Prices at the Hilton Mexico City Reforma, seen here, more than doubled from US $337 to $1,106 a night for the World Cup's opening game on June 11. Despite the price increases, most bookings quickly sold out. (Hilton Mexico City Reforma)
Hotels across North America are dramatically hiking prices for rooms ahead of the 2026 FIFA World Cup, according to an analysis conducted by The Athletic, the sports journalism department of The New York Times.
The study reveals that room rates in Mexico, Canada and the U.S. — the co-hosts of the global soccer tournament — spiked by an average of more than 300% in early June when 16 host cities will be staging their opening matches.
According to the analysis, room rates at 96 Marriott and Hilton hotels in North America soared after FIFA unveiled the 104-match schedule on Saturday following Friday’s draw.
The average per-night rate around an opening game in each of the 16 host cities rose to US $1,013 — up from US $293 just 21 days earlier, the study revealed. That’s a 328% increase.
The Athletic found that the most significant percentage increase was in Mexico City, where the inaugural match of the tournament pitting Mexico vs. South Africa will take place on June 11 at Estadio Banorte.
The most egregious example is the Marriott resort Le Meridien Mexico City Reforma which has a listing for US $157 per night in late May. That same room will cost US $3,882 the week of the opening match, a 2,372% increase.
Six Mexico City hotels near Estadio Banorte — the site of five matches — have listings that average US $1,572 per night ahead of the opening match. That’s an astonishing 961% increase from rates for mid-May stays that would set you back just US $172, according to the analysis.
The surge in room rates in the two other Mexican host cities was also considerable. Monterrey hotel fares climbed on average by 466% (second-most among the 16 host cities), while Guadalajara saw fees rise by 405% (fourth-most).
As The Athletic noted, it is not unusual for hotel prices to rise around mega events. At the Paris Olympics last year, the French capital saw a year-over-year room rate increase of 141%.
However, The Athletic observed,” the scale of the increases … immediately after the World Cup schedule was confirmed appears to be much more sizable.”
The trade publication Inside World Football also voiced concern, writing that it feels like real fans are being priced out of the World Cup, describing the exorbitant rates as “opportunism.”
The Athletic’s methodology involved identifying the per-night price for a two-night stay around the opening match at six randomly selected hotels in each of the 16 host cities. That price was then compared to the equivalent rates offered exactly three weeks earlier by the same hotels.
Despite the skyrocketing room rates, demand for hotel rooms is undeniable. The Athletic discovered that only three of the 46 hotels listed on the Marriott Bonvoy app were not described as sold out.
It is the second straight year that President Sheinbaum has been ranked in the top 5 of Forbes' list of the 100 Most Powerful Women. This time, it was about more than her historic victory as the first woman elected president in Mexico, but also based on her handling of economic development issues and crisis resolution. (Presidencia / Cuartoscuro)
Mexico’s president was named the fifth most-powerful woman in the world, based on a formula using metrics such as money, media impact, influence and spheres of power.Forbes wrote that “nearshoring — a business strategy of relocating production to countries geographically close to the end market — has put Sheinbaum at the center of the manufacturing transformation in North America.”
The magazine also credited Sheinbaum for having made history in 2024 by becoming the first woman elected president in Mexico. That achievement was also cited last year when she was ranked the fourth most powerful woman on the Forbes list.
Forbes pointed out that while global approval ratings for female political leaders are declining, Sheinbaum has been able to buck the trend.
An Enkoll poll conducted for the newspaper El País in September found that Sheinbaum achieved a 78% approval rating, surpassing her predecessor and mentor Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
But in keeping with Forbes’ observation, the latest El País poll found that Sheinbaum’s approval rating had dipped 4% “after a month of conflicts in which the government lost control of the public agenda.”
Women are increasingly finding themselves at the center of power, Forbes wrote, “directing capital that determines the trajectory of artificial intelligence, managing supply chains governments compete to secure, and steadying institutions under historic pressure.”
The top five women on this year’s list hold positions of political authority. And while women only govern three of the world’s 25 largest economies, Forbes said they lead “tipping points” that define the geopolitical order.
For the fourth consecutive year, Ursula von der Leyen, president of the European Union, and Christine Lagarde, president of the European Central Bank, topped the list.
Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takeichi, who took office in October, is a newcomer, coming in at No. 3 and bumping Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and Sheinbaum down to fourth and fifth.
Forbes has compiled and published its 100 Most Powerful Women in the World list since 2004.
After passage by the Senate on Wednesday, the new tariff law is headed to President Sheinbaum's desk for her approval. (Hennie Stander/Unsplash)
The government of China has called on Mexico to abandon its plan to impose new and higher tariffs on a wide range of Chinese products.
A spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Commerce on Thursday urged Mexico to “correct its wrong practices of unilateralism and protectionism at an early date,” according to Chinese state news agency Xinhua.
The Chinese Ministry of Commerce urged Mexico to rethink it’s latest import duties. (China State Council Information Office)
The appeal came after Mexico’s Chamber of Deputies and Senate approved legislation on Wednesday that will increase, or implement for the first time, tariffs on imports of more than 1,400 products from China and other countries with which Mexico doesn’t have trade agreements, including India, South Korea, Thailand and Indonesia.
The tariffs — which cover more than a dozen sectors including auto parts, light vehicles, plastic, toys, textiles, furniture, footwear, clothing, aluminum and glass — range from 5% to 50%. They are scheduled to take effect in January, following promulgation by President Claudia Sheinbaum.
According to Xinhua, the Commerce Ministry spokesperson said that the tariffs approved by the Mexican Congress “will substantially harm the interests of relevant trading partners, including China.”
Still, China clearly sees Mexico’s protectionist plan as an affront, and an action designed to appease the United States ahead of the 2026 USMCA review.
“We hope that the Mexican side will attach great importance to this matter and act prudently,” the Commerce Ministry spokesperson said.
The spokesperson also “emphasized that China highly values the China-Mexico economic and trade relationship and actively promotes the healthy and stable development of trade and investment cooperation,” according to Xinhua.
In addition, the spokesperson noted that “to safeguard the interests of relevant Chinese industries, the Ministry of Commerce initiated a trade and investment barrier investigation against Mexico at the end of September in accordance with the law, and the investigation is underway.”
Meanwhile, Reuters reported that “Mexico’s decision to raise tariffs as high as 50% will affect [US] $1 billion worth of shipments from major Indian car exporters, including Volkswagen and Hyundai, despite industry lobbying to persuade New Delhi to prevent such a move.”
The news agency said its reporting was based on information from two sources and a letter it reviewed from an industry group, the Society of Indian Automobile Manufacturers.
Mexico Approves Up to 50% Tariffs on China, Other Asian Nations
“According to the legislation, Chinese cars face among steepest tariffs at 50%. The country’s massive auto sector currently holds 20% of Mexican market, up dramatically from minimal vehicle imports just 6 years ago” pic.twitter.com/2mecdFd9A8
Volkswagen, Hyundai and various other automakers have plants in India, while U.S. automakers that export vehicles to Mexico from plants in China will also be affected by the tariffs.
With the new and higher tariffs that mainly target goods from Asian countries, the Mexican government is seeking to provide greater protection for Mexican industry — which includes sectors that struggle to compete with cheap imports — and increase domestic output.
Ebrard: ‘They’re not political measures, they’re economic and trade measures’
In an interview on Thursday with Radio Fórmula, federal Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard said it was clear that countries such as China, South Korea, India and Indonesia are not happy that Mexico is imposing tariffs on their exports.
He said that Mexico would hold talks with such countries with a view to “improving trade conditions,” but declared that the Mexican government wouldn’t be lifting the tariffs approved by Congress.
Those tariffs, Ebrard said, “are not political measures, they’re economic and trade measures.”
Aranceles a China y países de Asia no son un balazo en el pie: Ebrard
The economy minister emphasized that Mexico is “trying to protect” Mexican industry from cheap imports.
China and certain other countries are “using very low prices, in some cases below inventory [value],” he said.
Ebrard also noted that Mexico has “unbalanced” trade relationships with “several” of the countries it is imposing higher tariffs on — most notably China, whose exports to Mexico were worth US $62.1 billion in the first half of 2025, more than 13 times higher than its outlay on Mexican goods.
He said that Mexico is mainly targeting “finished goods,” including vehicles, with its new tariffs, rather than intermediate goods, which he noted are needed to “produce, assemble and export.”
Tariffs on vehicles from China and other Asian countries will be as high as 50%, according to the legislation approved by Congress.
Ebrard said that more than 30% of all manufacturing jobs in Mexico depend on the auto sector.
Ebrard highlighted that cars coming into Mexico from Asia “don’t provide anything” to the Mexican economy, and indicated that that the flow of such vehicles into the country needs to be combated before its too late.
Ebrard said that the tariffs approved by Congress only affect 8% of Mexico’s foreign trade and are aimed at protecting “very specific sectors,” including the auto and textile industries, which has lost jobs due to the prevalence of cheap imports.
He said that all countries seek to protect their domestic industries, including those that “are telling us today not to do it.”
“All countries have policies to protect certain sectors,” Ebrard added.
When interviewer Ciro Gómez Leyva put it to him that he was using the arguments of U.S. President Donald Trump to justify the tariffs, the economy minister responded:
“What we’re trying to do is surgical measures. We’re not imposing generalized tariffs because if we wanted to impose tariffs on all of Mexico’s foreign trade like the United States is doing with other countries, it would be very complicated for our economy. … The argument of President Trump is different, the argument of President Trump is that everything has to be made in the United States.”
Ebrard acknowledged that “a lot of modifications” were made to the original tariffs bill after consultation with Mexican industry. Tariffs for many goods were lowered from the proposal Sheinbaum sent to Congress in September.
The legislation approved is “quite reasonable” and “I’m not thinking it will change in the short term,” Ebrard said.
View along the Copalita Trail, while trekking with Zapotec guides. (John Pint)
The Copalita Trail is 100 kilometers long — 70 kilometers of walking and 30 of rafting—and includes five nights of camping “in a million-star hotel.” It starts in high mountains at 3,200 meters (10,500 feet), passes through five ecosystems, takes you down the Copalita River, and ends at sea level on a gorgeous Pacific Coast beach.
The trek is a project of nine Zapotec communities in Oaxaca and has much to do with environmental education and conservation. It was organized by biologist Marco Antonio González some fourteen years ago.
Visiting Zapotec villages
Guadalajara couple Paulina Ascencio and Arturo Sánchez were among those who signed up for the five-day, 100-kilometer-long trek. (John Pint)
The Zapotecas consider the trekkers collaborators rather than clients, and refer to them as “visitors.” At no point during the experience does money change hands and it is unthinkable that a trekker would tip anyone.
These caminatas are fully orchestrated. Six local guides accompany the trekkers at all times and the route they follow varies according to the circumstances of the moment, in a very Mexican fashion.
A couple from Guadalajara, Paulina Ascencio and Arturo Sánchez, signed up for the trek in October of this year.
“It started in Oaxaca City,” Arturo told me. “Marco Antonio gave us an orientation and we were then driven seven hours to San Sebastián Río Hondo, where we enjoyed a meal prepared over a wood-burning stove: carne asada, frijoles and hand-made tortillas … delicious! Then we were driven to our campsite near San Juan Ozolotepec, which had tents and dry toilets.”
“The next day,” continued his wife, Paulina, “we walked 16 kilometers through an area simply bursting with biodiversity. The variety of mushrooms we saw was astounding.”
From guacamole to grasshoppers
“As for the food on this trip,” she continued, “it was incredibly good: guacamole, cottage cheese, yellow mole, frijoles with avocado leaves, grasshoppers, bananas roasted on hot coals and delicious wild-mint tea! And throughout those six days, not a soul had stomach problems!”
In the cloud forests of Oaxaca, where some of Mexico’s best coffee is grown. (John Pint)
The first day of hiking brought the group to Rancho Obispo near San Francisco Ozolotepec, which is only 200 meters lower in altitude than the first campsite.
Ozolotepec in these place names means “Hill of the Jaguar” in Nahuatl. For the Zapotecs and Mixtecs of Oaxaca, the jaguar represented strength, mystery and the underworld.
A horse for an ambulance
The following day, the “visitors” were on the trail for nine hours, during which they lost 2,000 meters of altitude. Also on the trail were mules carrying their equipment, along with a horse dubbed La Ambulancia.
“It was green, green, green and down, down, down with spectacular views!” says Paulina Ascencio. “Now we were in an agricultural area where they use the traditional milpa system: corn, beans and squash, all growing together. This is also the area where they grow Café Pluma, which is said to be the very best coffee produced in Mexico.
“And at last we reached a river. What a joy it was to put our tired feet into the bubbling water.”
Then it began to rain, which slowed the group down. Eventually, the rain turned into a ferocious storm and a dramatic river crossing. After 12 hours of hiking, they arrived at San José Ozolotepec, altitude 1,223 meters, a town that can only be reached on foot. Here they slept in a churchyard because the normal campsite had been damaged by a hurricane.
River walking
If you’ve never tried an egg cooked on a hoja santa leaf, you’re missing one of life’s great joys. (John Pint)
There are normally only six hours of hiking on day four, following a river through mango orchards and coffee plantations, leaving plenty of time to visit local caves with rock art going back to Neolithic times. In reality, this little group of hikers ran into a second day of heavy rain, which doubled the amount of walking time.
Says Paulina Ascencio:
“At 9 p.m., we arrived at San Felipe Lachilló, dripping wet, but feeling great. The next day, we went to a nearby spring of wonderfully transparent water, which is channeled into several big swimming pools. They call this place Yuviaga. Above the spring, there is a kitchen where we had the best food of the trip. Take the eggs, for example. They start with a large green leaf called hoja santa, which they put on the hot comal. Once the leaf is pliable, they break an egg on it, wrap the egg in the leaf and roast it. Then you eat it with frijoles, salsa and nopales. Delicious!”
Jungles and junk food
The final day of hiking included only 12 kilometers of walking and took the trekkers through an old coffee plantation, followed by jungles filled with huge trees, after which they arrived at San Miguel del Puerto, the first town they had seen on the entire excursion.
“We walked into a little shop,” said Arturo, “and couldn’t resist buying junk food and beer. Thus fortified, we came to our last campsite at a place called Mandimbo, which has an incredible botanical garden. Here we saw many of the plants we had been eating throughout the trek. They even showed us a bromeliad named after this village. Then we walked to the campsite, at the top of a little hill, underneath a beautiful palapa, where all of us took showers around the back, under a hose.”
The last day of the trek features rafting down the Copalita River, a haven for hundreds of bird species, finishing up on La Bocana Beach, known for its great surfing waves and mud baths, at a restaurant famed for its delicious mariscos (seafood). From here, a bus takes people to their hotels in Huatulco.
There’s no telling what edible delicacies one might find while hiking the Copalita Trail in Oaxaca.
Does this sound like your kind of adventure? If so, you’ll find full information on the Camino Copalita website, which is in English. Happy trekking!
John Pint has lived near Guadalajara, Jalisco, for more than 30 years and is the author of “A Guide to West Mexico’s Guachimontones and Surrounding Area” and co-author of “Outdoors in Western Mexico.” More of his writing can be found on his website.
Julia Ortega on her carbon-neutral coffee farm in Puebla, Mexico. (Irena Vélez)
Thirty years ago, Julia Ortega swore she would never work in the family business as a coffee producer. Today, she runs Mexico’s first carbon-neutral coffee farm, Finca Los Pinos, on her 17-acre estate in the Sierra Norte de Puebla. What started as a reluctant inheritance has become a globally exported specialty coffee operation rooted in sustainability.
A hesitant start on the farm
Ortega was born into a coffee-farming family spanning four generations. She watched her parents work tirelessly while volatile commodity prices eroded their income.
Carbon-neutral farm of coffee plants at Finca Los Pinos in Puebla. (Irena Vélez)
“The producer is always the one most affected by prices,” she says. “I saw my parents work so hard, and it didn’t seem profitable.”
Determined to avoid that path, she pursued business administration and cultural tourism and built her career in an office. “I spent my whole life in an office. I just couldn’t see myself in the countryside,” she recalls.
Her outlook didn’t shift when her parents gifted her a small plot of unused land. “Instead of feeling excited, it felt like a burden. I thought: What on earth am I going to do with this?”
Discovering her roots
For years, the land sat untouched — until a quiet walk among the trees changed everything.
“Walking in the countryside connects you to something deeper,” she says. “You hear birdsong, rustling leaves. That’s when I realized, this is where I come from.”
She decided to grow organic coffee, combining her love of nature with a desire to protect it. At the time, organic coffee was a niche market in Mexico and widely viewed as unprofitable.
Specializing in organic coffee beans was a small niche market when Ortega first began growing them. (Irena Vélez)
“Everyone told me it wouldn’t work,” she recalls. “But the truth is, I’m stubborn. I didn’t listen.”
Today, Finca Los Pinos has been carbon-neutral for six years, having evolved from a small experiment into a benchmark for sustainable coffee production in Mexico.
Turning setbacks into opportunities
By the mid-2000s, Ortega faced serious obstacles. Running the farm alone had taken a mental toll, and coffee rust, a devastating fungus, was beginning to sweep through her plants.
“I told my husband, ‘I don’t think we can survive,’” she says. The two had deliberately kept their careers separate — until the crisis forced a change.
Her husband, an agronomist, proposed a bold solution: replanting the entire farm with rust-resistant varieties. It required removing healthy trees and making a major financial gamble.
“I thought it would bankrupt us,” Ortega says. “But it was the best decision we could have made.”
Ortega and her husband, an agronomist, decided to replant the entire farm with rust-resistant varieties. (Irena Vélez)
His agricultural expertise, paired with her business instincts, transformed the farm’s future.
Every bean counts
Today, Finca Los Pinos produces specialty-grade organic coffee, yielding about 50 bags of 70 kilograms each (154 pounds) each harvest. But Ortega doesn’t stop at beans.
“The word ‘waste’ doesn’t exist on this farm.”
Coffee pulp becomes compost or protein-rich flour; spent grounds go into handmade soaps and exfoliants; premium beans are turned into coffee liqueur.
The farm also offers low-impact agro-tourism, developed with the support of Mexico’s National Commission for Biodiversity, giving visitors a close look at sustainable coffee production in a protected region.
Innovation born from experience
For Ortega, coffee farming is both a science and an art. Her hands-on approach includes a method she jokingly calls the “dentometer”—biting a bean lightly to test its readiness.
Ortega checks the readiness of each bean by what she calls the “dentometer.” (Irena Vélez)
“When you touch the coffee, it sounds a certain way and feels a certain way,” she says. “You just know when it’s ready.”
One harvest, a processing machine broke down. Instead of losing the crop, she took a risk and tried drying whole coffee cherries, a method rarely used in Puebla’s humid climate.
Ortega now exports her organic coffee bean varieties to countries around the world. (Irena Vélez)
“They put all their passion into it,” she says. “Sometimes they care more about quality than the big companies because they’re face-to-face with their customers.”
The farm is certified organic in Mexico, the U.S. and Canada — a costly but crucial step, Ortega notes, to maintain consumer trust amid widespread food fraud concerns.
Labor shortages in rural Mexico
Finca Los Pinos employs 10 permanent staff, expanding to 15–20 during harvest. But Ortega says finding agricultural workers is increasingly difficult.
“The dream for many day laborers is to work in the United States,” she explains. “They go north to work in vineyards and strawberry fields where foreign companies pay better.”
Her concern extends far beyond her farm: “Without agriculture, we have no food. It’s that simple.”
Life rooted in the countryside
Ortega’s day begins at 5:30 a.m. with a breakfast of café con pan before moving between administrative tasks and long hours in the field. During harvest, she often finishes after sunset.
The team at Finca Los Pinos often works long hours to produce their organic coffees. (Irena Vélez)
“When you work on a farm, there are no office hours,” she says. “Nature binds you. It roots you in place.”
When her husband once suggested moving to a larger city, she refused. “Leaving the countryside would be leaving a part of myself.”
A legacy grounded in impact
For Ortega, success is defined not by profit, but by influence and community impact. Neighboring farms have adopted her conservation practices, and visitors often leave inspired.
On one tour, a woman stepped forward and asked, “Do you remember me?” She turned out to be Ortega’s childhood teacher.
“She told me, ‘Julia, you always wanted to be a superhero and help the planet. Maybe you’re not Wonder Woman, but you’re doing exactly what you were meant to do.’”
Moments like that remind Ortega why she does this work: One farm, one community, and one coffee bean at a time.
Irena Vélez is a journalist at Wikifarmer.com, based in Seville, Spain. She holds a Bachelor’s in Journalism Honours from Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada, and has a background in agricultural reporting. She writes research-based articles on sustainable farming, crop management and rural entrepreneurship, helping make agricultural knowledge accessible to farmers worldwide.
For readers looking to dive deeper into the protected agriculture sector, Wikifarmer offers expert insights, market data, and crop trends. Wikifarmer empowers farmers, agribusiness professionals, and industry observers through four key pillars: the Wikifarmer Marketplace, connecting producers with buyers around the world; the Wikifarmer Library, a free knowledge hub with thousands of expert-authored articles on crops, technologies and best practices; the Wikifarmer Academy, offering online courses with certifications to enhance agricultural skills; and Wikifarmer Price Insights, providing real-time market intelligence on key commodities. By combining practical expertise with up-to-date data, Wikifarmer helps stakeholders navigate the complexities of modern agriculture, making it an essential resource for anyone interested in Mexico’s booming greenhouse and horticulture industry.
Ponche de fruta, a Christmastime fruit punch served in cantaritos (clay mugs) is a posada favorite.
(Shutterstock)
Mexican posadas — those traditional Christmas parties that bring family, friends and neighbors together for an evening of holiday cheer — are in full swing these December days. But like so many other traditions, the cost of hosting a posada has gone up. Way up.
While the government is struggling, with some modest success, to keep Mexico’s annual inflation rate between 2% and 4%, a typical posada will be almost 20% more expensive this year than last year, according to a survey conducted by the National Alliance of Small Businesses (ANPEC).
A posada’s not a posada without a piñata for the kids — and the grownups. ANPEC puts the cost of a piñata at 600 pesos. (Shutterstock)
The survey’s data revealed that organizing a posada for 10 people can cost around 10,000 pesos (US $549), compared to the 8,400 pesos (US $461) of 2024.
ANPEC shows that the overall price increase is primarily driven by the rise in food and beverage costs, with food expenses alone amounting to approximately 8,400 pesos – 84% of the total posada budget.
According to ANPEC, the 10,000 pesos needed for a posada break down as follows:
Dinner: 3,500 pesos (US $192)
Drinks, including alcohol: 3,000 pesos (US $164)
Snacks: 1,300 pesos (US $71)
Decorations: 900 pesos (US $50)
Candles and sparklers: 700 pesos (US $38)
Piñata: 600 pesos (US $32)
Even though inflation has remained relatively controlled, at around 3.5–3.8% annually, it experienced an uptick last month. In November, annual inflation accelerated to 3.80%, up from 3.57% in October, mainly affecting the food and non-alcoholic beverage industries, which saw a 3% increase compared to the 2.64% recorded in 2024.
According to ANPEC, this rise in prices has prompted friends, family members and even companies to reconsider how they celebrate the holidays. In the past, a government office or company of any size would host a “brindis,” which was usually far more elaborate than its name (meaning a “toast”) would imply, with dinners, music and other entertainment. Today, many have opted for more modest celebrations.
“The current economic situation has forced many organizations to scale back their celebrations to simpler formats such as breakfasts, in an effort to keep the spirit of gratitude and togetherness without compromising their finances,” ANPEC said.
But even hosting a Christmas breakfast is more expensive than last year. An average breakfast buffet can cost up to 500 pesos (US $27) per person, also reflecting a 20% increase from the 400 pesos (US $21) it cost last year, according to ANPEC.
Still, families don’t have to forgo their traditional posadas. ANPEC recommends setting a realistic budget, simplifying the menu with economical dishes, balancing alcohol consumption with less expensive options, avoiding impulsive purchases of festive snacks and sweets, and considering a cooperative approach where each attendee chips in.
At her Wednesday morning press conference, the president also acknowledged a colleague, Thelma, who helps her to choose what to wear. (Hazel Cárdenas/Presidencia)
As Mexico’s “Year of the Indigenous Woman” nears its end, President Claudia Sheinbaum took the opportunity at her Wednesday morning press conference to heap praise on the country’s female Indigenous artisans.
She also responded to remarks made by U.S. President Donald Trump in an interview and spoke about Mexico’s state-owned airline, which has now been flying for almost two years.
Sheinbaum responds to Trump’s latest remarks on a possible US military attack in Mexico
A reporter asked Sheinbaum for a response to Trump’s latest remarks about the possible use of U.S. military force in Mexico.
In an interview with Politico, Trump, after declaring that the U.S. is going to hit Venezuelan drug traffickers “on land very soon,” was asked whether he would “consider doing something similar with Mexico and Colombia that are even more responsible for fentanyl trafficking into the U.S.”
Sheinbaum responded to Trump’s remarks in the same way as she has previously responded, declaring that a U.S. military attack in Mexico “is not going to happen.”
It won’t happen “first of all, because it’s not necessary,” she said.
“Secondly, because we’re a sovereign country and we would never accept a foreign intervention,” Sheinbaum continued.
Sheinbaum responded to Trump’s remarks in the same way as she has previously responded, declaring that a U.S. military attack in Mexico “is not going to happen.” (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)
Sheinbaum acknowledged that Trump has his own way of “thinking” on the issue, although his Secretary of State Marco Rubio said last month that the United States wouldn’t take unilateral decisions and … send American forces into Mexico.”
She also said that there are “a lot of things” that Mexico and the U.S. don’t agree on, but her government still seeks the best possible relationship with its U.S. counterpart.
Hoy recibimos en Mexicana la quinta aeronave E195-E2, Matrícula XA-MXE.
Un paso más en la modernización de nuestra flota y en nuestro compromiso por ofrecer una experiencia de viaje más eficiente, cómoda y sostenible. ✈️ pic.twitter.com/SDMduQ4ive
The airline’s hub is the Felipe Ángeles International Airport in México state, from where it flies to various Mexican cities, including Tijuana, Tulum, Mérida and Los Cabos.
Sheinbaum said that plans are in the works for Mexicana to reach new destinations.
Mexicana is “proof that there can be a profitable airline of the Mexican state,” even while offering tickets that are cheaper than those of its competitors, allowing “more people to travel by plane,” she said.
Sheinbaum’s fashion secrets
Asked about her inclusion on The New York Times’ list of “The 67 most stylish people of 2025,” Sheinbaum said she appreciated the recognition but declared that the credit should, in fact, go to Mexico’s Indigenous artisans.
“Who we have to thank are the Mexican Indigenous artisans, for what they give to Mexico, for their creativity, for the beauty with which they embroider,” said the president, who in her first year in office “has drawn attention to the country’s Indigenous fashion by wearing embroidered clothing,” according to the Times.
Sheinbaum said that “in each embroidery” by a Mexican artisan “there is not only a lot of work,” but also “tradition, history [and] legacy.”
“… In addition, each embroidery represents something that a woman, mainly Indigenous, designed and conceived,” she said.
Sheinbaum also told reporters that she is gifted a lot of huipiles and other items of clothing during her weekend tours of Mexico, during which she likes to get up close and personal with supporters.
In addition, she noted that there is a seamstress in San Pedro Mártir, an “original town” in the Mexico City borough of Tlalpan, who has made dresses for her for a long time.
The president also acknowledged a colleague, Thelma, who helps her to choose what to wear.
Sheinbaum added that she feels “very proud” to wear pieces made by Indigenous artisans “because the weavers, the embroiderers, everyone who has a telar de cintura [backstrap loom] … are the pride of the nation.”
By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)
President Sheinbaum displayed an infographic during her Wednesday morning press conference summarizing the more than 800,000 services provided by the Mexican government to deportees since the launch of the "México te abraza" reinsertion program earlier this year. (Hazel Cárdenas/Presidencia)
President Claudia Sheinbaum acknowledged Wednesday that during her term in office, the administration of former U.S. President Joe Biden deported people to Mexico at a faster pace than the administration of current President Donald Trump.
Speaking at her morning press conference, Sheinbaum said that 152,592 people have been deported to Mexico from the United States since Jan. 20, the day Trump began his second term.
🇺🇸🇲🇽 “Había más deportaciones”, asegura la presidenta Claudia Sheinbaum sobre el retorno de connacionales durante el gobierno de Joe Biden pic.twitter.com/5ZCMggLSmC
She said that number was made up of 140,706 Mexicans and 11,886 foreigners.
Sheinbaum said that since Oct. 1, 2024, the date she took office, 217,109 people have been deported to Mexico from the United States.
She said that figure was made up of 200,540 Mexicans and 16,569 foreigners.
Sheinbaum said there were “a lot of deportations” during the first months of her term, when Biden was still in office.
“There were even more deportations then than there are now,” she said.
Deportations to Mexico: Biden vs Trump
According to the data Sheinbaum presented, 64,517 people were deported to Mexico from the U.S. between Oct. 1, 2024 and Jan. 19, Biden’s final day in office.
An average of 581 people were deported to Mexico from the United States per day in the 111-day period.
Thus, the pace of deportations to Mexico from the U.S. during the final 111 days of Biden’s presidency was 23% quicker than it was during the first 323 days of Trump’s second term.
DHS: More than half a million people deported from US this year
That figure refers to deportations to all countries around the world.
The number is significantly higher than the 271,000 people who were deported from the U.S. during fiscal year 2024 — Oct. 1, 2023 to Sept. 30, 2024 — which was the highest tally since 2014, surpassing Trump’s peak during his first term.
However, Assistant Homeland Security Secretary Tricia McLaughlin maintained in late October that the Trump administration was “on pace to shatter historic records and deport nearly 600,000 illegal aliens by the end of President Donald Trump’s first year since returning to office.”
“More than 2 million illegal aliens have left the U.S. [in 2025], including 1.6 million who have voluntarily self-deported and over 527,000 deportations,” she said.
The Department of Homeland Security said that “day-in and day-out, DHS law enforcement is removing the worst of the worst criminal illegal aliens from American communities, including murderers, rapists, pedophiles, drug dealers, and more.”
“70% of ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] arrests are of criminal illegal aliens charged with or convicted of a crime in the U.S.,” it added.
The administration of Donald Trump, who, before he began his second term, pledged to carry out “the largest deportation operation in American history,” is said to be targeting 1 million deportations per year.
However, it will fall well short of that goal this year, according to its own numbers.
Those who vape will not be punished, but producers of vaping devices will be subject to prison time and heavy fines. (Shutterstock)
Mexico’s lower house of Congress has approved a sweeping ban on the vape trade that targets suppliers with prison time and heavy fines while leaving users free from criminal penalties.
The Chamber of Deputies voted 292-163 on Tuesday to reform the General Health Law and prohibit the commercialization, manufacture, import, export, distribution and sale of electronic cigarettes, vapes and “other analogous systems or devices” across Mexico.
🗳📌 MORENA LE DA SU NAVIDAD AL NARCO
La diputada Iraís Reyes advirtió que la reforma que prohíbe los vapeadores tiene serios riesgos.
Y es que criminaliza toda la cadena (comprar, guardar, transportar o vender) con penas de hasta ocho años, algo que ningún país democrático… pic.twitter.com/0yUZXshzei
The bill marks a new stage of legislation following significant action taken last December by the Morena deputies,whose alliance with the Green Party (PVEM) and the Labor Party (PT) gives them a more than two-thirds majority in that chamber.
In December 2024, the lower house approved a constitutional reform to ban e‑cigarettes, vapes and some synthetic drugs, including fentanyl, but left enforcement details to follow-up laws.
The newly approved reform — passed largely in the name of public health, and specifically the health of young people, according to legislators — supplies those details.
The changes set prison sentences of one to eight years and fines of up to approximately 226,280 pesos (US $12,429) for those who produce or market the devices. The fine can be up to 2,000 times the daily value of the UMA (Unidad de Medida y Actualización), a legal and economic reference unit for calculating fines and other obligations.
During nearly 10 hours of debate, Morena and its allies pushed through a last-minute change to an article in the General Health Law “to clarify the sanctioning regime and that it is strictly limited to those who participate in the vaping business and not to the users.”
They also added a final paragraph stating that “consumption and possession are excepted,” so a person with one or two electronic cigarettes will not be sanctioned.
Opposition lawmakers said the move will push consumers toward the black market and benefit organized crime.
Citizens’ Movement (MC) party Deputy Iraís Reyes took a break to vape during the contentious session. (Daniel Augusto/Cuartoscuro)
Citizens’ Movement (MC) party Deputy Iraís Reyes was quoted by López-Dóriga Digital as saying, “Not regulating a product that people already consume equals more black market and more money for drug traffickers, who this December, thanks to Morena, will receive their Christmas bonus.”
She also called legislators in favor of the bill “hypocrites” if they are vapers.
“You vape. We’ve seen you,” she was quoted as saying. “I don’t know how you can come here and propose a ban when you’re vaping users yourselves.”
Celebrations of Navidad, or Christas, in Mexico have evolved through the centuries. (Visit Mexico)
Growing up as the daughter of an actor, my house shelves overflowed with volumes
explaining how drama evolved across civilizations. Hidden among those heavy tomes
was a small, humble book titled “Teatro Mexicano.” It began with a simple, startling claim:
The earliest form of Mexican theater was the Catholic pastorela, created as a dogmatic
tool.
Years later, while studying the Spanish Conquest in college as a cultural collision, these
same pastorelas — and their sister celebration, the posadas —became my focus, since
they were more than dogmatic tools; they shaped our relationship with Catholic religion.
The friar’s dilemma
Franciscan friars in 16th-century Mexico encountered a worldview that differed profoundly from their own. (PetrohsW/Wikimedia Commons)
To understand the origins of these traditions, one must first inhabit the mind of their
inventors. Imagine you are a Franciscan friar in the 16th century. You have just stepped
off a ship into a world that defies every category of your existence.
You are standing in a land where the Bible has no authority, where the name Dios (God)
evoke no recognition, and where Jesus is a ghost of a foreign land. But the theological
silence is the least of your disorientation.
In the world you left behind, humanity was crafted in the image of God. Here, you find a
civilization convinced of the inverse: humans were not made to reflect the gods but
to sustain them. The relationship is not one of adoration, but of metabolic necessity.
Without human intervention, the cosmos collapses.
Here, nature is not a backdrop for human morality but a deity in itself — the stars do not merely shine; they dictate the rhythm of breath and blood. Even the architecture rejects you: in Castile, the church is a sanctuary for the flock; here, entering the House of any God is an unthinkable transgression, a terrifying privilege reserved only for the tlatoanis and warriors who feed the Gods.
Made in Mexico: Inventing Navidad
The scale of this “New World” is also bewildering — larger than the Kingdom of Castile, a
patchwork of nations with distinct tongues and pantheons. But the deepest chasm is not
linguistic; it is conceptual.
How do you explain the unique and linear path to salvation — final judgment — to a
people who live in a universe of relentless, cyclical duality? Binary tensions structure their reality: life and death, male and female, rain and drought, light and darkness.
They do not seek “goodness” in the Christian sense; they seek balance. To them,
morality is not about avoiding sin; it is about maintaining cosmic equilibrium. Actions
have immediate, tangible consequences in the here and now, not in a distant afterlife.
The collision of these two worldviews must have been absolute. How do you translate
the concept of “sin to a mind that sees only “chaos”? How do you preach “grace” to a
culture obsessed with “order”?
Huitzilopochtli, the Mexica god of sun and war, as he appeared in a 16th century codex. (Public Domain)
Facing this metaphysical abyss, the friars stopped trying to translate the untranslatable.
Instead, they looked for the one language that transcends doctrine: the seasons.
Where calendars converge
Every religion, at some point in its history, follows the rhythm of the harvest. And so it
was not difficult for the friars to spot the parallels between European and Indigenous
calendars. Across cultures, key festivals clustered at the end of the agricultural year,
celebrating renewal, abundance and hope.
In Central Mexico, one of the most important of these celebrations was Panquetzaliztli,
or the “Raising of the Banners.” Despite what many modern retellings suggest,
Panquetzaliztli was not a single-day festivity, but the name of the 15th twenty-day
month — dense with mythic reenactments, sacrifices and ritual drama.
It commemorated the miraculous birth of Huitzilopochtli, the Sun God, born of the
immaculate conception of the goddess Coatlicue. His 400 siblings, consumed by
suspicion and rage, attempted to kill their mother for what they perceived as infidelity.
But Huitzilopochtli, emerging fully armed from her womb, defeated them all — a cosmic
allegory of light triumphing over darkness.
Panquetzaliztli functioned simultaneously as a method of preserving Mexica cosmic
tradition and as a terrifying reminder to subject nations that the Mexica were the chosen
children of the sun. The month-long observance was a crescendo of ritual acts,
escalating in intensity until the final three days.
The Incarnation (Day 18):
The climax began with an act of sacred sculpting. Priests and devotees fashioned a life-
sized effigy of Huitzilopochtli from a paste of toasted corn, amaranth and agave honey,
to be consumed on the last day.
Panquetzaliztli was a rigorous, blood-soaked affirmation of power, complete with sacrifices of war prisoners taken by the Mexica. (Public Domain)
The Enthronement (Day 19):
The figure was carried to the summit of the Templo Mayor. There, overlooking the valley,
it was displayed for public adoration before being processed inside the sanctuary. The
day was filled with incensing, dance and liturgy, marking the god’s presence among his people.
The Sacrifice and Communion (Day 20):
The final day brought a spectacle of movement and blood. A high priest, trailing a
massive banner in the shape of a serpent, led a procession that wound through the city
for nearly four hours. This was a harvest of souls: the procession visited various sites
and temples to collect war prisoners and march them back to the feet of Huitzilopochtli.
Inside the temple precinct, a ritualized skirmish was staged among the prisoners
destined for the stone. But the violence extended to the god itself. In a symbolic slaying, priests hurled darts into the heart of the amaranth Huitzilopochtli. The “dead” god was
then broken into pieces. The heart and limbs were distributed to the nobility, while
smaller bones made of the same seed-paste were given to the commoners.
The day concluded with social renewal marked by the birth of Huitzilopochtli, followed
by a solemn sermon reinforcing the necessity of these rites to maintain the universe.
Panquetzaliztli was a rigorous, blood-soaked affirmation of power.
Creating Navidad
So picture the friars now, standing before a ritual that resembled — uncomfortably
so — the structure of their own faith. Here was a god born of a virgin, and here was
bread made sacred and consumed in his name.
The horror must have been real. In the pageantry of Panquetzaliztli, they saw a
narrative bridge from indigenous faith to Catholic doctrine. Huitzilopochtli’s story could
be reframed through the miracle of another birth: that of the Son of God, who required
not blood, but prayer.
Misas de Aguinaldo, a series of nine votive masses from Dec. 16-24, were one of the ways Navidad was reframed in Mexico. (X, formerly Twitter)
But they had a tonal problem. While the Valley of Mexico pulsated with the martial rhythms of Panquetzaliztli, the Old World was immersed in a deeply different frequency:
Advent.
In the 16th-century Catholic imagination, the weeks leading up to Christmas were a
period of rigorous spiritual hibernation. Beginning on the Sunday closest to November
30 and stretching to Christmas Eve, Advent was a season of “little Lent.” The churches
were draped in purple—the liturgical color of penance. The atmosphere was a complex
emotional alloy of repentance, fear and a desperate hope for redemption. The Advent
wreath, with its four candles nestled in evergreen, marked the slow, deliberate conquest
of light over darkness, week by week.
How could such a somber season compete with the vibrancy of the Indigenous rites?
The friars found their answer in a tradition already popular in Seville: the Misas de
Aguinaldo. They realized that if the Indigenous people were eager to celebrate during
the days of Panquetzaliztli, the Church had to offer them back their own “ritualistic
sacred days,” but repackaged.
And so, nine days before the Nativity, the solemnity was deliberately cracked open. At these special dawn masses, the church offered Eucharist and aguinaldos — gifts of dried
fruit, sweets and food.
The clergy officially maintained that the overflowing pews were a testament to spiritual
fervor. But historical chronicles from the era paint a more human picture: they describe the churches turning into raucous romerías — chaotic festivals where the faithful were
driven less by a hunger for God than by a very literal hunger for the treats.
It was this specific tension—between the solemn requirements of the liturgy and the
irrepressible human desire for celebration—that the friars harnessed. They exploited
this crack in the solemnity to erase the memory of the pre-Hispanic gods, replacing
sacred amaranth with aguinaldo.
The theater of conversion
Pastorelas are traditional plays that represent the journey of shepherds to see the newborn Jesus. (Lessing Hernández/Secretaría de Cultura de la Ciudad de México)
Conversion required more than treats; it required a story. And the friars’ most effective tool
was theater. During the same Advent season, at sunset, they began to stage short plays
designed to educate the populace on the importance of the nativity.
As early as 1539, plays like “The Conquest of Jerusalem” were performed not for
entertainment but for edification. Since the Indigenous people were often terrified to enter the house of God, open chapels were built as hybrid sacred stages. There, beneath the
sky, faith became as much doctrine as it was spectacle.
By the 17th century, the stories evolved. The focus shifted from grand liturgy to human
a drama where the audience could see themselves reflected in the moral journeys of
shepherds, angels and devils. The tone became warmer, more familiar. Thus were born the pastorelas: plays that dramatized the humble pilgrimage of Indigenous shepherds
seeking the newborn Christ, repeatedly tempted by evil with the seven capital sins, but
never defeated.
The audience might not yet grasp the dogma, but they understood ritual repetition,
music and dance. So around pastorelas bloomed the posadas — popular processions
where communities reenacted Mary and Joseph’s search for shelter. People carried
candles and sang villancicos, local carols written in the vernacular. Between the verses
and the laughter, Catholic doctrine quietly took root.
It was, in essence, a masterclass in cultural negotiation disguised as a three-part
celebration: the Misas de Aguinaldo, the pastorelas and the posadas.
Secularization and sentiment
By the 19th century, Mexico had legally divorced church and state. Religion retreated
from public life, but its rituals remained, dressed in the garb of community. The posadas
escaped the church walls and spilled into streets and courtyards. What had begun as
catechism became shared festivity.
As Navidad has evolved in Mexico, it has become more secular and globalized. (The Santa Run/McCormick)
Some clergy saw the change as irreverent. But it was a fulfillment of the very
syncretism that had birthed the tradition centuries earlier: a joyful coexistence of the
sacred and the human.
From Navidad to Christmas
In today’s Mexico, the overt religiosity of the season has faded further still. Many attend
mass only out of habit or family duty, if at all. The air is no longer filled with the scent of copal or the solemnity of Latin but with English-language carols translated into
Spanish — the soundtrack of a globalized December.
As a Catholic, I admit to feeling a pang of melancholy watching the deep theological
weight of Navidad morph into a secular exchange of goods (even as I open my own
gifts with Bing Crosby crooning in the background, of course). Yet, I also recognize the
profound irony of my nostalgia. Five centuries ago, an Indigenous woman must have felt
the same disorientation and loss as she watched the sacred banner of Panquetzaliztli give way to the manger of Christmas.
But perhaps to mourn this shift is to misunderstand the very nature of our culture. The
essence of Mexican identity is not purity, but adaptation. Faith becomes story, story
becomes ritual, and ritual becomes survival.
Whether we offer amaranth to the sun, prayers to the Christ Child, or simply time to our
families, the impulse remains unchanged. We are still doing what the Mexica and the
friars did before us: gathering together to light a fire against the longest, darkest nights
of the year, driven by the stubborn, ancient hope that the light will, inevitably, return.
Maria Meléndez is an influencer with half a degree in journalism