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Information hurtful to self-esteem now banned in Veracruz

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Governor Yunes: will veto new law.
Governor Yunes: will veto new law.

“Confused” Veracruz lawmakers have passed legislation to prevent the online dissemination of information that be harmful to “reputation and self-esteem.”

But the governor says he’ll veto it.

The state approved an amendment to the criminal code that has been dubbed the “anti-meme law” but is officially called the cyberbullying law.

The law states that anyone found guilty of using “any means of digital communication” to “disseminate harmful and malicious information about another person . . . that harms their reputation and self-esteem” will be liable to go to jail for up to two years in addition to completing 100 days of community service.

Forty of the 50 deputies in Congress supported the law.

Congress sources said the original intention of the legislation was to stop people from publishing images or videos of a sexual nature on the internet to take revenge on an ex-partner.

However, at the last minute the intent of the law was widened to include all forms of online bullying and abuse.

Following the vote, outgoing Veracruz Governor Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares said he would “veto the anti-meme law,” declaring it was unconstitutional because it violates the right to freedom of expression of Veracruz residents.

“This government . . . has acted and will act in favor of promoting the free expression of ideas of the citizens and always against censorship,” Yunes said.

Once he receives the decree mandating the new law, Yunes said, he will return it to Congress annotated with his observations for their due study, analysis and debate.

Cinthya Amaranta Lobato Calderón, a newly-elected deputy for the Morena party, said lawmakers had been confused about the proposed legislation and that many “believed they were voting to ratify the federal law against cyberattacks,” adding that they weren’t given sufficient time to analyze it.

Source: e-consulta (sp), Milenio (sp) 

Aeroméxico, pilots reach agreement, avert strike

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Aeroméxico continues flying.
Aeroméxico continues flying.

A strike planned for today by Aeroméxico pilots has been avoided after their union reached an agreement with the airline for improved pay and conditions.

It is the second time this week that a scheduled work stoppage has been averted after the Association of Airline Pilots (ASPA) agreed to a request from federal Labor Secretary Roberto Campa to defer action planned for Monday.

Pilots at the center of the dispute — so-called “B Contract” pilots who started working for Aeroméxico after 2010 — told a press conference that ASPA accepted on their behalf the 5.15% salary increase offered by the airline and an agreement was made to review salaries again next year.

A wholesale review of the B contract, which sets salaries and benefits 40% lower than those received by pilots who commenced employment before 2010, was scheduled for 2020.

“The [union] assembly took the more institutional, more structured route. We decided not to go on strike,” said ASPA secretary general Rafael Díaz Covarrubias.

Aeroméxico employs 1,100 pilots, of whom around 52% are on A contracts and 48% have B contracts.

ASPA agreed to the inferior pay and conditions for “B Contract” pilots in 2010 when the global financial crisis was still affecting the airline industry but has argued that the economic situation of the sector in 2018 is completely different and that the wage and benefits disparity should end.

Díaz said while the inequity remains, the dispute will drag on.

“The pilots are still upset but they have chosen to take the peaceful route and not strike. We don’t want to impact the airline or passengers,” he said.

Aeroméxico representative Miguel Carballo said that 45 contract clauses had been reviewed and that the company will continue to work to “reduce the gap and arrive at the same conditions for all pilots.”

Labor Secretary Campa later offered a brief statement to the media in which he said that the government was happy that strike action was avoided.

“These have been days of great pressure for passengers who didn’t know if they were going to travel, for the authorities that have been involved and it’s been an enormous pressure for these two organizations: the company and the union, who have worked very hard, each in defense of their interests and their rights . . .” he said.

Aeroméxico said in a statement that the airline’s operations would proceed as normal today, adding that “it is proud of its pilots and all of its employees, with whom it will continue to work to strengthen their development.”

Source: El Financiero (sp) 

New mayor wants to rename municipality that is home to Cancún

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The new mayor of Benito Juárez, Quintana Roo.
The new mayor of Benito Juárez, Quintana Roo.

When people talk about the Quintana Roo municipality of Benito Juárez you need to know your geography to be aware that it is home to a city with a much more famous name — Cancún.

But if the new mayor has her way, that might soon change.

María Elena Hermelinda Lezama Espinoza was sworn in as mayor of Benito Juárez on Sunday, and one of her first actions in office was to announce the municipality’s new name.

“I will present an initiative that will allow us, the people of Cancún, to take advantage of the value earned by the great brand of Cancún, known around the world and used by all of us,” she said.

A member of the Morena party, the strongest political force in the country, Lezama explained that there are many municipalities across Mexico that “honorably” carry the name Benito Juárez.

By changing the municipality’s name to simply Cancún, its citizens can take advantage of all the benefits related to the brand.

Besides focusing on international branding, the new mayor explained that hers would be an administration based on four main elements: security, accountability, social justice and ecology.

Lezama also announced that she would build a new women’s hospital and create the Municipal Institute for Mobility.

Security is to be a priority, with special attention on “reconstructing the social fabric from the foundations up.” The new municipal government will also move to dignify police with “zero tolerance for corruption.”

Her government will be austere, effective and efficient and will do more with fewer resources.

Source: El Economista (sp)

Federal, state forces take control of Michoacán municipality

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Michoacán state police and federal forces are patrolling Zamora.
Michoacán state police and federal forces are patrolling Zamora.

Police and the military have once again taken over policing duties from a municipal force suspected of having links to organized crime.

Last Tuesday, officers from the municipal police of Acapulco, Guerrero, were disarmed and ordered off the job and this week their counterparts in Zamora, Michoacán, suffered the same fate.

The decision was taken during a meeting in Zamora of the Michoacán Coordination Group, which is responsible for coordinating security efforts by the armed forces and federal and state police.

Governor Silvano Aureoles Conejo told those present that “we will not allow Zamora to be an alcove of criminal groups.”

He also assured Zamora Mayor Martín Samaguey, who dismissed 600 officers, that the municipality would be fully supported until peace is restored for all residents.

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Police were also let go this week in Lázaro Cárdenas, where local authorities dismissed 400. However, there was no word on whether federal and state security forces would provide security in that municipality.

Before traveling to Zamora, located about 170 kilometers northwest of the state capital Morelia, Aureoles revealed that the Zamora police chief was suspected of having links to the Caballeros Templarios criminal organization, known in English as the Knights Templar Cartel.

The police chief, whose name was not revealed, is accused of being an associate of Servando Gómez Martínez, a former Caballeros Templarios leader who was arrested in February 2015.

According to the state Secretariat of Public Security, Zamora is currently going through its worst-ever crisis of violence and insecurity.

Statistics from the National Public Security System (SNSP) show that Zamora is one of the 10 most violent municipalities in the country, in terms of per-capita homicide rates.

Over the past two years, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), considered Mexico’s most powerful and dangerous criminal organization, has taken control of the municipality, according to a report published today by the newspaper El Financiero.

The newspaper reported yesterday that one issue for the both Zamora and Lázaro Cárdenas is that local authorities are tied to the Morena party while the state is governed by a Democratic Revolution Party administration.

The two have their differences.

Source: El Financiero (sp) 

Comala: charming town with a lot to offer on the simpler side of pleasure

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The church in Comala's central square.
The church in Comala's central square.

I have a fear of small towns. It is an anxiety born of growing up in one. Their sleepy plazas, the stray dogs snoozing in the shadows of buildings, it sets my internal panic button to wailing and I immediately get the urge to bolt.

So the whitewashed streets of tiny Comala had the usual effect on me driving in. I immediately started to squirm in my seat.

It was 9:00am when I arrived off an early-morning flight from Mexico City. The tamal vendor had just set up on one side of the town’s main square and the most fervent activity (well, four people) was happening at Hugo’s taco stand directly to the left of the Comala church.

I figured food was the best antidote to tamp down the growing anxiety and ordered myself a few of Hugo’s northern-style tacos. With the first bite I felt my shoulders release.

Comala, Colima, was virtually unknown until the 1960s when Mexican writer Juan Rulfo published his slim novella Pedro Páramo. In the book Rulfo’s main character goes to Comala in search of “one Pedro Páramo” who at one time was the town’s own version of the godfather, with dozens of women and illegitimate children scattered across the country, one of them the protagonist himself.

What he discovers is a ghost town, haunted by the memories of the people who once lived there, whispering voices in every breeze that blows across the plaza.

Most literary critics agree that the town Rulfo describes in the book more closely resembles his hometown in southern Jalisco state, but Comala got the fame instead and became a part of the literary pilgrimage for the Rulfo-obsessed.

This equaled a slight uptick in tourism but it wasn’t until 2002, when the town was named a Pueblo Mágico by the Mexican government, that Comala saw its economy dramatically improve. This designation is given to towns of historical significance or those that have retained much of their colonial ambiance.

One hundred and fifty new businesses have been created since that year, according to Júpiter Rivera, owner of both Casa Alvarada, one of the town’s only hotels, and the Admire México tour company.

While residents of Comala fiercely defend the hustle and bustle of their town as “nothing like the ghost town described in the book,” if you are familiar at all with small Mexican towns you will clearly notice the similarities.

Comala is the kind of place where the early evening finds residents, backlit by a single burning bulb in the living room, sitting streetside waiting for a breeze to break the day’s heat. It’s a place where the school marching band sets up to play in the plaza and the whole town shows up to listen.

It was carved out of semi-tropical vegetation so that blazing sunlit streets end in wild patches of foliage and the earthy deliciousness of rotting leaves rises to meet your nostrils during midnight storms.

Growing up in a small town also makes you nostalgic for them, I guess. I found that after 24 hours in Comala my soul started to settle back in to my body and my breathing began to match the rhythm of the town clocktower.

The most pleasant things to do in this quaint colonial town are probably the least ambitious – sit on the plaza at one of Comala’s classic botanero restaurants, where for the price of a few beers you will be served rotating plates of Mexican snacks (botanas) for hours. Or follow your nose to one of the town’s renowned bakeries (La Mejor and La Guadalupana are both good choices near the center of town) for some incredible fresh-out-of-the-oven wheat buns.

Comala is known for its bread and coffee but has surprisingly few coffee shops (there are lots of places to buy a bag to go), so skip the coffee and try one of the more adventurous local drinks – tuba or tejuino. Tuba is made from fermented palm sap. It’s just the tiniest bit alcoholic, sweet like juice and super refreshing.

Tejuino is made from fermented corn and served over ice with lime and salt. Its flavor is tangy and toasted at the same time, and vendors on the plaza sell both drinks for about 50 cents a cup.

The first day I couldn’t be bothered to sit still and enjoy the ambiance and needed an activity. So I headed 15 minutes outside of town to visit the former home of Colima’s most famous artist, Alejandro Hidalgo.

The Hacienda Nogueras has been painstakingly preserved by the University of Colima, which now owns the property. Founded in the 1700s by Juan de Noguera, the hacienda was one of the most important sugar plantations in the region and its grand, crumbling smoke stack can still be seen poking its head up behind the façade. The hacienda would eventually land in the hands of Alejandro Hidalgo’s family and he made his home there until his death in 2000.

Hidalgo gathered up an extensive collection of regional indigenous pottery during his lifetime and that, along with his ethereal paintings and the former furnishings of his home, are all on display at the museum housed there now. The entrance fee is about US $3 and there is a gift shop that sells prints of Hidalgo’s work. There’s also a small ecopark in the back on one section of the hacienda with a mini bamboo forest and several tiny turtle sanctuaries.

While Pedro Páramo may have given the town its fame, Comala shows up in the news every few years for another reason: it sits directly below the aptly named Volcán de Fuego, known in English as the Fire Volcano or the Colima Volcano.

“There are 2,000 volcanos in Mexico and of those only 26 that are considered active,” Júpiter Rivera told me during my stay. “Of those 26, only 14 are monitored constantly and of those 14 our volcano is the most active of all.”

Scientists believe that 75,000 years ago one of the volcano’s massive eruptions brought the volcanic rock downstream that led to Manzanillo beaches having black sand. In 2017 a massive explosion blew the top off the volcano and spewed ash four kilometers above the volcano’s peak.

While you would think that the close proximity to certain death would scare the locals off, every local seems to have a photo of one of the volcano’s eruptions proudly displayed somewhere in their home. A handful of small towns dot the base of the volcano, a bastion of high-altitude coffee production that results in some of the country’s best beans.

Rivera takes visitors on a coffee tour through the town of Yerbabuena, were visitors not only get to meet the producers and taste the final product, but they can also visit the shade-grown coffee fields that are often covered with a fine layer of ash that must be removed before picking.

The Fire Volcano’s intense activity keeps hikers from its peak, but the nearby Nevado de Colima, the sixth highest peak in Mexico, gets plenty of climbers cresting its now-dormant crater. In addition to the gorgeous natural landscape, there is an incredible view from the top of the Fire Volcano, about 1,000 meters shorter and just nine kilometers away.

Experienced hikers can do it on their own by driving up to the La Joya educational center and hiking from there, but there are also plenty of local tour operators the run groups up and down the mountain.

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Also available to nature lovers, Laguna La María is a popular weekend campground that during the week is virtually empty —ripe for early-morning birdwatching, hiking and rowing out onto the lagoon in one of the kayaks rented by the park.

If all of that sounds a little too adventurous just go over to the nearby Cervecería de Colima, one of the country’s up-and-coming breweries, which sits between Comala and Colima city. They have an outdoor beer garden with some of the best food I ate on my trip – inventive versions of classic regional dishes like ceviche and grilled bean tacos.

Colima city, just 15 minutes from Comala, easily provides another full day of exploring. It has some fine local markets where you can get a taste of regional dishes like birria and tatemado. These two stew-like dishes, both savory and hearty, will have you happily sweating in the Colima heat.

The city’s pleasant central plaza is often the site of impromptu music and dancing as well as outdoor theater performances, and the rooftop bar of the Hotel Ceballos (right on the main square) is known for having an incredible view of the plaza and a mellow, welcoming vibe.

Another absolute must are the countryside restaurants near the Capacha neighborhood. On weekend mornings they offer massive buffets of regional dishes for about $7. I personally recommend the restaurant El Trapiche. I had to roll myself out after the two hours I spent there. The fried gorditas with jocoque and Colima’s fresh cheese are about as close to heaven on earth as food can get.

Make sure you pre-arrange a ride back to Comala if you are going by cab since few pass by the restaurants regularly.

While Comala is not a place romanticized as one of Mexico’s great vacation destinations, this anxiety-ridden former small townie was completely won over by its charm. There is a lot on offer, especially on the simpler side of pleasure — sitting, eating, observing, walking.

If you need nightclubs, crowds and constant action you might want to skip it, but nature lovers and foodies, welcome to paradise.

Lydia Carey is a freelance writer based in Mexico City.

CORRECTION: There was nothing anecdotal about the food the writer ate upon arrival as was suggested in an earlier version of this story. Rather than being anecdotes, the tacos were antidotes. 

Ayotzinapa truth commission will go ahead, AMLO says to army’s objection

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The army's Ramos: doubts over truth commission.
The army's Ramos: doubts over truth commission.

President-elect López Obrador has renewed his pledge to establish a truth commission to investigate the case of 43 students who disappeared in Guerrero in 2014.

The future president’s promise, made yesterday during a press conference in Guanajuato, came in response to remarks by the head of legal affairs at the Secretariat of National Defense (Sedena), who claimed that a new investigation would not be objective.

“Sedena . . . believes that that the truth commission is not provided for in the Mexican legal system nor is it provided for in any international treaty . . . We think that an investigation by an institution that representatives of the victims will be in charge of won’t have the objectivity and impartiality that is required,” Alejandro Ramos Flores told the newspaper El Universal.

But López Obrador, who will be sworn in as president on December 1, said it was imperative to establish exactly what happened to the 43 students in Iguala on September 26, 2014 and that the creation of the truth commission was not in any doubt.

“Taking care of the army means finding out the whole truth about what happened to the young men from Ayotzinapa. You don’t take care of the army, you don’t protect an institution by hiding the truth. He who owes nothing fears nothing, so yes, the truth commission is going ahead,” López Obrador said.

The Tamaulipas-based First Collegiate Tribunal ordered in June the creation of the commission to undertake a new investigation into the case of the students who disappeared in Iguala and later were presumably killed, ruling that the original investigation “was not prompt, effective, independent or impartial.”

The court said the truth commission would be made up of victims’ families and their representatives and the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) who will together direct and oversee the work of prosecutors from the federal Attorney General’s office (PGR).

But the current government has resisted the court order and launched legal action against it.

In contrast, López Obrador appears intent on getting to the bottom of what really happened and reminded reporters that he told parents of the missing students last week that “everyone,” including the army and Federal Police, will be investigated in relation to the case.

According to the federal government’s “historic truth,” corrupt police in Iguala handed over the students to the Guerreros Unidos criminal gang whose members executed them and burned their bodies at a municipal dump in the nearby town of Cocula.

But that version of events has been widely rejected by independent forensic experts, human rights groups, journalists, family members and others who suspect that the army may have played a role in the students’ disappearance and deaths.

Source: El Universal (sp) 

Coahuila auditor files embezzlement complaints over 639 million pesos

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The Coahuila auditor's office has filed 13 criminal complaints over missing funds.
The Coahuila auditor's office has filed 13 criminal complaints over missing funds.

During four months ending last April, the Coahuila Auditor’s Office (ASEC) filed 13 criminal complaints against a state government department and several municipalities for the embezzlement of almost 640 million pesos.

The agency said in a first-semester 2018 report that the complaints were made to the Coahuila Attorney General’s office between December 28, 2017 and April 26 of this year.

The ASEC alleges that a total of just over 636.6 million pesos (US $33.9 million) in public funds were misappropriated.

The state Secretariat of Finance was the biggest offender with more than 465.2 million pesos missing from its public accounts records for 2013, according to an ASEC complaint filed in January.

Chief auditor Armando Plata said the money was siphoned through shell companies and that additional funds disappeared from the same secretariat in 2014, 2015 and 2016.

The municipal governments of Acuña, Frontera, Jiménez, Sabinas and San Pedro are also accused of illicitly diverting funds ranging from 1.5 million pesos to 23.5 million pesos in 2014. The ASEC also detected irregularities in the 2015 accounts of the same five municipalities.

The amounts allegedly embezzled increased that year to between 11.6 million pesos and 31.1 million pesos. For the second year in a row, the municipality of Sabinas was the worst offender.

After receiving a special request from the state Congress, the ASEC also investigated the Sabinas municipal government’s accounts for 2016 and 2017, finding more irregularities that resulted in two more criminal complaints being filed in April.

Former Sabinas mayor Lenin Flores Lucio, two former officials and a government contractor have all been ordered to stand trial on charges of embezzlement.

At the time the embezzlement allegedly occurred, Rubén Moreira Valdés was governor.

Now a federal congressman with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), he has been accused of receiving large cash payments from the Los Zetas drug cartel while in office in Coahuila.

According to a binational report released last November, Moreira and his brother and former governor Humberto Moreira Valdés effectively ceded control of the northern border state to the notorious criminal organization in exchange for the bribes they received.

Source: El Universal (sp) 

Morena party seeks annulment of Puebla election for governor

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Polevnsky and Barbosa: PAN's 'dirty hands' won election.
Polevnsky and Barbosa: PAN's 'dirty hands' won election.

The Morena party wants election officials to annul the Puebla election for governor on the grounds that it was “plagued” with irregularities.

Party president Yeidckol Polevnsky Gurwitz said the July 1 was manipulated by ex-governor Rafael Moreno Valle, “who only wants to pass along the power to his wife.”

Martha Erika Alonso Hidalgo ran under the National Action Party (PAN) banner and was declared winner of the election.

Polevnsky said the recount showed the levels at which the state elections were manipulated, “just like PAN did in the times of Felipe Calderón . . . .”

She told a press conference it was the same in the 2006 presidential election when Felipe Calderón snatched the win from Morena leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

Polevnsky said it was “illogical” that voting trends in Puebla went contrary to those seen at the national level: “we know that Andrés Manuel López Obrador was a tsunami that gave votes to many, even those that weren’t well known . . . ”

PAN’s “dirty hands” are all over the electoral process, she continued, and the party continues to exert pressure on electoral judges.

Morena’s gubernatorial candidate, Miguel Barbosa Huerta, declared himself an optimist, stating he was convinced that the court’s decision would go in his favor, adding that the annulment request could be a done deal by late October or early November.

He lost the election to Alonso by 122,000 votes, or four percentage points. The results of the recount, meanwhile, are being kept under wraps due to the annulment request.

Source: El Universal (sp)

Autopsies in the street: Oaxaca doctor denounced for sidewalk surgeries

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A sidewalk autopsy in Oaxaca.
A sidewalk autopsy in Oaxaca.

First it was a mobile morgue emitting unpleasant odors in Jalisco. Now it’s autopsies in full public view in the street of a Oaxaca town.

Problems faced by state forensic services have been the result of a shortage of space in morgues for victims of violent crime, but in Santiago Jamiltepec it was the absence of electric light that required a street-level autopsy, photos of which appeared on social media.

A forensic medical specialist from the state Attorney General’s office is seen performing an autopsy on the corpse of a man on the sidewalk  outside the Jamiltepec cemetery. Vehicle headlights and a mobile phone are the only sources of illumination.

The doctor, identified only by his first name, Lázaro, is bent over the corpse and performing what has been described as necro-surgery on the head while streams of body fluids run down the street.

The reason given for conducting an autopsy outdoors was that there was no electricity inside the cemetery facilities.

When municipal officials arrived on the scene to investigate they demanded an explanation from the specialist, who refused to give one and rudely sent them away, according to local media reports.

Jamiltepec Mayor Efraín de la Cruz Sánchez denounced the doctor’s performance, stating that he had illegally performed a number of such procedures without the necessary sanitation measures.

” . . . As municipal authorities we demand that the doctor performs his work in a professional manner and in compliance with our municipality’s regulations,” said the mayor’s office in a statement, urging that he “be disciplined.”

Source: NVI Noticias (sp), El Universal (sp)

50 years after Tlatelolco massacre, plaques honoring president come down

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A plaque remembering Díaz Ordaz is removed in the Mexico City subway.
A plaque remembering Díaz Ordaz is removed in the Mexico City subway.

Fifty years after the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre, plaques honoring the president who authorized the use of force against peaceful protesters are coming down and monuments to him could soon follow.

As many as 300 students were killed in Mexico City on October 2, 1968, amid rising social tensions and just 10 days before the opening of the Mexico City Summer Olympics, President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz ordered the use of military force against students demonstrating against authoritarian rule.

Army and police helicopters dropped flares on the square and snipers shot at students before soldiers and tanks opened fire on the gathered masses in Tlatelolco’s Plaza de las Tres Culturas (Square of the Three Cultures), located just north of the capital’s historic center.

Officials maintained that only 30 people lost their lives but based on witness accounts and reporting from foreign correspondents, it is believed that the real number was around 300 victims. More than 1,000 students were arrested during and after the massacre.

Last week, a federal government agency, the Victims’ Commission, recognized for the first time that the massacre was “a state crime that continued beyond October 2 with arbitrary arrests and torture.”

Yesterday, the day before the 50th anniversary of the atrocity, Mexico City Mayor José Ramón Amieva Gálvez announced that all plaques in the capital’s subway system recognizing federal or city authorities in power in 1968 would be removed immediately.

The metro system was built during Ordaz’s six-year presidency and its first line started operations in 1969, a year before he left office.

Amieva said that after taking into account the thoughts and feelings of citizens, he came to the conclusion that the time was right to remove references to the former president.

The plaques will be replaced with new ones that offer information about the construction of the metro but make no mention of the authorities who oversaw the project.

The move was praised by many on social media but others condemned it, not out of defense for Díaz Ordaz’s legacy but because it would erase one of the darkest chapters of Mexico’s history from citizens’ collective consciousness.

“The Mexico City government has ordered plaques with the name Gustavo Díaz Ordaz be removed. In the same spirit, Stalin ordered the faces of his adversaries to be removed from paintings and photographs. History is not altered by decree nor by erasing its testimonies. History is explained and discussed,” National Autonomous University (UNAM) academic Raúl Trejo Delarbre wrote on Twitter.

“Not by removing plaques with the name of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz from metro stations will it cease to be a historic fact that the SCT [subway system] was built in his six-year term. History is not . . . black and white. It has to be respected. Mexicans have a right to memory,” journalist Pascal Beltrán del Río said.

Ignacio Lanzagorta, an anthropologist and political scientist, argued that the plaques should remain but new ones should be added below to explain “who the hell Díaz Ordaz is” and “to broaden the perspective” about what happened during his administration.

In Nuevo León, academics and activists belonging to the 9 de Marzo Collective called on local authorities to pull down monuments that honor the former Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) president and to change the name of any streets, neighborhoods or places that bear his name.

Members of the group recommended that “Martyrs of October 2, 1968” be used as a replacement name.

“The former president disgraced not just the Mexican army but the whole nation. During his fifth government report, on September 1, 1969, Díaz Ordaz declared that he was personally responsible [for the massacre] from the moral, ethical and historic point of view,” said Juan de Dios Sánchez Martínez, an activist in the northern state.

Members of the activist group presented a petition to the mayor of Monterrey to support their position and also submitted a list of all the streets, neighborhoods and monuments that honor Díaz Ordaz.

Marches will take place in at least 18 Mexican states today to commemorate the massacre but as always the largest protest will take place in Mexico City.

Thousands of people are expected to march from the Plaza de las Tres Culturas to the zócalo, Mexico City’s central square.

Among the participants will be the parents of the 43 students who disappeared in Iguala, Guerrero, in 2014.

They took to the streets of the capital just a week ago to mark the fourth anniversary of their sons’ disappearance after meeting earlier with president-elect López Obrador, who pledged that the incoming government would find the truth of what happened and examine the role of the army and Federal Police.

Now, as in 1968, impunity continues to prevail in many cases of violence committed in the country.

The disappearance and presumed death of the 43 rural students provided a stark reminder that Mexico can still be a dangerous place for students, with powerful drug cartels presenting the biggest risk to the nation’s youth.

According to the federal government’s “historic truth” regarding the Ayotzinapa-Iguala case, the 43 students were killed by a local crime gang who later burned their bodies in a municipal dump.

This year, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) is believed responsible for kidnapping, torturing and murdering three film students in Jalisco.

“We are possibly worse off today. Young people are under attack, with the economy, inequality, there are fewer opportunities,” Enrique Espinosa, a participant in the 1968 protests, told the Associated Press.

“This is not the Mexico we wanted,” he declared.

Source: Animal Político (sp), Reporte Indigo (sp), El Universal (sp), AP (en)