree to deepen intel sharing on criminal drone use: Wednesday’s mañanera recapped

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Cuauhtémoc, Ciudad de México, México, 17 de diciembre de 2025. La doctora Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, presidenta Constitucional de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en conferencia de prensa matutina, “Conferencia del Pueblo” en el Salón Tesorería de Palacio Nacional. La acompañan Luz Elena González Escobar, secretaria de Energía; Emilia Esther Calleja Alor, directora general de la Comisión Federal de Electricidad (CFE); Jorge Marcial Islas Samperio, subsecretario de Planeación y Transición Energética y Miguel Ángel Elorza Vásquez, coordinador de Infodemia.
Asked about the linking of Mexican and U.S. "intelligence platforms," Sheinbaum said the interconnection wouldn't be permanent, and that the United States is not going to have its own platforms here in Mexico. (Juan Carlos Buenrostro/Presidencia)

At the very start of her Wednesday morning press conference, President Claudia Sheinbaum reiterated Mexico’s opposition to foreign interventions and interference as the United States ramps up its aggressive posture against Venezuela. (Click here to read Mexico News Daily’s story.)

Later in the mañanera, Sheinbaum responded to questions about the Mexico-U.S. security meeting that took place in Mexico City last week.

She also spoke about Mexico’s energy needs after Energy Minister Luz Elena González announced that the construction of 20 renewable energy projects has been approved.

Criminal groups’ use of drones a focus of Mexico-US security meeting 

Asked about the Mexico-United States security meeting that took place in the Mexican capital last Thursday, Sheinbaum said that the use of drones by organized crime groups was an issue of particular interest to U.S. government representatives.

“So this issue was discussed, among many other issues,” she said.

Mexican crime groups have been using drones for years, including to launch attacks on rivals and security forces.

Cartel drone attacks force residents to flee El Chapo’s hometown in Sinaloa

Earlier this year, Steven Willoughby, a senior official in the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, said that “nearly every day, transnational criminal organizations use drones to convey illicit narcotics and contraband across U.S. borders and to conduct hostile surveillance of law enforcement.”

He also said that “it’s only a matter of time” before Mexican criminal organizations carry out drone attacks against U.S. citizens and law enforcement authorities.

Mexico’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE) said in a statement on Tuesday that Mexican and U.S. officials, including acting Mexican Foreign Minister Roberto Velasco and U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ron Johnson, “analyzed emerging challenges to global security” at last Thursday’s meeting, “particularly the use of unmanned aerial systems by criminal organizations.”

The SRE said there was also an “emphasis on arms trafficking” at the “second meeting of the Security Implementation Group [SIG] between Mexico and the United States.”

“… Both governments agreed to deepen and accelerate information sharing on arms trafficking and continue with weapons and ammunition seizures. They also agreed to give continuity to their cooperation on extraditions and strengthen investigations related to fuel theft, with the goal of maximizing the impact of coordinated actions ahead of the next SIG meeting, scheduled for January 2026,” the ministry said.

Sheinbaum said that U.S. President Donald Trump’s designation of fentanyl as a weapon of mass destruction wasn’t broached at the meeting, as the designation hadn’t been made when it took place.

Sheinbaum responds to State Department’s comment about the ‘linking’ of Mexican and US ‘analytical platforms’

In its own statement about the bilateral security meeting that took place on Dec. 11, the U.S. Department of State said that “both nations committed to enhancing intelligence sharing and linking analytical platforms to pre-empt and respond to drone attacks at the border.”

According to the public safety technology company SoundThinking, the use of “technology with advanced analytics can provide critical insights into border security while helping law enforcement agencies proactively address security challenges.”

“Agencies can leverage AI and machine learning in near real-time for data analysis to optimize patrol strategies, identify high-risk areas and emerging threats, and allocate resources more efficiently,” the company says on its website.

Asked about the linking of Mexican and U.S. “intelligence platforms,” Sheinbaum said the interconnection wouldn’t be permanent.

“It’s an exchange of information,” she said. “It’s not that they’re going to have platforms here in Mexico.”

Sheinbaum subsequently noted that Mexico can request — and has requested — to borrow or purchase security equipment from the U.S. government that the Mexican government doesn’t have itself.

In such cases, there is a “formal agreement” between the two countries and “formal protocols” that have to be followed, she said.

During his visit to Mexico in September, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said “there are opportunities to cooperate on equipment,” explaining that Mexico may have an interest in purchasing some U.S. equipment and vice versa.

‘Energy is needed for the development of the country’

Energy Minister González announced that private companies will invest US $4.75 billion in 15 solar energy projects and five wind projects that will be located across 11 states.

She said that construction will commence “immediately” because land for the projects has been secured and permits have been issued.

Once completed, the projects “will inject an additional capacity of 3,320 megawatts of generation,” González said.

Later in the press conference, Sheinbaum said that “energy is needed for the development of the country.”

“… Development requires electrical energy. It also requires other types of energy, like gas, for example, but it mainly needs electricity,” she said.

“… So we’re guaranteeing sufficient electrical energy for the development of the country. And Plan México needs energy. If we want to produce more in Mexico, we need more energy. So this [investment] scheme allows us to guarantee that there is energy,” Sheinbaum said.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

Indigenous Sinaloa teacher nominated for the prestigious GEMS Global Teacher Prize  

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Nelsy Valenzuela and Ana Chiquete
Mexico's Nelsy Valenzuela, shown here with Sinaloa Minister of Women Ana Chiquete, is one of 50 worldwide nominees for one of the most prominent education awards at the global level. (Instagram)

An Indigenous teacher from the Mexican state of Sinaloa has been nominated for one of the world’s most prestigious education awards.

Nelsy Saray Valenzuela Flores, who teaches at two schools near Los Mochis, is one of 50 finalists for the 2026 GEMS Education Global Teacher Prize, a US $1-million award created by the Varkey Foundation with UNESCO support.

The prize, awarded annually since 2015, has never had a winner from Mexico.

Valenzuela Flores works with Yoreme communities facing low educational attainment and multiple forms of deprivation. 

The Yoreme, also widely known as the Mayo, are an Indigenous people living mainly in northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora.

She teaches at the Renaissance State Secondary School and the Paulino Indigenous Primary School, where her methods have shone a spotlight on classroom innovation rooted in culture and community.

Valenzuela Flores told the newspaper Milenio she builds her lessons from students’ lived realities and cultural knowledge — blending the national curriculum with a strong focus on Yoreme identity and language.

“I try to address these contents taking into account what the students know, are familiar with and their interests … starting from reality to transform it into something a little better,” she said.

Moreover, her methods spill into broader community projects.

At her secondary school, the initiative “The Renaissance of My Community” brought teachers from several disciplines together to promote community tourism, environmental stewardship and recycling in a nearby fishing village.

She has also helped lead Ínapo Yoreme, the first Indigenous digital community radio station in northern Sinaloa, giving artisans, traditional authorities and youth a platform in the Yoremnokki language.

Valenzuela Flores, who has nearly 15 years of classroom experience, is the only Mexican among 10 Latin American educators on the global shortlist. Others are from Guatemala, Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, Peru, Uruguay and Chile.

Last year’s winner was Mansour Al Mansour, a teacher from Saudi Arabia.

The $1-million prize is not a no-strings-attached personal payment; rather, it’s meant to support educational works and projects, and it’s paid out and monitored over 10 years.

The top 50 will be narrowed to a top 10, with the overall winner to be announced during the World Governments Summit in Dubai, Feb. 3-5, 2026.

Originally Global Education Management Systems, GEMS Education is a for-profit education company that runs one of the world’s largest networks of K-12 schools across the Middle East, North Africa, Asia, Europe and North America. It was founded in Dubai in 1959.

In a Facebook post, Mexico’s Ministry of Public Education and Culture (SEPyC) congratulated Valenzuela Flores, adding that her nomination is “a testament to her extraordinary work” and that she “reaffirms the leadership of Indigenous women who defend their territory, their culture and their language.”

With reports from Milenio and PR Newswire

The European Union announces US $3M investment to fight gender violence in Mexico

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EU ambassador and human rights rep
EU Ambassador to Mexico Francisco André and EU Special Representative for Human Rights Kajsa Ollongren announced at a Mexico City press conference that Europe will be financing five Mexican gender equality projects in 2026. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

The European Union has announced it will invest 55 million pesos (US $3 million) to finance five Mexican projects to combat gender violence in 2026. 

Making the announcement at a press conference on Tuesday, EU Ambassador to Mexico Francisco André said the five projects will be carried out in coordination with Mexican authorities and civil society organizations, all with the aim of strengthening the capacities of Mexico’s security and justice institutions to prevent gender-based violence. 

Kajsa Ollongren, the European Union's special representative for human rights, meets with Mexican Environment Minister Alicia Barcena during the former's visit to Mexico this week.
Kajsa Ollongren, the European Union’s special representative for human rights, meets with Mexican Environment Minister Alicia Bárcena during the former’s visit to Mexico this week. (@aliciabarcena/X)

They will promote empowerment and protection through political advocacy, new technologies and prevention networks, and are expected to improve access to justice for victims of crimes such as sexual violence, trafficking and child sexual exploitation.

“These are five new projects that will be implemented with highly reputable organizations in this country,” André said. 

The investment is not the first that the EU has made to support human rights in Mexico. Since 2004, it has financed 70 civil society organizations in Mexico, with a total of 32 million euros (US $37.6 million), according to André.

The announcement coincided with a visit by Kajsa Ollongren, the EU’s special representative for human rights, who reiterated the bloc’s commitment to human rights in Mexico. Ollongren said that Mexico has gained recognition for its commitment to equality. 

“It is good that the world recognizes Mexico as a place where equality is being taken seriously,” said Ollongren. “We have seen that violence against women has been a major problem, and this is related in some areas to war, but also to organized crime. We must not see women and girls as victims, but as people, and we want them to be empowered.” 

Ollongren held a meeting with Zacatecas Governor David Monreal Ávila on Monday to discuss the state’s forensic identification program.

“I met with the authorities, the governor, and the attorney general, and we discussed how they are trying to make better use of the system to improve policies and work on missing persons,” said Ollongren. “Identifying people and determining the cause of death is paramount.” 

During the press conference, André also stressed the work that the EU is doing with states such as Coahuila and Durango on search-and-rescue efforts and providing forensic technical assistance. 

“We need to see how we can expand this support, this work of the European Union with civil society here in Mexico, with the authorities of each state,” said André. “It is a difficult, long, and demanding task that relies heavily on the determination of civil society, but also on the political will of state authorities. The truth is that in all the states where we are working, we feel this support, this commitment, and we are seeing results.”

With reports from El Financiero and El Universal

Mexican Army deploys 720 troops, armored vehicles to protect Michoacán avocado industry

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Ocelotl truck
The Ocelotl vehicle can resist impacts from bullets and explosions and can even cross water. (México Aeroespacial y Defensa/Facebook)

In a mission supported by units from a new fleet of armored military vehicles, a large detachment of Mexican Army and National Guard personnel is providing security to the avocado industry in and around Uruapan, the municipality in Michoacán where the mayor was assassinated last month.

Some 720 soldiers and National Guard members have been deployed to the Uruapan area to ensure that avocado production can continue without the intervention of organization crime, according to a report published by the newspaper Milenio on Wednesday.

The avocado industry in the state of Michoacán — easily Mexico’s top producer and exporter of the fruit colloquially known as “green gold” — has long been targeted by criminal organizations, which extort farmers.

Now, however, the “constant surveillance” of avocado farms and packing facilities by soldiers and National Guard personnel “has created an environment of safety and confidence among workers,” wrote Milenio, which reported from Uruapan.

A Milenio video report shows federal security forces patrolling an avocado farm and observing workers inside a packing plant.

The security mission in Uruapan is supported by 74 military vehicles, including bullet-resistant Ocelotl vehicles, manufactured by the United Arab Emirates-based company Streit Group and outfitted locally according to Mexican Army specifications. The vehicles’ name means jaguar or ocelot in Nahuatl, an Indigenous language spoken mainly in central Mexico.

Supported also by municipal and state police officers and agents from the federal Security Ministry, the “Uruapan Task Force” mission is part of Plan Michoacán for Peace and Justice, a 57-billion-peso (US $3.1 billion) initiative that the federal government devised in response to the murder of Uruapan mayor Carlos Manzo on Nov. 1 and general insecurity in the state.

Avocado producer says theft has declined 80-90%

Rosendo Díaz, an avocado producer, told Milenio that the security situation in and around Uruapan has improved since the commencement of the army and National Guard operation.

He noted that a lot of security checkpoints have been set up in order to prevent the robbery on highways of avocados and the trucks transporting them.

“[Theft] has declined a lot. I think 80% to 90%,” Díaz said.

He also said that he and other workers feel “calmer” while on the job and can arrive at and leave their workplace with a greater sense of safety.

Flanked by members of the National Guard inside a packing plant, packer Jessica Sánchez told Milenio that crime targeting the avocado industry has declined.

She also said that Uruapan residents feel a little safer than they previously did.

Milenio reported that the risk of an avocado packing plant employee in Uruapan becoming a victim of crime has declined, especially for workers who leave such facilities late at night.

An avocado “cutter” identified only as Julio told Milenio that in his 20 years of working on avocado orchards, the current security operation is the largest he has seen.

“Before, [criminals] stole [avocado] trucks a lot, but that has declined significantly due to the many checkpoints and patrols,” he said.

“… It’s more pleasant to work,” Julio added.

A packing house prepares avocados for export in Peribán, Michoacán.
The state of Michoacán is Mexico’s top producer and exporter of avocados. (Juan José Estrada Serafín/Cuartoscuro)

Across Michoacán, the federal government’s peace and justice plan achieved positive results in the first weeks after it was implemented, with homicides declining significantly in November compared to previous months.

In the first 11 months of the year, Michoacán ranked seventh out of Mexico’s 32 federal entities for homicides, with 1,191, according to data presented by the federal government last week.

The Ocelotl vehicles 

The Mexican Army first showed off its Ocelotl vehicles at the 2024 Independence Day parade.

The vehicles were subsequently put into action in Sinaloa, where rival factions of the Sinaloa Cartel are involved in a bloody dispute, and in Michoacán, where they initially supported efforts to combat extortion targeting lime growers.

All told, the Ministry of Defense acquired 340 of the vehicles, which are worth more than 10 million pesos (US $555,000) each.

Milenio reported that an Ocelotl vehicle:

  • Can travel up to 400 kilometers before it needs to refuel.
  • Can reach speeds of up to 140 kilometers per hour.
  • Can ascend steep slopes.
  • Can resist impacts from bullets and even explosions.
  • Has a revolving gun turret that can be adapted to accommodate any kind of firearm.
  • Is equipped with snorkels that allow it to cross water.

With reports from Milenio

Made in Mexico: Anita Brenner

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Anita Brenner
Anita Brenner introduced Mexico to the world. But as we've come to expect in this series, her tale of culture, history and revolution was anything but simple.

Today, I want to tell you about a woman whose stories changed how the world understood an entire nation. She did it not out of duty, but out of a more dangerous impulse: love.

Her name was Anita Brenner. She was Mexican-American. She was Jewish. And she was absolutely convinced that the world had Mexico completely wrong.

(Remezcla)

Anita Brenner was born in 1905, in Aguascalientes, Mexico, to a problem that would define her life: she belonged nowhere. In a deeply Catholic community obsessed with indigenous roots and unmistakably Mexican surnames, the Jewish girl with the hyphenated identity was a foreigner in her own birthplace. 

That hunger to understand the place that rejected her became her superpower. While other people might have simply left and never looked back, Brenner decided to become an expert on the thing that had cast her out. From childhood, she wielded the only real tool available to women of her era — her pen.

By the 1920s, with an anthropology degree in hand, she started writing for The Jewish Daily Forward in New York, winning contests with essays that were decades ahead of their time in intellectual dexterity and emotional honesty. Then she did something audacious: she infiltrated Mexico’s artistic and political circles with such thoroughness that a Mexican saying about people who “get into everything like humidity” might have been invented for her.

Between 1924 and 1925, she formalized her position as correspondent for B’nai B’rith International, a Jewish nonprofit organization in Mexico, crafting a narrative that would later reshape how the world perceived Mexico. In the chaos of the post-Revolutionary era, when Europe was turning inward, she portrayed Mexico as a sanctuary — a modern country, safe, sophisticated, and worth looking at.

The first time Mexico became cool

There was a cultural phenomenon in the early twentieth century that we rarely talk about with the excitement it deserves. Mexican artists, writers, and intellectuals flooded New York and other American cities.

Made in Mexico: Anita Brenner

Anita Brenner was the architect of this paradigm shift, writing for the magazines that mattered — Mexican Folkways, The Nation and Mademoiselle — and she did something radical: she refused to treat Mexican culture as a distant third-world curiosity. She presented it as a vanguard. She was among the first to describe what art historians now call “the Mexican Renaissance” — the moment when Mexican artists looked to indigenous civilizations the way Renaissance masters had gazed at Roman ruins and created something entirely new. She helped place Mexican muralists in galleries and museums across America. She was the translator who made the incomprehensible suddenly inevitable.

The intellectual circles of New York were electrified.

Idols Behind Altars

In 1929, Anita Brenner published what would become one of the foundational texts in Mexican art history: “Idols Behind Altars.” The book marked the moment when Mexican art historiography became international.

The book did something almost no one had done before: it treated Mexican culture as a unified continuum. Pre-Hispanic art. Colonial art. Popular art. Modern art. Muralism. Not as separate categories, but as chapters in a singular, thousand-year conversation about what it meant to be Mexico. A retablo hanging in someone’s home had the same scholarly weight as a mural by Diego Rivera. Ceramics were studied with the same rigor as oil paintings. Brenner refused the distinction between high art and low art because she understood that this distinction was itself a form of erasure.

The photography in the book was by Edward Weston and Tina Modotti — two foreigners whose images documented a vision of a Mexico that has transformed almost beyond recognition in the century since.

(Aperature.org)

In her magnum opus, Brenner argued that Mexico was not a nation of violent primitives, but a country with millennia-deep roots and a thriving present. That its strength came from this very continuity — from the past still alive in the countryside, from the colonial period’s productive collision with indigenous traditions, from the modern world’s experiments in radical new forms. In short: that Mexico had a story worth hearing, told by someone who knew how to make the world listen.

New York’s intellectual establishment listened.

The machinery of influence

At the legendary Museum of Modern Art (MoMA), an unprecedented decision was made: for the only time in the museum’s history, they dedicated the entire building to a single exhibition. Entitled “20 Centuries of Mexican Art,” the accompanying catalogue followed the exact intellectual architecture of Brenner’s book, although her name was never credited directly.

This growing American fascination with Mexico triggered investment and tourism. It reshaped how American capital flowed into the country. The machinery was complex and multilayered, involving diplomats like Dwight W. Morrow (J.P. Morgan’s partner) and power brokers like Nelson Rockefeller, all with their own strategic interests in presenting Mexico as modern, peaceful, cultured and crucially, safe for American investment. It involved art, yes. But it also involved finance and influence and the careful construction of narratives that served very specific geopolitical purposes.

Modotti’s photography, alongside Brenner’s curation, helped introduce Mexico to new and more affluent audiences. (Tina Modotti)

Brenner was a crucial part of this machinery, whether she fully understood it or not.

A complicated relationship

But here’s where the story darkens.

In 1943, Brenner published “The Wind That Swept Mexico: The History of the Mexican Revolution 1910–1942,” an illustrated history meant for English speakers just beginning to process what the Revolution had actually meant. It was one of the first comprehensive histories written, a book that seemed to continue the project she’d begun in Idols Behind Altars.

Except it didn’t. It did something far more troubling.

Using photographs from the Casasola archive — many of them posed, many of them unreliable as historical documents — Brenner attempted to construct a visual narrative of the Revolution as progress. The problem, for historians, is this: while her text offered an interpretation at a moment when even Mexican scholars were still trying to make sense of the armed conflict, she romanticized it. She presented the Revolution as the necessary crucible that forged modern Mexico, conveniently eliding what that crucible actually destroyed.

(Lengua Viral)

She didn’t write about the food crises it created, the women violated in its chaos, or the colonial art stolen and destroyed. She certainly didn’t grapple with the political complexity — the competing groups, each convinced they alone could save the nation, each willing to massacre villages to prove it. Instead, she presented Mexico’s bloodiest decade as a necessary price for progress, a tragic but acceptable cost of becoming modern.

In doing so, she contradicted everything she’d argued just fourteen years earlier in, when she’d insisted on the dignity and continuity of Mexican culture. The Revolution, in her first book, was a rupture to be understood. In her second book, it was a rupture to be celebrated.

A changing tale

Why did Anita Brenner change her story? The answer lies in understanding the specific moment she was writing in.

The interwar period was a time of urgent strategic concern for American power. After the Revolution, Mexico had a problem: it was perceived abroad as wealthy in resources but unstable in society — a country that had just exploded into civil war, and that was now flirting with socialism and communism. American businesses needed to invest in Mexican infrastructure, but first, American capital needed to feel safe.

The new Mexican State understood this too. Ambassadors and billionaires and cultural entrepreneurs all realized the same thing simultaneously: Mexico needed a new image. Not a false image, but an authentic one, which was carefully curated. Modern and traditional at once. Cultured and economically sound. An investment opportunity dressed in indigenous beauty.

Brenner’s work was not operating in a vacuum. It was part of an architecture of influence that linked finance, diplomacy, philanthropy, and propaganda into a single coherent machine. The people who wanted to remake Mexico’s image in the American imagination had the resources to make it happen. And Brenner, brilliant, well-placed, influential as she was, became an essential part of how that happened.

Did she understand this fully? We can’t know. Her love for Mexico, her genuine scholarly passion, her binational perspective — all of it became instrumentalized by forces far larger than her individual intentions.

What endures

If you can find Idols Behind Altars, read it. Read it knowing that some sections have been updated by contemporary scholars, that the book reflects the ideologies of 1929, that it was written by a binational woman determined to travel throughout an entire country to make it intelligible to strangers. Read it as a document of a moment that tells us as much about what we valued then as what we value now.

You’ll notice something unsettling: ideas Brenner articulated in 1929 still echo in how we talk about Mexico today. Some have endured because they’re true. 

But here’s the deeper lesson: Anita Brenner became an expert in Mexican culture because she refused to accept that her outsider status disqualified her from understanding. She traveled. She studied. She thought carefully. She wrote persuasively. She didn’t know whose ears she’d reach or what impact her work would have—and then it turned out she reached everyone who mattered.

If you’re interested in becoming an expert in anything, you never know what kind of influence you might wield, what doors your knowledge might open, or whose interests — noble or otherwise — your work might serve. That’s not a reason to stop studying. It’s a reason to study more carefully, more critically, and with eyes wide open to the complex machinery that surrounds even the most sincere acts of love.

Maria Meléndez is an influencer with half a degree in journalism.