El Jalapeño: Mexico hires Kristi Noem, cites ‘220 million dollars of free publicity’

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March 15, 2026

unnamed — In a move that shocked animal welfare activists everywhere, Kristi Noem was unveiled as Mexico's latest tourism ambassador.

All stories in El Jalapeño are satire and not real news.

MEXICO CITY — The Mexican Tourism Ministry announced Monday that it has hired former U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem as its new Director of International Outreach, ending a nationwide search that officials said took “considerably less time than expected.”

“For years, Kristi Noem could not stop talking about Mexico,” said Tourism Minister Josefina Rodríguez. “She mentioned us in every speech, every ad, every debate. No one in American public life has kept our name in front of more eyeballs, completely for free, for longer. We felt we owed her a salary.”

The appointment has sent bookings soaring in Iowa. (This image was generated by AI)

Rodríguez added that the ministry had considered other candidates but ultimately concluded that hiring “the woman who spent US $220 million in federal funds just to put her own face on television” was, from a marketing standpoint, an asset rather than a liability.

The ministry has already commissioned a billboard campaign featuring Noem on horseback against an Oaxacan sunset with the tagline: “So great, even I had to admit it.”

“We tested forty slogans,” said Rodríguez. “That one performed best with the 45-to-65 American conservative demographic. Which is, coincidentally, exactly who we are trying to get to book an all-inclusive.”

When asked whether hiring the architect of mass deportations sent a complicated message, Rodríguez paused.

“She is very recognizable,” she said. “And the flights from Sioux Falls are very affordable.”
Noem, reached by phone from Cabo San Lucas, called the appointment “a natural evolution” and said she looked forward to telling “the other side of the story” about a country she described as having “far fewer cartels than I previously indicated, publicly, many times.”

At press time, the Mexican government had quietly added Noem’s DHS tenure to her official biography under the heading “Extensive Regional Experience.”

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A history of the Maya: The myth of ‘collapse’

By

Dr. Pablo Mumary

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March 15, 2026

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Chichén Itzá was the center of the Maya world in the 9th and 10th centuries. (Daniel Schwen/Wikimedia Commons)

As part of an exploration into Mexico’s long and rich history, Mexico News Daily has teamed up with one of the country’s top Maya experts to examine the ancient world that flourished across Mesoamerica. This is Part 6 in a series of articles on the history of the Maya. Follow the links to read Part 1, Part 2, Part 3, Part 4 and Part 5.

The Postclassic period, spanning approximately from A.D. 1000 to the fall of the last Maya political capitals of the Highlands around 1524, has been the victim of a persistent historical misinterpretation. For much of the 20th century, traditional archaeology and popular imagination consolidated the idea that, following the “collapse” of the great cities of the Classic Period, Maya political entities sank into a stage of decadence and cultural degradation, lacking the architectural or intellectual sophistication that characterized centers such as Tikal, Calakmul or Palenque.

However, contemporary research has dismantled this narrative. What we understand today is not a process of decline, but rather a political, economic and social reconfiguration. The Postclassic period did not mark the end of Maya culture, but the exhaustion of a specific model of rule: that of the sacred lords, or k’uhul ajaw. In their place, more pragmatic regimes emerged, along with corporate power structures and an economy that specialized in long-distance maritime trade. This transition demonstrates an extraordinary capacity for adaptation in the face of environmental, political and social crises.

Maya cities map — Notable cities and their locations during the Maya Classic and Postclassic periods. (Kmusser – Foster, Lynn/Wikimedia Commons)

The reorganization of the Maya Lowlands

Around A.D. 1000, the landscape of the Maya Lowlands underwent a radical transformation. The cities that had dominated the Classic period — Tikal, Calakmul, Caracol and Copán, among others — experienced a process of progressive depopulation. It is important to note that this phenomenon did not imply a total and instantaneous abandonment. Recent archaeological research has detected persistent occupations on the peripheries of these great cultural centers.

The fall of the system of sacred rulers was a phenomenon driven by different causes, as critical environmental changes were added to shifts in power structures, with notable prolonged droughts that undermined the agricultural base. This scenario triggered a massive social displacement toward two key geographic regions: the Northern Lowlands, on the Yucatán Peninsula, and the Highlands, in the present-day territories of Guatemala and Chiapas.

Chichén Itzá and the marked period of transition

During the 9th and 10th centuries, Chichén Itzá in the Yucatán Peninsula consolidated itself as the political center of the region, under the leadership of notable rulers such as K’ahk’ Upakal, who succeeded in establishing relations with the city of Ek’ Balam. Chichén Itzá was a markedly cosmopolitan city where diverse linguistic and ethnic groups coexisted.

The iconography of the murals of the Temple of the Jaguars offers a window into this period of change. The scenes of sieges and conflicts suggest a climate of endemic warfare, likely driven by competition for control of the coastal trade routes, as salt, obsidian, jade and quetzal feathers became some of the most coveted commodities.

From the perspective of the Maya cosmic worldview, the Feathered Serpent, Kukulcán, symbolized political legitimacy tied to commerce and warfare, as the role of the sacred lords waned in importance. Although by the time of the Spanish arrival, Chichén Itzá no longer held its former political control, its prestige as a ceremonial center was maintained among the community, functioning as a site of sacred pilgrimage well into the colonial period.

The Chontal Maya: The great navigators

One of the pillars of Postclassic prosperity was the rise of maritime trade, led by the Chontal Maya, or Putunes. These groups, originating from the region of Tabasco and Campeche, became the great navigators of this historical context. Thanks to their skill in navigating large-draft canoes, they established a network of strategic enclaves connecting the Gulf of Mexico with the Caribbean Sea.

In this regard, the island of Cozumel played a fundamental dual role: on one hand, it functioned as the sanctuary of the goddess Ixchel, and on the other, as a major commercial port. From there, Chontal trade routes extended southward, reaching the mouth of the Motagua River and the Gulf of Honduras. This network not only mobilized luxury goods for the elite, but also basic necessities such as fish, honey, cacao and possibly salt from the salt flats of northern Yucatán, among others. This mercantilist economy was the vital support that allowed large populations to persist in a politically fragmented environment.

The rise and fall of Mayapán

Following the decline of Chichén Itzá around A.D. 1200, the city of Mayapán emerged as the new capital of the peninsula. Mayapán was a densely populated city protected by a wall more than nine kilometers long. This characteristic reflects the need for centralized defense in the face of a climate of constant insecurity. The “League of Mayapán,” a system of governance used to maintain regional stability, was made up of the cities of Chichén Itzá (led by the Itzá lineage) and Uxmal (led by the Xiu), while the Cocom maintained control of Mayapán. The imposition of this political entity on the regional landscape ended violently in the mid-15th century, when accumulated tension among noble families — exacerbated by the authoritarianism of the rulers — culminated in a revolt led by the Xiu lineage against the Cocom.

Archaeological excavations at the center of Mayapán show evidence of fires, deliberate destruction of monuments, and human remains that confirm a traumatic collapse. This event was not merely a change of dynasty, but the end of the last great centralized structure in Yucatán. Following the fall of Mayapán (around A.D. 1441), the peninsula fragmented into 16 independent provinces — in constant conflict over control of territory and resources — called cuchcabalo’ob, each headed by a halach winik, or “true man-ruler.” After this rupture, the Xiu lineage settled in Maní, the Cocom in Sotuta, and the Cupul in the region of the same name, whose capital was Zací (present-day Valladolid in the eastern part of the Yucatán Peninsula).

It was precisely this disunity that the Spanish conquistadors encountered in the 16th century; the enmity between the Xiu and the Cocom was so deep that the former allied with Francisco de Montejo to confront the latter, inadvertently facilitating the conquest of the Northern Lowlands.

The Maya Highlands

While the north was fragmenting, in the Highlands of Guatemala, states of great complexity and marked militarism were consolidating. The most prominent was the K’iche’ state, with its capital at K’umarkaj (or Utatlán). Unlike the Yucatecan model, the K’iche’ system of government was a meritocratic and rotational hierarchy among elite lineages.

In this system, the sons of the nobility were integrated into a structure of military ranks, where advancement depended on performance in warfare and administration. The highlands became a mosaic of highly competitive warrior states, such as the Kaqchikels (with their capital at Iximché), who were initially allies of the K’iche’ before rebelling and organizing their own territory.

K'iche' warriors — The K’iche’ in the Guatemalan Highlands were overthrown by Spanish conquistadors led by Pedro de Alvarado. (Diego Duran/Getty Images)

By the time of the Spanish arrival in the 16th century, the region was marked by endemic warfare among these groups. The Kaqchikels attempted to take advantage of the arrival of the conquistadors by initially allying with Pedro de Alvarado to subdue their K’iche’, Tz’utujil and Pipil rivals. However, this alliance was short-lived; due to mistreatment and tribute demands, the Kaqchikels rebelled against the Spanish, but in 1526 they were completely defeated and their capital of Iximché fell to the conquistadors.

Years earlier, in 1524, the Spanish had already defeated the K’iche’, and their capital K’umarkaj had been destroyed; meanwhile, Zaculeu, capital of the Mam, had also succumbed in 1525, after enduring a Spanish siege for several months.

Epilogue

The Postclassic period is a testament to the resilience of a civilization that adapted to survive. The abandonment of the great city-states did not mean the “collapse” of their culture; on the contrary, Maya identity persisted through its various groups, its languages and cosmic worldview that, with the arrival of the Spanish, underwent a complex process of syncretism. The Postclassic should not be seen as the end of Maya culture, but as a period of transformation — a new process of change on the eve of the encounter between two distinct and distant civilizations — one that once again demonstrated the capacity for adaptation, resistance and resilience of the Maya peoples to this day.

It would not be until 1697 that the last capital of the ancient Maya, Tayasal (Noh Petén) in Flores, Guatemala, was overthrown by the Spanish conquistadors. However, it should be noted that between 1847 and 1901, the conflict known as the Caste War took place, in which the peninsular Maya populations rose again in a struggle for their autonomy. Today, Maya cultural identity, its languages and traditions remain alive in Yucatán, Guatemala, Chiapas and Belize — with current populations continuing to demonstrate their millennia-old capacity for adaptation, recovery and resistance.

Pablo Mumary holds a doctorate in Mesoamerican studies from UNAM and currently works at the Center for Maya Studies at IIFL-UNAM as a full-time associate researcher. He specializes in the study of the lordships of the Maya Lowlands of the Classic period.

How an era of tariffs is reshaping Mexico’s agriculture industry

By

Irena Vélez

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March 15, 2026

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Farmer on tractor in Mexico — Tariffs from both the U.S. and Mexico in recent years have complicated agricultural production and profitability. (Gobierno de Mexico)

Few economic relationships are as closely intertwined as the agricultural food systems of Mexico and the United States. Mexico is the largest agricultural trading partner of the U.S., while the U.S. is by far Mexico’s primary market. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), the United States sources roughly half of its fresh fruits and vegetables from Mexico, while Mexico imports billions of dollars in U.S. corn, soybeans, dairy and meat annually.

The U.S. accounted for about 91% of Mexico’s agricultural exports in 2024, according to Banco de México and the USDA Foreign Agricultural Service. Bilateral trade benefits both countries through farm operations, food processors, trucking networks, port operators and rural jobs on each side of the border.

A young man in a dark blue sweatshirt kneels outside under a tree and loads avocadoes fallen on the ground into bright red and yellow food crates. — In 2025, Mexican exports — including the ever-popular avocado — were subjected to 25% tariffs in the U.S. (Juan José Estrada Serafín/Cuartoscuro)

For decades, tariff-free trade under the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA) provided predictability. However, that certainty is now being tested by tariffs, legal reversals and emerging trade disputes.

The 2025 tariff shock

Trade tensions escalated on Feb. 1, 2025, when U.S. President Donald Trump signed executive orders putting 25% tariffs on imports from Mexico and Canada. Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced potential retaliatory tariffs and non-tariff measures on U.S. products.

The tariffs officially took effect on March 4, 2025, though partial exemptions were granted for USMCA-compliant goods. By mid-2025, roughly 84% of Mexico–U.S. trade remained tariff-free under USMCA rules, according to U.S. trade data.

However, sector-specific duties had more dramatic consequences. In July 2025, the U.S. imposed a 17% duty on most fresh Mexican tomatoes after negotiations failed to renew a long-standing agreement. Mexico supplies roughly 70% of the U.S. fresh tomato market. The tariff sent shockwaves through agricultural regions such as Sinaloa and Baja California, affecting not just farmers and exporters, but also packing houses, transport companies and local labor markets.

The tariff ripple extended to input costs and production decisions. Even with partial exemptions for USMCA-compliant fertilizers, feed and machinery, Mexican producers faced higher operating expenses. Many had to recalibrate planting plans, reduce acreage for high-input crops, or switch to lower-cost alternatives to maintain financial viability.

Legal reversal and Section 122

Market instability intensified on Feb. 20, 2026, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6-3 that several emergency tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act exceeded presidential authority.

sad, unhappy Trump — Trump justified his flood of tariffs on a law allowing them without congressional approval if there is a national emergency in progress. The Supreme Court majority wasn’t buying it. (Shutterstock)

In response, the Trump administration invoked Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, allowing a temporary global tariff of up to 15% for 150 days without congressional approval. While USMCA-compliant goods — including beef, certain fertilizers and feed inputs — were largely exempted, not all Mexican producers were safe.

The rapid sequence of tariffs being imposed, struck down and replaced within days created extreme uncertainty. Trade was thrown into flux. Producers were forced to renegotiate agreements, adjust shipments and reconsider crop cycles. Financial institutions also hesitated to extend credit under the volatile conditions, constraining the expansion of processing, storage and transport infrastructure.

The economic impact

Mexico’s agriculture sector felt the effects immediately. According to Banco de México, agri-food exports from January to July 2025 totaled US $31.9 billion — a 4.4% decline from the same period in 2024. Tomato shipments fell 18%, while grain, oilseed and livestock exports also decreased.

High-volume staples like tomatoes, peppers and cucumbers remained resilient in volume due to U.S. dependence but suffered downward price pressure. Specialty crops such as asparagus, garlic and mushrooms saw sharper declines in demand, reflecting heightened sensitivity to tariffs and price volatility.

The cascading effects extended beyond exports:

Rising input costs for fertilizers, feed, seeds and machinery increased production expenses.
Price volatility affected domestic markets, sometimes pushing retail prices upward.
Employment risks threatened seasonal and permanent jobs in export-dependent regions.
Investment uncertainty slowed the expansion of processing and cold storage infrastructure.

Collectively, these pressures reshaped producer decisions on crop selection, acreage and livestock management, while increasing overall financial risk.

Livestock and the screwworm ban

NWS fly — New World screwworms are the larvae of a species of blowfly. Authorities suspect that its spread is not just from the movement of infected cattle but also from the natural migration of the flies themselves. (Texas Department of Agriculture)

Tariffs were only part of the challenge. In 2025, the United States suspended imports of Mexican cattle due to the New World screwworm parasite. The ban sharply curtailed live cattle exports and depressed livestock revenues.

USDA Mexico Livestock and Products reports (February 2026) note that over one million head of cattle were redirected to domestic feedlots. Domestic slaughter is forecast to rise, putting downward pressure on beef prices and boosting internal consumption.

While beneficial for consumers, ranchers experienced disrupted cash flow, forcing rapid adaptation to domestic markets. Many relied on U.S. dollar export revenues, illustrating the vulnerability created by market concentration.

Mexico’s defensive measures

Mexico responded with selective tariffs to protect domestic industries:

Tariffs of 156–210% on sugar imports from countries outside free-trade agreements.
Tariffs up to 50% on imports from non-Free Trade Agreement countries, such as China, Brazil and India.

Critics warn these measures could raise consumer prices and reduce competitiveness. Supporters argue they are necessary to protect rural employment and safeguard strategic production.

Diversification: Canada and the European Union

Fruits and vegetables at a market in Mexico — Mexico and Canada have an agreement to expand trade in fruits and vegetables. (Shutterstock)

Amid U.S. volatility, Mexico is accelerating diversification. Early 2026 efforts with Canada aimed to streamline meat exports, improve sanitary protocols and expand trade in fruits and vegetables. Bilateral trade reached US $56 billion in 2024.

Mexico is also preparing a modernized trade agreement with the European Union to reduce over-reliance on the U.S.

While diversification offers opportunities, geography and established supply chains continue to favor the U.S., keeping Mexico exposed to North American trade policy shifts.

Navigating the uncertainty

All of these pressures converge as the 2026 USMCA review approaches. Proposals to split the trilateral pact into bilateral agreements have heightened uncertainty, affecting crop planting, feed procurement, export contracts and investment decisions. The review could reshape tariffs, regulatory alignment and dispute mechanisms — directly impacting Mexican producers’ profitability and risk.

Tariffs, legal reversals and sanitary measures continue to influence crop and livestock choices, rural employment and financial planning. At the same time, they are driving adaptation: expanding domestic cattle production, diversifying export markets and recalibrating risk strategies.

For Mexican farmers, 2026 is no longer just about the harvest — it is about navigating unprecedented volatility while sustaining livelihoods and preserving one of North America’s most integrated food supply chains. How the USMCA review unfolds will be pivotal for the agricultural sector’s resilience.

Wheat fields in the Yaqui Valley in Sonora, Mexico. (Wonderlane from Seattle/Wikimedia Commons)

Irena Vélez is a journalist at Wikifarmer, based in Seville, Spain. She holds a Bachelor’s degree in Journalism (Honours) from Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada, and reports on a range of topics, including agriculture, sustainability, and agribusiness.

To learn more about the agriculture sector, Wikifarmer empowers farmers, agribusiness professionals, and industry observers through four key pillars: the Wikifarmer Marketplace, connecting producers with buyers around the world; the Wikifarmer Library, a free, open-access knowledge hub with thousands of expert-authored articles; the Wikifarmer Academy, offering online courses with certifications to enhance agricultural skills; and Wikifarmer Price Insights, providing real-time market intelligence on key commodities.

So you want to be an expat? Here’s how to make it in Mexico

By

Janet Blaser

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March 15, 2026

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Mexico City is a popular choice among the 1.6 million U.S. expats living in Mexico. (Ciudad de Mexico)

Every year, InterNations — which bills itself as “the world’s largest network for people living and working abroad” — conducts an “expat satisfaction” survey of thousands of its members living all over the world.

Mexico remained in the spotlight in 2025, with InterNations users voting it the number three place worldwide to live.

Internations expat survey — Mexico fared well in the Internations 2025 survey on the best and worst places for expats to live worldwide. Some European nations did not fare so well. (Internations)

Citing factors like quality of life, feeling welcomed, cost of living, ease of settling in, affordable housing and a beautiful culture, thousands of expats gave Mexico a big thumbs up. And, 88% of expats in Mexico also said they were “happy with their lives,” as opposed to the 62% global average.

These rave reviews have made many people think more seriously about actually moving to Mexico. But how can you actually do it?

After living in Mexico for almost 20 years, I’ve learned that there’s no single way to make your expat dream a reality. More than 1.6 million Americans live in Mexico, and you can bet each one’s journey was different, with their own style, timetable and priorities.

That being said, here are some tips to make your transition easier and help you relax and enjoy the sometimes bumpy — but always amusing — ride you’ve just begun.

Do your due diligence

Research everywhere you can think of. Check and double-check information. Don’t rely on hearsay; look at Facebook pages, blogs and YouTube, then investigate some more.

Remember: if it sounds too good to be true, it probably isn’t true.

Many people think Puerto Vallarta is amazing. But it’s best to do your own research before deciding to move there. (The Villas Group)

Visit the place you’re interested in and see how it actually feels once you’re on the ground. While you’re there, talk to anyone you can; most folks are friendly and willing to answer the millions of questions you’ve probably come up with.

Check out housing and location options

Your new life is going to look very different than the one you’re leaving, and you may not know exactly what that means. Houses, condos and apartments can be found at every price point, with wildly differing amenities. Consider renting for a year or more while you figure out what you want.

As you ponder the future, think about where you see yourself: a busy, cosmopolitan city, a peaceful, rural paradise or something in between, bearing in mind that all those look different in Mexico than what you’re likely used to. Think long and hard about what your priorities are, but if they’re unclear at this point, that’s OK too.

Explore medical options and facilities

If you’re retiring and of senior age, you’ve probably given this lots of thought already. You’ll be looking for expert medical care by English-speaking professionals, something that’s not available everywhere in Mexico.

As you research, dig deep into the details you might not consider in your home country. Check out the local hospitals, clinics and medical centers: what resources and technology do they have? Can they give you a tour of the facilities? Cities with big expat populations, like Puerto Vallarta, have excellent medical resources that will be able to take care of your health needs in a way you’re used to.

You may have heard about Mexican IMSS health insurance, but look beyond the clickbait headlines and do your research! It’s not free: costs depend on age and physical condition. You’ll also want to visit the local general hospital before signing up. While Medicare doesn’t cover costs outside the U.S., some insurance and Advantage Plans do.

Business basics

Mexican pesos in cash counting machine. Mexico money. Business concept. peso exchange rate, Financial settlements. closeup — Where to keep one’s money is an important topic for expats, as is choosing the right Mexican bank for accounts or services. (Shutterstock)

Where will you keep your money? A bank in your home country, a Mexican bank, or both? Be sure to check if your current bank charges a fee for international withdrawals; if it does, consider switching to another bank that doesn’t.

How about a phone plan? Mexican companies offer amazing cell phone plans — many of which include free calls to the U.S. and Canada — but maybe you want to keep your U.S. number. Will it work where you’re moving to? If you want access to U.S. TV and streaming channels, how will you manage that?

Update and make copies of personal documents — physically and in the cloud — and consider designating someone in your home country to get your mail and keep copies of your important papers, just in case.

Cost of living

Be very skeptical of articles or videos peddling a one-size-fits-all monthly budget for living in Mexico. Your cost of living can indeed be much lower than in the United States or Canada, but it also depends on your lifestyle and where and how you want to live.

Utilities usually cost much less in Mexico, and rent, property taxes and home prices can be much lower than they are in the rest of North America. On the other hand, if you prefer to live in a new condo with lots of amenities, costs will be higher — potentially much higher.

Question carefully what your costs will be, specific to where you’re going, and with your preferred lifestyle in mind. Ask on Mexico expat Facebook pages or, better yet, go for a visit and talk to folks in person who actually live there.

Valle de Guadalupe — Wine country in Baja California, the state in which the most U.S. expats reside. (Wikimedia Commons/Cbojorquez75)

There may be some sort of expat meetup group or community center where you can ask some of these questions and get real-time answers and information. Also, ask about those sorts of options when you contact the expat online forums. Consider talking to realtors about costs, too, although get a recommendation from fellow expats for a realtor to talk to.

No matter how much preparation and research you do, it’s inevitable that there will be unexpected surprises along the way. It helps to remember that you chose to be on this adventure precisely to create and enjoy a new life that isn’t completely the same as what you’d been living before.

Embrace your journey into the unknown of your new expat life with your eyes open but also with a happy heart, a smile on your face and the freedom to create the future you’ve been dreaming of!

Janet Blaser is the author of the best-selling book, Why We Left: An Anthology of American Women Expats, featured on CNBC and MarketWatch. She has lived in Mexico since 2006. You can find her on Facebook.

Mexico’s week in review: Congress deals Sheinbaum her first legislative defeat

By

MND Staff

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March 14, 2026

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Manzanillo, Colima, México, 13 de marzo de 2026. La doctora Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, presidenta Constitucional de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en conferencia de prensa matutina, “Conferencia del Pueblo” desde Colima. La acompañan Indira Vizcaíno Silva, gobernadora Constitucional del Estado de Colima; Omar García Harfuch, secretario de Seguridad y Protección Ciudadana (SSPC); Raymundo Pedro Morales Ángeles, secretario de Marina (Semar); Bulmaro Juárez Pérez, divulgador de lenguas originarias, presentador de la sección “Suave Patria”; Ricardo Trevilla Trejo, secretario de la Defensa Nacional (Sedena); Jesús Antonio Esteva Medina, secretario de Infraestructura, Comunicaciones y Transportes; Bryant Alejandro García Ramírez, fiscal general del Estado de Colima; Fabián Ricardo Gómez Calcáneo; Rocío Bárcena Molina, subsecretaria de Desarrollo Democrático, Participación Social y Asuntos Religiosos de la Secretaría de Gobernación; Efraín Morales López, director general de la Comisión Nacional del Agua (Conagua); Marcela Figueroa Franco, secretaria ejecutiva del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública (SESNSP) y Guillermo Briseño Lobera, comandante de la Guardia Nacional (GN). Foto: Saúl López / Presidencia — Mexico's lower house of Congress on Wednesday rejected Claudia Sheinbaum's electoral reform proposal, dealing a significant blow to the president. (Saúl López/Presidencia)

President Claudia Sheinbaum had a bruising week on the domestic front.

On Wednesday, her electoral reform — a campaign promise — failed in the Chamber of Deputies after members of the National Action Party (PAN), the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Citizens’ Movement (MC) and the ruling Morena party’s allies, the Labor Party (PT) and the Green Party (PVEM), all voted against it.

It was the first time since PT and PVEM joined forces with Morena in 2018 that they didn’t offer their broad support to an initiative backed by the president.

On Thursday morning, Sheinbaum announced a “Plan B,” though the bill’s opponents still see it as a pathway to a single-party system favoring Morena. Mid-week, Sheinbaum also announced a visit to Brazil and reaffirmed Mexico’s support for Cuba, keeping Latin American diplomacy on the agenda even during a difficult week.

Further afield, Italy knocked Mexico out of the World Baseball Classic — a tough pill for fans craving a win — but World Cup fever is building, with Mexico City’s Zócalo carpeted in artificial turf in preparation for the world’s largest simultaneous soccer practice, to be held this Sunday.

Didn’t have time to follow the news this week? Here’s what you missed.

Sheinbaum’s electoral reform fails — and pivots to ‘plan B’

Mexico’s lower house of Congress on Wednesday rejected Claudia Sheinbaum’s electoral reform proposal, dealing a significant blow to the president. While a majority of deputies voted in favor of the bill, the reform proposal required two-thirds support as it sought to amend Mexico’s Constitution. All told, 259 deputies supported the bill while 234 opposed it.

The setback marks a rare rift in the coalition between the ruling Morena party and its partners, as the Green Party (PVEM) and the Labor Party (PT) withheld their support. Some of the proposed changes, which Sheinbaum’s party framed as budget austerity measures, were viewed by smaller parties as reducing their own power.

Time for plan B: Sheinbaum’s electoral reform fails in the lower house

At her Thursday mañanera, Sheinbaum unveiled a “Plan B”: rather than amending the Constitution — which requires a supermajority — she will seek to change secondary laws, which require only a simple majority to pass.

She said her plan has three main objectives: to reduce the privileges that persist in local Congresses, reduce privileges in municipalities, and strengthen public consultation, giving citizens a greater say on important issues, including via referendums. She said she would submit the new bill to Congress on Monday.

What’s happening with Uber at the Mexico City International Airport?

Taxi drivers blocked access to both terminals of Mexico City International Airport (AICM) on Wednesday, demanding that rideshare apps be blocked from the airport. The protest was organized by the taxi group New Image Land Transportation, and the drivers vowed to remain indefinitely until authorities gave a written commitment not to modify the law protecting their exclusive operating rights.

The blockade came after proposed legislation would allow ride-hailing apps like Uber and DiDi to operate on all federal properties, including airports. The action was prompted by that bill, which the protesting taxi operators say would threaten their livelihoods.

Starting Thursday, the National Guard resumed enforcement of an on-again, off-again policy banning rideshare services from picking up passengers at AICM’s two terminals. But Uber wasn’t about to stand down: company officials noted that its lawsuit against the policy has yet to be adjudicated, and that last October, a federal judge ordered an end to “arbitrary fines and detentions” until it is resolved.

Rideshare drivers caught in the act this week received only verbal warnings.

At her Thursday presser, Sheinbaum offered some sympathy to taxi drivers, noting that they pay airport operating fees while ride-hailing apps do not — calling that “a valid argument.” She floated a proposal to designate a pick-up zone farther from the terminals for app drivers.

However, AICM tried to implement a similar solution in the past to little lasting effect. With World Cup season kicking off in June, millions of international visitors touching down at Mexico City International Airport will be looking for familiar rideshare options — making this a dispute with a ticking clock.

As of today, passengers who order an Uber to or from one of AICM’s two terminals will most likely get a ride, but may experience delays or harassment in the process.

Steel tariffs and surging oil prices

Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard announced the permanent renewal of tariffs on steel imports from Asian countries that don’t have trade agreements with Mexico, speaking at the 78th Assembly of the National Iron and Steel Industry Chamber.

The tariffs, ranging from 10% to 35%, will protect Mexico’s domestic industry from imports from South Korea, Vietnam, China and other nations covering 220 steel products. Ebrard also called U.S. steel tariffs on Mexico “illogical,” noting that a surplus trade partner being hit with a 50% tariff is “unprecedented.”

The economy minister said he will address this issue next week when Mexico begins the first round of negotiations ahead of the formal review of the US-Mexico-Canada trade pact (USMCA).

Meanwhile, with the Middle East war pushing global oil prices higher, the government renewed its voluntary gas price cap agreement with 96% of the country’s gas stations, pledging to keep regular gasoline below 24 pesos per liter. A key factor in the surge in oil prices is the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly 20% of global oil supply normally passes.

Veracruz oil spill blamed on private tanker

What began in early March as an unidentified oil contamination off the southern Veracruz coast has turned into a widening environmental emergency affecting over 200 kilometers of Gulf of Mexico coastline.

Pemex denies responsibility in Veracruz oil spill

On Wednesday, Veracruz Governor Rocío Nahle initially suggested the oil might have come from a natural seafloor seep. Later, Nahle said the spill originated from a private oil tanker off the coast of Tabasco carrying out exploration tasks.

Clean-up efforts have taken on some urgency as coastal communities prepare for an influx of tourists during the Holy Week holiday period beginning later this month. Environmentalists warn that the oil spill is likely to affect the beaches for up to two months.

New economic forecasts, parks and billionaires

Mexico received a string of upbeat economic signals this week. BBVA and Barclays both raised their growth forecasts for Mexico’s GDP this year — BBVA from 1.5% to 1.7%, and Barclays from 1.2% to 1.8% — joining the OECD and Banco de México in revising their outlooks upward. BBVA’s chief economist cited President Sheinbaum’s mixed-ownership investment model in energy and infrastructure, while Barclays pointed to the early start of USMCA negotiations as a positive development.

On the industrial side, the first 20 industrial parks under Plan México officially opened for business. Together, the parks represent more than US $711 million in direct investment and 3.5 million square meters of capacity for manufacturing and logistics facilities. Roughly 245 companies are expected to operate within them, creating an estimated 62,000 direct jobs across 10 states, including Nuevo León, Baja California, Chihuahua, Jalisco and Mexico City. The government has pledged a total of 100 such parks by 2030.

In other business news, 24 Mexicans made the Forbes 2026 Billionaires List, with a combined net worth of $267.3 billion — up more than 60% from last year.

Anti-cartel efforts: Arms seizures, money trails and the ‘Shield of Americas’

Government data released this week showed that authorities seized 24,122 firearms between October 1, 2024, and February 28, 2026 — at roughly twice the rate of the previous administration. Security Minister Omar García Harfuch noted that approximately 80% of the seized guns came from the United States.

On the U.S. side, the Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) identified 14 U.S. counties near the southwest border where it believes cartels are laundering cash, requiring money service businesses in those counties to file Currency Transaction Reports. Five of the counties — including Maricopa and Pima in Arizona and three New Mexico counties — were newly added to the list.

The week also brought an awkward geopolitical moment. The United States established a new “Americas Counter Cartel Coalition,” also branded the “Shield of the Americas,” at a summit in Florida — but Mexico was not invited, even though U.S. President Trump called it the “epicenter of cartel violence.”

Trump said that the “heart” of the initiative between the ACCC partners — which includes the United States, Argentina, Ecuador, El Salvador, Panama, Paraguay and Peru — is “a commitment to using lethal military force to destroy the sinister cartels and terrorist networks.”

On Monday, the president reiterated that Mexico “proudly continues to say no” to Trump’s offers to send the U.S. army into Mexico for the purpose of combatting organized crime.

Sheinbaum holds the line on sovereignty following Trump’s latest remarks: Monday’s mañanera recapped

Environmental headlines

🐋 A rare albino blue whale was spotted off the coast of Loreto, an extraordinary sighting that capped what officials called an unprecedented whale-watching season on the Baja California Peninsula.

🐆 Two African leopard cubs were born at the Irapuato Zoo in Guanajuato, a rare and celebrated arrival for the species.

🏗️ A luxury condo expansion in Acapulco is facing backlash after an investigation found the project has caused significant damage to the coastal seabed — prompting calls for a halt to construction and greater protections for the bay.

Development indicators

🛡 Homicide rates dropped 35% in February, with Sheinbaum celebrating the continued downward trend in murders during her presidency.

🚂 Train ridership in Mexico topped 55 million as the Maya Train and other passenger rail links posted year-over-year increases.

✈️ Tourism to Mexico doubled since 2000, with international visitor numbers to double again by 2050.

💻 Google, Meta and TikTok agreed to crack down on digital violence against women in Mexico, committing to strengthening community standards and increasing cooperation with authorities on abuse cases.

Looking ahead

Three storylines from this week carry momentum into the coming days. On the electoral reform front, Sheinbaum said she will submit her “Plan B” — secondary law changes requiring only a simple majority — to Congress on Monday. Whether Morena’s allies, whose defection sank the constitutional version, will line up behind the softer bill remains the key question.

On trade, the formal bilateral USMCA review could begin as early as next week, with Minister Ebrard leading the Mexican delegation. The outcome will determine whether the treaty is extended to 2042 or enters a cycle of annual renegotiations.

And on Cuba, President Díaz-Canel confirmed on Friday that his government had recently held talks with U.S. officials. When asked whether Mexico had played a role in facilitating the dialogue, Sheinbaum was characteristically measured: “Let’s say we’ve promoted dialogue with both U.S. and Cuban authorities.”

Progress in those talks could also clear the way for Mexico to resume fuel shipments to the island — a long-standing aid relationship that has been complicated by U.S. sanctions.

Looking for last week’s roundup? Check it out here.

Mexico News Daily

This story contains summaries of original Mexico News Daily articles. The summaries were generated by Claude, then revised and fact-checked by a Mexico News Daily staff editor.

From NYC public schools to Sayulita, one father’s journey to Mexico’s Pacific Coast: A ‘Confidently Wrong’ podcast

By

Travis Bembenek

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March 14, 2026

0

Tourists stroll beneath palm trees on the streets of Sayulita, Mexico — On this week's podcast, school administrator Rob Whiteman shares how he moved his family from New York City to sleepy Sayulita, pictured. (Shutterstock)

As we continue to bring you diverse perspectives and experiences on raising and educating kids in Mexico, today’s podcast episode follows the journey of Rob Whiteman from New York City to Sayulita, Mexico. Rob worked in the city’s massive public school system for years and was looking for a change in life for himself, his wife and their children. And change he made — moving from the largest city in the United States to a tiny beach community of less than 5,000 residents. As you can imagine, it was a massive change, in living, in work and in schooling for his young children.

Today, Rob co-leads the Costa Verde school in Sayulita. Both of his kids studied there and are now thriving. In this week’s episode of “Confidently Wrong,” we learn from Rob how he and has family made the transition and how they are doing now. We talk about classes, exams and sports for the kids of the school. We also talk about some of the lessons learned for families and kids managing the transition to a bilingual school in a small town.

Rob brings a wealth of experience, having lived it as a parent, a teacher and now administrator. Check out these week’s episode to learn and get inspired about raising and educating your kids in Mexico!

🎙️ Confidently Wrong Podcast – Episode 5: From New York City to Mexico's Pacific Coast

Watch this video on YouTube

Travis Bembenek is the CEO of Mexico News Daily and has been living, working or playing in Mexico for nearly 30 years.

The US and Mexico, growing together and growing apart: A perspective from our CEO

By

Travis Bembenek

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March 14, 2026

7

A soldier displays seized handguns — Like the U.S., Mexico is taking the fight against drug cartels increasingly seriously, Travis Bembenek writes — as shown by the skyrocketing rate of illegal weapons seizures by the Sheinbaum administration. (Carlos Alberto Carbajal / Cuartoscuro.com)

The presidents of Mexico and the U.S. are both acting like they are in a hurry. Both of them set the tone for their respective nations with daily press conferences filled with facts, figures and updates. Their agendas are similarly fast-paced. In Trump’s case, it’s enough to make just about anyone’s head spin. His policies impact nearly every part of the economy — every business, every family and every region of the world. Interestingly, in some ways Mexico’s agenda is bringing the country closer to the United States, especially in regards to security collaborations. Yet in other ways, the two countries are more different than ever.

For many years, Mexico arguably used the issue of “cracking down on the cartels” as a negotiating chip. Similarly to Iran or North Korea using the threat of a nuclear weapon to give them leverage, previous Mexican presidents would often try to use the cartel crackdown issue as a way to gain leverage against the U.S. Sadly, as has been the case with Iran and North Korea, it is the Mexican people who have most suffered from their government playing this game (as well as the victims of drugs overdoses in other countries, of course). The Mexican people for decades watched the lack of government success on this issue cause hundreds of thousands of violent deaths, countless suffering by families and a variety of lost opportunities — including billions of dollars of business investments that were never made and millions of visitors who didn’t come to the country.

President López Obrador speaks angrily as he rebukes US Ambassador to Mexico Ken Salazar for 'interfering' in Mexican judicial reform — Former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s “hugs, not bullets” strategy aimed to reduce the human cost of Mexico’s drug war by addressing the root causes of crime. In practice, that meant investing in social programs rather than direct operations against organized crime. (Lopezobrador.org.mx)

AMLO’s attempts to “hug” the cartels, even going so far as meeting with El Chapo’s mother, are some of the most blatant examples of this. In AMLO’s mind, it appeared that it wasn’t in Mexico’s best interest to take the cartel issue too seriously unless something could be extracted in return from the U.S. for doing so. This position resulted in no progress being made in violent deaths in Mexico or drug overdose deaths in the U.S. Thankfully, there have been some recent early indications that this could be changing with deeper cooperation and coordination between the Sheinbaum and Trump administrations. After the recent killing of the notorious CJNG leader “El Mencho” a few weeks ago, I shared “10 reasons why this time could be different.”

Just this week, there has been further evidence of progress and collaboration between the two countries. Mexico has often argued that the U.S. needed to do more on its own side of the border to combat the drug trade. This week the Sheinbaum administration reported more than 24,000 illegal firearms (over 80% of which come from the United States) seized in the past 17 months — which is double the rate of seizures of AMLO’s administration.

Also this week, the U.S. Department of the Treasury targeted 14 counties in the United States where it believes that cartels launder cash. This is an interesting case of the administration identifying other actions that can be taken against the cartels beyond violent confrontations in Mexico. Both of these actions seem to reflect a clear improvement in cooperation and information sharing between the two administrations. The result, as you might expect, is a reported decline of 44% in homicides in Mexico last month. It is far too early to declare victory yet, but there is tangible progress that is clearly making a difference.

As positive as the “growing together” news has been on the cartel front, Mexico is growing apart from the U.S. in other ways, some of which we highlighted this week. The first one is related to train ridership. Everyone knows of the decades of neglect and decline in the Amtrak service in most of the U.S., and California’s high speed train project has become a disaster. There are also signs that local metro services in many cities haven’t recovered since the pandemic. In fact, just this week the New York Times reported on the nearly 50% decline in ridership in San Francisco’s BART transit system since the pandemic. There are some bright spots for trains in the U.S., with East Coast Amtrak ridership holding strong and new projects in Florida and Texas, but in general train enthusiasts don’t have much to celebrate.

More Mexicans are riding the rails as train ridership tops 55 million

The situation couldn’t be more different in Mexico as the country works to reinvigorate the passenger train system nationwide. The renewed interest in trains began under AMLO, with the massive (and costly) Maya Train and Interoceanic Train projects both being built under his watch. Despite the budget-busting investments and federal government support, both projects have had their problems, with Maya Train ridership significantly below initial projections and the Isthmus of Tehuantepec’s Interoceanic Train recently suffering a tragic accident. That has not dampened the country’s interest in trains and the Sheinbaum administration has doubled down on massive new train projects heading north from Mexico City to the country’s industrial center and ultimately to the cities of Guadalajara and Monterrey. Just this week it was revealed that total ridership nationwide in 2025 increased nearly 7% to 55 million. The trend is expected to accelerate in 2026 and beyond as the new projects come on line.

Another headline that highlights divergence between the U.S. and Mexico relates to electric vehicles. The U.S. recently ended years federal government tax credits for electric vehicles and also ended increasingly strict fuel efficiency standards. Mexico, on the other hand, has seen a boom in electric vehicle sales (many from China) and recently announced that two U.S.-based companies will invest over US $500 million to improve the electric vehicle charging network in the country. The two countries current directions regarding electric vehicles couldn’t be more different.

It’s interesting to see this trend of increasing cooperation in some areas and increasing divergence in others between the U.S. and Mexico. It will be fascinating to see how these specific issues play out in the future, as well as look for trends in other areas. The team at MND will keep you updated!

Travis Bembenek is the CEO of Mexico News Daily and has been living, working or playing in Mexico for nearly 30 years.

MND Tutor | Plan México

By

MND Plus

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March 14, 2026

1

Welcome to MND Tutor! This interactive learning tool is designed to help you improve your Spanish by exploring real news articles from Mexico News Daily. Instead of just memorizing vocabulary lists or grammar rules, you’ll dive into authentic stories about Mexican culture, current events, and daily news.

The ambitious “Plan México” is a central pillar of President Claudia Sheinbaum’s government. It aims to reduce its dependence on foreign-made goods by building up its own industries. With the U.S. imposing tariffs that make trade harder, Mexico is responding by attracting massive investment — around US $277 billion — to develop local manufacturing and create jobs at home.

The idea is that instead of importing everything, Mexico becomes a country that produces things, boosting its economy while making it more self-sufficient and resilient to outside pressures. To read the original article, click here.

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San Pedro Cajonos: The silk sanctuary of Oaxaca

By

Anna Bruce

-

March 14, 2026

1

Silk sanctuary of Oaxaca — The spinning of silk by Indigenous Zapotec artisans in Oaxaca is a time honored tradition. Anna Bruce visited one of the last surviving sanctuaries, deep in the mountain state. (All photos by Anna Bruce)

High in the mountains of Oaxaca, Mexico, thousands of worms are thriving. From their discarded cocoons, the artisans of San Pedro Cajonos are spinning reels of the finest silk. This craft dates back to the 1500s, passed down for generations.

Silk represents beauty and refinement, often associated with wealth and power. This symbol of luxury and status has a complex history in Cajonos, challenged by the influx of imports and disease introduced by international trade and later synthetic materials. Fortunately, in recent years, Oaxaca’s silk production (sericulture) has experienced a revival, with the rise of global connectivity, and cooperatives like Yagaa, housed at the Silk Sanctuary in the Zapotec community of Cajonos.

The Silk Sanctuary of San Pedro Cajonos in Oaxaca. (Anna Bruce)

Silk production in Mexico

Yagaa means mountain in Zapotec, which makes sense as Cajonos is nestled amongst the pine forest of Oaxaca’s Sierra Norte, at 10,000 feet above sea level. It is a three-hour drive northeast of Oaxaca City, a drive that takes you out of the central valleys, up steep slopes to a cooler micro-climate, perfect for the silk worms and the mulberry trees that feed them.

Silk was introduced to Mexico by the Spanish in 1523. While the industry initially flourished, it began to fail in the early 1600s. This was due to European plagues and competition from Asian silk. Although the Indigenous communities were forbidden from using Spanish floor looms, they went on to preserve the craft by adapting silk to their traditional backstrap looms.

A significant revival began in 1993 with the formation of groups like the Yagaa collective hosted at the Silk Sanctuary (El Santuario de la Seda) in Cajonos. The collective aims to unify local artisans to help them compete in global markets.

In Cajonos, the community raises a local variety of silkworm they call “criollo” (wild). These worms are noted for their strength and resistance to disease, which has attracted interest from international laboratories.

The mulberry tree and its silkworms

The process begins with the mulberry tree (morera), the sole food source for the worms. These trees require approximately four years to reach their productive stage, at which point they provide enough leaves to feed the silkworms. Tree care includes annual pruning, consistent watering, pest control, and fertilization.

Silkworm rearing consists of five stages, lasting approximately 42 days, depending on the climate. During this time, the silkworms molt every five days and grow from about 3 millimeters at birth to 8 centimeters in their adult stage.

Cajones silk sanctuary — Sericulture has survived in Cajones partly due to its remote location. With the rise of the internet, these masters of silk began to pursue a new market for their craft. (Anna Bruce)

In the fifth stage, the silkworm begins to spin its cocoon, which is the main raw material for making silk thread. Afterwards, the silkworm transforms into a pupa and, after about three days, emerges from the cocoon as a moth. Once this process is complete, the cocoons are cooked, which allows for the winding process and, subsequently, the hand-spinning.

It takes approximately 15 to 20 days to obtain 250 grams of silk thread, enough to make a silk shawl three meters long by 70 centimeters wide.

Ancestral techniques

The Yagaa artisans maintain their ancestral techniques, such as spinning with a malacate (a traditional spindle using a gourd and stick) and weaving on backstrap looms. These methods produce traditional garments, including huipiles (tunics) and rebozos (shawls).

Weaving on a loom is the second process and takes about seven days. The finishing, which consists of interlacing threads or knots to create the intricate geometric figures, can last up to 10 days.

Finally, dyeing with natural dyes takes between one and three days, depending on the desired shade.

There is also a concerted effort to revive natural dyes made from local resources such as cochineal to produce red, indigo for blue and pericon (a small wild marigold) for yellow. From these dyes, Indigenous artisans can make a rainbow of colors.

The worms of Cajones are noted for their strength and resistance to disease, which has attracted interest from international laboratories. (Anna Bruce)

A distinctive feature of silk production from Cajonos is the respect for the silkworm’s life cycle. Unlike industrial methods, where larvae are often killed, Oaxacan artisans allow the moths to emerge from their cocoons before harvesting the silk.

The sound of silkworms eating

Raising silkworms and making textiles have been an important part of the family economy and local artisanal knowledge. Traditionally, families raised the worms inside their homes, often in kitchens or bedrooms, viewing them as part of the household to ensure they receive loving care.

Visiting the sanctuary in Cajonos, I spoke with Lidia Cruz Mendez, an artisan with the Yagaa collective. She clearly loves both working with silk and the worms that support her practice. She encouraged me to pick one up and let it sit on my hand. It was soft to the touch. She then took the worm and held it to her cheek before giving it a little kiss on its head. This deep affection permeates the silk production at the sanctuary in Cajonos.

Lizbeth Isidro Cruz, treasurer for the sanctuary, explains that “as a sanctuary, we raise around 40,000 silkworms per season, which consume about a ton of mulberry leaves, their only food.” This echoes my conversation with Mendez, who described how, during the high season, there are so many worms that the sound of them eating is like a steady downpour of rain.

The sanctuary of Cajonos

The sanctuary is located on the outer edge of a sharp bend just beyond the entrance to Cajones itself. It is a concrete structure, designed to integrate with the natural landscape. The LAMZ architects created a network of diagonal pathways that connect platforms around pre-existing trees, thereby respecting the natural form of the site.

The initial funding for the sanctuary was provided by former Governor Alejandro Murat and his wife, Ivette Morán de Murat. Cruz explains that as a collective, they submitted a proposal, outlining the cultural, social and economic importance of working with silk, as well as its potential impact on the community. “They provided support for the construction of the sanctuary, which was completed in October 2020. Since then, as a cooperative, we have been responsible for its maintenance, growth and promotion of this craft, which is 100% organic and handcrafted by 12 master artisans.”

Silk Sanctuary Oaxaca — The production of silk in San Pedro Cajones is like an intricate tapestry. (Anna Bruce)

The sanctuary serves as a multifunctional space containing dedicated rooms for silkworm cultivation, a spinning workshop and a museum. This includes a display area for historical artifacts used by ancestors and a section dedicated to the initial stages of silk cultivation.

An intricate tapestry

The history of silk in San Pedro Cajonos is like an intricate tapestry. The community has carefully gathered the delicate strands that weave through their history, interlacing them with a modern infrastructure to create a fabric that is both resilient and beautiful. It is positive to see a revival that connects artisans with the wider world, keen to consume their products. It is also essential that platforms like the Silk Sanctuary and Yagaa celebrate the value of the history and artisanal work going forward.

Anna Bruce is an award-winning British photojournalist based in Oaxaca, Mexico. Just some of the media outlets she has worked with include Vice, The Financial Times, Time Out, Huffington Post, The Times of London, the BBC and Sony TV. Find out more about her work at her website or visit her on social media on Instagram or on Facebook.

The reorganization of the Maya Lowlands

Chichén Itzá and the marked period of transition

The Chontal Maya: The great navigators

The rise and fall of Mayapán

The Maya Highlands

Epilogue

The 2025 tariff shock

Legal reversal and Section 122

The economic impact

Livestock and the screwworm ban

Mexico’s defensive measures

Diversification: Canada and the European Union

Navigating the uncertainty

Do your due diligence

Check out housing and location options

Explore medical options and facilities

Business basics

Cost of living

Sheinbaum’s electoral reform fails — and pivots to ‘plan B’

What’s happening with Uber at the Mexico City International Airport?

Steel tariffs and surging oil prices

Veracruz oil spill blamed on private tanker

New economic forecasts, parks and billionaires

Anti-cartel efforts: Arms seizures, money trails and the ‘Shield of Americas’

Environmental headlines

Development indicators

Looking ahead

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Silk production in Mexico

The mulberry tree and its silkworms

Ancestral techniques

The sound of silkworms eating

The sanctuary of Cajonos

An intricate tapestry

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