Saturday, August 16, 2025

Fiery Holy Week ‘Burning Judas’ tradition was almost killed by the PRI

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Judas effigy being blown up on Holy Saturday CDMX
Before and after: Judas figure being exploded on Holy Saturday in the Santa María la Ribera neighborhood in Mexico City. Alejandro Linares García

Some years ago, there was a fad of making and smashing piñatas in the shape of Donald Trump. More recently, something similar happened with those made like coronaviruses.

This was primarily a phenomenon in the United States. Piñatas haven’t really had a history of being used for political and social statements in Mexico.

But one of the piñata’s papier-mache cousins, the Judas, was used for that purpose — and it almost led to its demise.

Today is Holy Saturday, the day between the commemoration of the death of Christ and the celebration of his resurrection. It is also the day, according to tradition, when the apostle Judas Iscariot, who betrayed Jesus to Roman authorities for money, committed suicide.

For the unspeakable sin of betraying the son of God, Judas has long been an icon of evil second only to the Devil himself in the eyes of Catholics.

Burning of the Judases tradition
Traditional devil Judas effigies border more modern ones of presidents Enrique Peña Nieto, AMLO and Donald Trump.

In southern Europe, a tradition arose of making effigies to represent Judas, then burning them on Holy Saturday as a way to repudiate evil and purify the community for the upcoming celebrations. The Spanish took this tradition with them to the New World.

Of course, Mexico made changes. One of these was to forego the crude human figure made of whatever was on hand to something that required more artistic talent — often in a hard papier-mache craft style called cartonería.

Eventually, a figure of the Devil became the most popular, with the idea that it represented Judas after the betrayal, rather than trying to depict what he might have looked like in life. The second adaption made in Mexico was to “burn” the figure not by setting it alight but by setting off a bunch of fireworks attached or embedded into the figure, essentially blowing it to pieces and destroying a finely crafted artwork that took hours to make.

Until the mid-20th century, Holy Saturday was the biggest day on the calendar for cartoneros, those who use papier-mache to create festival paraphernalia and more. Artisans like Pedro Linares of Mexico City would make hundreds of them, knowing that when they all sold, he could buy his children necessities affordable only once a year.

But a third tradition with the Judases nearly wiped out the entire Holy Saturday ritual in the 1950s: that of making Judases in the form of living public figures who for one reason or another had prompted the ire of the community — in particular, authorities.

During Mexico’s decades-long one-party rule by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), such mockery of political leaders became intolerable. Artisans’ workshops were checked in the run-up to Holy Week to see if any Judases representing the president or others were being made.

Leonardo Linares Mexican cartoneria craftsman
Leonardo Linares, grandson of the famous Pedro Linares, ties one of a series of rockets onto a Judas. Alejandro Linares Garcia

Then, in 1957, a warehouse storing fireworks (some say it had military munitions) caught fire and exploded, causing deaths and devastation around the La Merced Market in Mexico City. Authorities took the opportunity to outright ban fireworks almost entirely in the capital.

Without the fireworks, a Judas is not a Judas, and so the business of making them all but died.

One notable exception was Pedro Linares’ family, who managed to get exemptions from the ban and set Judases off in front of their home in the capital’s Merced Balbuena neighborhood, a tradition the family continues each year on Holy Saturday.

But for most others, the tradition was prohibited, and as goes Mexico City, generally goes Mexico. Soon, other cities followed suit, instituting bans “for safety reasons.”

Many cartoneros believe the real reason was political, and I tend to agree with them. For example, there have never been such restrictions on toritoscartonería bulls laden with fireworks that are run through crowds as part of annual celebrations. The toritos are at least as dangerous as Judases, probably more so, but they have never been politically charged and they were never prohibited, although in recent years the enactments have often been moved to more remote locations outside the downtown.

Judases have made something of a comeback since the PRI’s hold on Mexico was more or less broken in 2000. But the setting off of Judases, even today, generally requires special permits, and there are often restrictions, such as keeping crowds at a distance.

It seems ridiculous given how people dance in showers of sparks and rockets when toritos are running around, but the government is apparently not yet ready to drop the “public safety” pretense just yet. In most communities where Judases are “burned,” the brightly painted figures are hoisted into a tree or suspended in a way that allows them to dangle, much like a piñata. Some words might be spoken, but usually, the fireworks are simply set off unceremoniously. Often there is more than one Judas.

Some communities have interesting variations on the burning: in the state of Guanajuato, some set the effigy on fire, with or without accelerant, as a way to get around the ban on fireworks. In Jerez, Zacatecas, charros (cowboys) compete to lasso one of the effigies as they are set off so that they can drag it through the streets. In some places, it’s a treat for children to go home with an arm or leg or head from the remnants of an exploded Judas — not unlike baseball fans taking home a trophy ball that flew into the stands.

Judas burnings are still found mostly in central Mexico, but their comeback is a welcome sign of the population’s freedom of expression.

Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico 18 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.

AMLO’s great at lip service, but halfway though his term, little has changed

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CONEVAL graphic on poverty in Mexico
This graphic from the government's National Council for the Evaluation of Social Development Policy shows an improvement in access to social services (the magenta graph) since AMLO's term began in 2018, but the percentage of poverty and extreme poverty (see vertical table and the purple and green graphs) both went up. coneval

AMLO won, you guys!

Against … not AMLO, I guess?

For the past couple of months, I’ve been seeing ¡Vota Sí! signs and billboards up all around my city. The president looks handsome and confident, his teeth as perfectly white as his hair. One could almost think he hadn’t been the one to organize this weird performance in the first place.

The “recall vote,” set up and promoted by the president himself, seems to have been nothing more than a bizarre but predictable (and expensive) ego exercise.

With fewer than 20% of the eligible population voting, the results are not considered legally binding. But no matter! Over 90% of that sliver of the population loves him and voted to have him finish out his term.

Those who love him do so feverishly.

I’ve learned my lesson several times over by now that pointing out any faults to a diehard AMLO supporter gets you to the same place as an argument with a diehard Trump supporter does (nowhere, plus you’ll probably be kind of grouchy afterward). Both groups see their respective charismatic leader as a rebellious but noble underdog actively saving the country by daring to go up against the status quo.

They also apparently see them as incredibly sensitive, deeply in need of their supporters’ overtures to find the motivation to fight another day. One interviewee told the New York Times, “Andrés often feels alone because he has to go against an entire system and doesn’t have support.”

But how much has the status quo actually changed under his rule?

Precious little, from where I’m sitting. But let’s start with the positive.

There’s more help for the poor, and social programs for them have increased; that’s a positive thing. Credit where credit is due. Mexico’s poorest are getting much more help than they did under previous governments, and that’s something I applaud.

The minimum wage has gone up four times since he came to office. The former presidential mansion is now a museum open to the public, which is cool.

And while I worry and am generally suspicious about money being diverted from government organizations that need it in order to function and actually serve their purpose (the National Electoral Institute [INE] and the National Anti-Corruption System come to mind), I think the general idea of reducing exorbitant, bloated budgets, ones in which most of the money got driven into individual pockets rather than toward actual services, was at least a good try.

Another positive thing: they did a fantastic job at getting people their vaccines and seem to be set to (finally!) give them to children as well.

But in so many other ways, plenty of things remain painfully similar.

Let’s take all those Vota Sí signs that have been up for the past month, for example. A few weeks ago, a friend of mine who works for the government was forced to spend his Saturday putting them up all over town. It wasn’t a volunteer gig, he said; if you work for the government, then “showing support” for whoever’s in power is part of your job.

This is how it’s always been, especially in Veracruz, but it’s one of those things I thought surely the new president wouldn’t tolerate. Forced political participation and shows of false support? Doesn’t sound very democratic to me.

Add to that the embarrassing new airport project, which seems to have just been the product of a tantrum over wanting to stop the one that was already being built.

Add to that the Maya Train project being protested by environmentalists (“pseudo-environmentalists,” as AMLO calls them, discrediting them in the same way he tries to discredit the women’s movement by saying his female critics are pseudo-feminists who really just want to undo his Fourth Transformation).

Then there’s the law set to guarantee market dominance for the country’s state electricity company, the Federal Electricity Commission that will put us on the map for going in the opposite environmental direction that we should. It’s a law blocking the possibility of clean energy precisely at the time the scientific community tells us we’re at the point of no return for saving this planet.

And call me bitter, but I’m still in disbelief that so many people lost their jobs or had to close their businesses and were allowed to fall into poverty during wave after wave of the COVID pandemic, with not a peso of help in sight.

What else has not changed? Oh, let me count the ways.

A new report by the UN noted how disappearances are up in Mexico amid the near-complete impunity of criminals. Narcos continue to roam free and collude with government officials. Bodies and body parts are still lying around, unidentified, all over the country. Swaths of people have literally been pushed out of their homes by narcos while the president denies the problem even exists.

And we still don’t know what happened to those 43 teaching students from Ayotzinpa.

Laws and policies are great but meaningless if they can’t be enforced. And so far, there doesn’t seem to be a plan or strategy for making sure the most important ones — the ones that protect life, limb and liberty, for example — can be enforced in the least.

The president is great at lip service. He’s great at assuring people that things are changing. But the hard numbers say otherwise. Once again, it seems that the emperor has no clothes.

Okay, fine. He’s got a tankini.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sdevrieswritingandtranslating.com and her Patreon page.

Decorating Easter eggs this year? Go back to basics with natural dyes

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easter eggs
Veggies in your crisper or intensely colorful spices like tumeric can help you produce unique hues you won't find in a commercial Easter egg dye kit.

Eggs have heralded the arrival of spring — symbolizing renewal, fertility and new life — since ancient times. Civilizations around the world have traditions of festively decorating eggs in all sorts of ways, and Mexico is no exception.

Cascarones, originally a Spanish tradition, are hollowed-out eggs, painted or covered with colored tissue paper and filled with confetti. (For weddings they can be filled with rice.) Revelers break them over each other’s heads at parties, marking the beginning of Lent. (In Mazatlán we just have Carnival!)

While Catholicism and Easter may want to claim the season, there’s another understanding of why eggs are associated with spring. Hens need light to lay eggs, and during the dark winter months — this has changed with the artificial environments of industrial farming — they don’t lay much. Once spring arrives, egg production begins again. Easter also ties in with the spring equinox, closely following other pagan festivals celebrating the change of seasons and return of warmer weather.

My somewhat more commercial Easter egg memories are colored by the Paas dye kits and fighting with my brothers and sisters over who got to use the little metal dipper. Nowadays when I’m in the kitchen, I try to slow down and do things as close to the source as possible. Cascarones sound too messy and difficult, but these natural egg dyes seem like a fun weekend project to do with the grandkids.

Because these are natural dyes, the eggs will dry several shades lighter than how they look in the water bath. For the deepest, richest colors, leave the eggs in the dye overnight, till they’re darker than the hue you want. At the very least, let them soak 3–4 hours.

Mexico cascarones
Cascarones involve eggs with the ingredients siphoned out and refilled with confetti.

The end results will vary, and, obviously, white eggs will color differently than beige or brown eggs! To add a little shine, rub eggs with a bit of coconut or vegetable oil. Play around and see what you end up with; that’s part of the fun.

Oh — and what to do with all those hard-boiled eggs? Classic egg salad, of course!

 Classic Egg Salad

  • 6 hard-boiled eggs, chilled and peeled
  • ¼ cup homemade or store-bought mayonnaise
  • ½ tsp. zest and 1½ tsp. fresh lemon or lime juice
  • 1/3 cup diced celery
  • ¼ cup minced scallions, white and pale green parts only
  • 1 Tbsp. minced fresh parsley or cilantro
  • Salt and pepper

Combine eggs, mayonnaise, lemon/lime juice, celery, scallions and parsley/cilantro in medium bowl. Using your hands, squeeze eggs through your fingers, mixing everything together until desired consistency; alternatively, smash and mix with a firm whisk.

Season with salt and pepper. Refrigerate in sealed container for up to 3 days.

Onion skin dyed Easter eggs
Make unique designs with onion skins and just about any item you think would look good as an imprint on your egg.

Naturally Dyed Easter Eggs

  • 3 cups yellow onion skins from 8-10 onions (creates orange)
  • 3 cups purple/red cabbage, roughly chopped (creates cobalt blue)
  • 3 Tbsp. ground turmeric (creates a vibrant yellow on white eggs and deep gold on brown ones)
  • 3 cups chopped beets (for pink eggs)
  • 3 cups fresh or frozen blueberries (for blue eggs)
  • 3 Tbsp. hibiscus flowers (creates a dark green)
  • 1.5 quarts water per dye ingredient
  • 12 Tbsp. (¾ cup) white vinegar
  • 2 dozen hard-boiled white, brown or blue eggs, or a mixture

To create a dye bath: Combine a single natural-dye ingredient with 1½ quarts water in a saucepan. Bring to a boil over high heat. Once the water is boiling, turn heat to low and simmer about 30 minutes. Remove pan from the heat; allow mixture to cool before straining the liquid into a large glass jar or bowl. (Avoid using stoneware as dye can stain.) Dispose of the solids.

Stir 2 Tbsp. of white vinegar into the dye. Repeat for each of the dye ingredients in separate pots, or use the same pot washed thoroughly after each preparation.

To dye the eggs: Add a single layer of hard-boiled eggs to a jar or baking dish; pour dye over them until completely submerged. For soft, pastel colors, allow eggs to soak for 2–3 hours; for vibrant, richer colors, place the dye bath of eggs in the fridge and soak overnight. You can dip the eggs in different baths to create different colors; for example, purple eggs result from dyeing eggs in the beet dye and then in cabbage dye.

To remove eggs from the dye: Use a slotted spoon, gently removing eggs and allowing them to dry completely before handling them. (Dye can rub off or streak if eggs are handled before they’re dry. Use a cooling rack or empty egg carton for drying.

Estonian Onion-Skin Wrapped Easter Eggs

These eggs are not pre-boiled before coloring; cooking and dyeing happens all at once.

  • 12 white eggs
  • Skins of at least 8–10 onions
  • 1 Tbsp. white vinegar and 1 tsp. of salt per quart of water
  • Decorative elements like leaves, leafy herbs, uncooked rice, etc. to leave impressions against the eggshells
  • Muslin or other inexpensive soft fabric, cut into squares

In your hand, wrap each egg with onion skins, placing any of the decorative elements next to the egg, inside the onion skins. (For darker color, use several layers of onion skins.) Place the onion skin-covered egg onto a fabric square. Wrap tightly; secure the ends with twine. Wrap all the eggs the same way.

Fill a pot with cold water; add wrapped eggs. Add 1 Tbsp. vinegar and 1 tsp. salt per quart of water. Cover; bring to a boil. Reduce heat and simmer 15 minutes. Remove pot from heat, lift eggs out. Cool, still wrapped, on wire rack. When eggs are completely cool, unwrap and let dry completely.

Janet Blaser is the author of the best-selling book, Why We Left: An Anthology of American Women Expatsfeatured on CNBC and MarketWatch. She has lived in Mexico since 2006. You can find her on Facebook.

Rising again for an electric shock: the week at the morning press conferences

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President López Obrador at his Wednesday morning press conference.
President López Obrador at his Wednesday morning press conference. Presidencia de la República

Voters hit the polls last Sunday to decide whether President López Obrador should remain in office. The president justified the vote as an exercise in participatory democracy, while detractors have labeled his series of referendums as little more than a political stunt.

Monday

“It was a complete success,” the president declared of Sunday’s vote. “People acted with a lot of responsibility, millions of Mexicans … reaffirming that it’s the people who rule … now we are in a new stage, not only of representative democracy, but of participatory democracy,” he said.

More than 90% voted for the tabasqueño to remain in office on Sunday, but the turnout was under 20%. The president blamed the National Electoral Institute (INE) for the low turnout, claiming it had in effect boycotted the vote by providing a minimal number of polling stations. The INE replied that the government had boycotted the referendum by limiting its budget.

Despite the electoral ambiguities, López Obrador was already looking ahead. He continued his campaign to split the opposition’s united front against the electricity reform. “What does the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) gain by allying with the National Action Party (PAN)? Nothing!” he declared, and claimed only PAN would benefit from the coalition.

The president presented and discussed the results of last weekend's national referendum on Monday.
The president presented and discussed the results of last weekend’s national referendum on Monday. Presidencia de la República

Now safe in his post, the president decided to take a couple of days off. He announced there would only be one other morning news conference this week, to take place on Wednesday while Tuesday he would give a quarterly report.

Tuesday

López Obrador waited until the late afternoon to address the public, giving a quarterly review from the National Palace that marked the first 100 days of his government’s fourth year.

The president took the opportunity to lay out some of the government’s main achievements, as is customary for any extended AMLO speech. He focused on improvements in the minimum wage, social security, the recently opened Felipe Ángeles airport (AIFA) and the Dos Bocas oil refinery in Tabasco which he said would be completed in July, among other accomplishments.

There was a warning to lawmakers that that the upcoming vote on the electricity reform would show which of them stand with the people and which represent corporate interests. Part of the reform would nationalize lithium, and the president said that if the reform failed he would send a separate initiative for its nationalization.

On violence and criminality, López Obrador said his government had things under control. “Fortunately, from the first day of government we went to the root of the problem. We’ve faced the problems we inherited with welfare programs. With good results,” he said. However, he conceded that femicides, extortion and theft on public transit had risen.

AMLO gave a quarterly review speech from the National Palace on Tuesday.
AMLO gave a quarterly review from the National Palace on Tuesday. Presidencia de la República

The quarterly review concluded on a religious note. “Do not forget that we must seek material well-being, but also the well-being of the soul, because man can not live by bread alone,” the president said.

Wednesday

Federal lie detector Elizabeth García Vilchis ran through the week’s media mishaps. She denied millions of public medicines had expired in warehouses and confirmed that an airplane that split in two on a runway wasn’t at the AIFA, but in Costa Rica.

García added that former president Vicente Fox wasn’t to be trusted on Sunday’s vote after posting an erroneous video.

The president said he didn’t know how much it would costs Emilio Lozoya to get out of prison. The former Pemex CEO, who’s charged with corruption, had a US $10 million settlement offer rejected by the state-owned oil company.

The tabasqueño was more riled by the appearance of an Italian energy company lobbyist in the House of Deputies, where the electricity reform was being debated. He showed a photo of the lobbyist sitting next to Edna Díaz, a representative with the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD).

Former president Vicente Fox got a mention Elizabeth García Vilchis weekly segment refuting "media lies."
Former president Vicente Fox got a mention in Elizabeth García Vilchis’ weekly segment refuting “media lies.” Presidencia de la República

“They call him a lobbyist — an intermediary, a kind of corporate influence peddler … In a brazen way he went to the headquarters of the deputies … That’s why it will be very important on Sunday to see how the popular representatives vote,” he said.

Later in the conference, the president offered an example of the power of energy companies. He said Venezuela opposition leader Juan Guaidó was once revered by the U.S. Senate for his political struggle against the incumbent dictatorship in his country, but now there was a war in Ukraine, energy companies were embracing the Venezuelan regime and Guaidó had been forgotten.”Their god is money,” the president concluded.

However, the conference ended on an affectionate note. López Obrador wished viewers and those in attendance a “Holy Week in peace. In tranquility, with the family … with many hugs. Hugs, hugs, hugs,” before heading off for a short break from the mañaneras.

Thursday

The president took Thursday and Friday off for Easter.

López Obrador has previously said he doesn’t follow any religious institution, but nonetheless considers himself a man of faith. The morning conferences sometimes sound religious in tone and the president has been known to offer the odd parable. Even the name attributed to AMLO’s political movement — the Fourth Transformation — sounds like a phrase from the New Testament.

Recently, the president made a joke in which he placed himself as the son of God. He sarcastically claimed he could change the color of the sea and turn hell into paradise.

Friday

Catholicism is integral to Mexican identity. The country has the second largest number of Catholics anywhere in the world, behind only Brazil. But it’s arguably more dedicated to the faith than its South American rival, with a higher proportion of Mexico’s population identifying as Catholic.

However, Catholicism in Mexico isn’t a carbon copy of the creeds of the Vatican. While the Conquest was a story of domination, it was also a tale of marriage. Pre-Hispanic tradition is pervasive in the country’s Catholicism and in Easter that’s best represented in the Tewerichic, the ritual of the Rarámuri people in Chihuahua.

The Tewerichic celebration centers on a spiritual conflict between God and the devil. The story goes that the devil has forced God to drink tesgüino, a sacred alcoholic drink, making him weak and vulnerable. The Rarámuri join the drama to protect God and his wife until they fully recover.

The community is divided into two groups to act out the ceremony. Some become allies of the devil, while others play the warriors who defend God.

Mexico News Daily

Jalisco beach town levels the playing field for vacationers of all abilities

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Cuastecomates beach in Mexico
Cuastecomates beach offers spectacular sunsets.

While browsing the net for a nice beach we hadn’t been to before, we came upon a picture of Gran Bahía de Cuastecomates, located six kilometers northwest of Barra de Navidad, Jalisco, on the Pacific Coast.

True to its name, this is a “big bay,” but sheltered and with calm waters, a perfect place for old-timers and toddlers to enjoy the sea without fear of being smacked by a wave and turned upside down — in other words, a place where no surfer would ever choose to go.

So, not being surfers, my wife and I booked a room at the grandiose-sounding Hotel Quinta Gran Bahía de Cuastecomates, which turned out to be grandiose-looking as well, with some 75 rooms, each featuring a balcony facing the ocean and the beautiful bay.

As this hotel includes all meals as well as alcoholic drinks in its overall price, we stuffed ourselves upon arrival and afterward felt obliged to burn off the added kilos by walking “100 paces after eating,” advice given by none other than Mohammed the Prophet, according to my wife, Susy Pint, who ought to know, as she is author of the book Una Mexicana en Arabia (A Mexican Woman in Arabia).

The “prophet’s paces” took us to a street entering the pueblito of Cuastecomates.

Cuastecomates Bay
Wide, safe streets lead straight to the beach.

What a strange street it was, impeccably paved without a single bache (pothole) and so wide that there were walking lanes on both sides of the street, separated from the driving area by evenly spaced iron stanchions.

Beneath our feet was a multi-grooved yellow strip stretching off into the distance, obviously designed to guide the blind. It was the safest, most intelligently designed street we’d ever seen, and we rubbed our eyes in astonishment.

“Have we been transported to Sweden or Germany?” we asked.

Even the sign showing the name of the street had an international flair. It was written in Spanish, English and Braille!

Well, we followed the yellow strip to a perpendicular street, just as beautifully designed, above which we found a banner informing us that Cuastecomates is a pueblo incluyente, which meant nothing whatsoever to us.

Soon we found a shopkeeper who explained that incluyente means “inclusive,” in other words, “including everything a handicapped or old person might need.”

Cuastecomates Bay, Mexico
A handicapped woman takes a dip among the gentle waves. La Gazeta

It seemed that we had stumbled into Mexico’s first town and beach for the handicapped and aged on the Pacific Coast, the pet project of Lorena Jassibe, wife of former Jalisco governor Aristóteles Sandoval, who inaugurated the place in May 2016. The town has two hotels, each of which has a percentage of rooms adapted for clients with disabilities.

“They located the project here because our bay is so well-protected,” the shopkeeper told us, suggesting that we go see the amphibious wheelchairs there that allow the disadvantaged to roll along wooden walkways right into the warm seawater, where they can have fun along with everyone else.

We did just that and found that these specialized, cleverly designed vehicles can be rented for a token fee of 25 pesos per day.

As to our hotel, I should remark that it has four stars probably due to the great view guests get from their rooms. We found the place clean, the staff very friendly and helpful but the food remarkably bland and uninspiring.

There is also a noise problem on Friday and Saturday nights, when loud music is played from 8 p.m. to midnight. An easy solution is to ask, upon arrival, for a room far away from the music.

This hotel, however, does have three attractions you don’t want to miss: three playful raccoons that visit the outdoor dining area every evening after 7 p.m. with the intention of stealing as much leftover food as possible from the plates of guests.

A raccoon on the prowl for leftovers.

Something else unusual for you to see on the grounds of the Quinta Gran Bahía is the great number of cuastecomate (Mexican calabash) trees, for which the bay is named. These trees produce a smooth, round, very hard, light-green fruit about the size of a grapefruit. It grows directly on its trunk, sometimes popping up in the most unexpected places.

These fruits are said to have numerous medicinal properties. A cough medicine, for example, is made by cutting off the top of the dried fruit and pouring alcohol into it. Because the dry seeds of the cuastecomate have quite a nice taste — some say it reminds them of licorice — this “cough medicine” is quite popular among people who don’t have a cold at all.

Finally, I should mention that the Gran Bahía de Cuastecomates has a certain fame for beautiful sunsets, so I had my tripod ready for action the two nights that we stayed in the area — and I found the rumors to be true.

The first evening’s sunset was very nice, but the following night’s was simply spectacular, the best I have ever experienced on any beach anywhere.

What to do at Cuastecomates beside swimming and sunset-gazing? Well, nine kilometers northwest of this beach — a 23-minute drive away — you’ll find one of the best places in Mexico for seeing crocodiles in an estuary.

Cocodrilario Ejido la Manzanilla is the biggest croc sanctuary in the country and features a 650-meter-long boardwalk that allows you to experience the flora and fauna of a mangrove forest without having to get into a boat.

Amphibious wheelchairs at Cuastecomates Bay park, Mexico
Amphibious wheelchairs are available for a token fee.

This beach, identified as Cuastecomates Playa Incluyente in Google Maps, is a four-hour drive from Guadalajara whether you take the narrow, twisting road to Barra de Navidad or the toll road via Colima and Manzanillo. It’s paved road all the way.

To reach the crocodile sanctuary, ask Google Maps to take you to Cocodrilario La Manzanilla.

The writer has lived near Guadalajara, Jalisco, since 1985. His most recent book is Outdoors in Western Mexico, Volume Three. More of his writing can be found on his blog.

 

Cuastecomates Bay, Mexico
Massage on the beach.

 

Hotel Quinta Gran Bahía de Cuastecomates, Mexico
View from a room at the Hotel Quinta Gran Bahía de Cuastecomates.

 

Cuastecomates Bay, Mexico
Balcony view of Cuastecomates bay.

 

Hotel Quinta Gran Bahía
Hotel Quinta Gran Bahía de Cuastecomates by night.

 

Raccoon at Cuastecomates Bay park, Mexico
Boy meets raccoon.

 

La Manzanilla crocodile sanctuary, Mexico
Only 23 minutes away: the crocodile sanctuary of La Manzanilla.

 

Cuastecomates Bay
Google-eye view of Cuastecomates bay.

 

Mexican calabash
The cuastecomate, or Mexican calabash, grows directly on the tree trunk and is used to make a cough medicine.

Profeco withdraws thousands of products for faulty labeling

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More than 80 brands were taken off the shelf after the federal regulators' operation this week.
More than 80 brands were taken off the shelf after the federal regulators' operation this week. Cofepris

Bottles of Coca-Cola, packets of Oreo cookies and boxes of Kellogg’s chocolate-flavored cereal were among more than 10,000 product units removed from supermarket shelves in Mexico City this week because they didn’t meet labeling requirements.

Consumer protection agency Profeco and health regulator Cofepris carried out a joint operation that resulted in the removal of 10,075 Mexican-made and imported product units of over 80 different brands.

The authorities said in a joint statement that Profeco officials visited Walmart, La Comer and Chedraui supermarkets in the capital while Cofepris officials inspected products at Soriana and Chedraui stores.

Among the other products removed were Chips Ahoy! cookies, Doritos corn chips, Soriana’s maple-flavored syrup, JELL-O jelly crystals, Lorusso organic strawberry jam, Filippo Berrio pesto sauce and Pepsi cherry-flavored soda.

The products were seized due to “irregularities” on their labels, Profeco and Cofepris said.

Some products were taken off the shelves due to misplaced nutritional warning labels.
Some products were taken off the shelves due to misplaced nutritional warning labels. Photo by ProtoplasmaKid CC BY-SA 4.0

Among the irregularities were the absence of warnings about excess calories or sugar and the nonappearance of warnings about the presence of allergens, caffeine and sweeteners.

The authorities noted that Mexican and foreign companies have a legal obligation to comply with food and beverage labeling laws. “The nutritional warning stamps must be placed on the front of the packaging,” they added.

“Placing stamps in a side or rear position may have the purpose of hiding unhealthy content or deceiving consumers about the nutritional properties of articles,” Profeco and Cofepris said.

A list of all the products seized by the two authorities is available here. They didn’t say whether they intended to carry out additional labeling checks in other parts of the country.

Profeco announced in October that 12 different instant soup products had been withdrawn because the information on their packaging was incorrect or misleading, while several brands of panela cheese were ordered off the market in December due to labeling errors.

Mexico News Daily 

Don’t bother pot smokers, Oaxaca city officials tell local police

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A woman smokes at a 2017 march in favor of cannabis legalization.
A woman smokes at a 2017 march in favor of cannabis legalization. Cuartoscuro

The use of marijuana for recreational purposes has not yet been legalized in Mexico, but pot smokers can find an oasis in Oaxaca city.

The city government has advised police not to bother people smoking weed in public places in the state capital.

In an official letter directed to members of the Plantón 4:20 – pro-marijuana protesters who have occupied the El Llano park in recent months – and cannabis consumers in general, the city government reiterated its commitment to respecting human rights and noted that there is no municipal law that expressly prohibits the “personal responsible consumption of cannabis in public spaces.”

The government acknowledged that the Supreme Court has ruled that laws prohibiting the use of marijuana are unconstitutional, but also recognized that the court argued there is a need to protect the rights of people who don’t want to be or shouldn’t be exposed to secondhand smoke, such as children and adolescents.

“In that sense, we call on consumers to avoid consuming cannabis in places where there are girls and boys or there is express disagreement from other people,” the April 13 letter said.

The letter from municipal authorities called on police to avoid bothering marijuana smokers, as long as the smokers are not bothering other members of the public.

“In addition, this municipal authority urges municipal police officers … to abstain from causing … trouble to consumers. In case of disagreement from a person in the same space, proceed only to ask consumers to move to another place,” it said.

The city government’s letter came in response to requests from Plantón 4:20 members and others that they be allowed to smoke marijuana in public without being criminalized.

Its publication coincided with the allocation of federal permits allowing 26 indigenous communities in Oaxaca to cultivate marijuana for medicinal purposes.

The use of marijuana for medicinal purposes has been legal in Mexico since 2017. The Supreme Court has directed Congress to legalize marijuana for recreational purposes, but it has repeatedly missed deadlines to do so.

With reports from El Universal 

Latin America’s post-pandemic recovery looks browner than expected

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The new Dos Bocas refinery
The new Dos Bocas refinery in Tabasco reflects Mexico's commitment to investing in fossil fuels.

It looked too good an opportunity to miss.

Latin America was ideally placed to leap ahead in renewable power. It already generates more than a quarter of its energy from sustainable sources, thanks to abundant hydro dams.

Northern Mexico and windswept Patagonia are among the best locations in the world to generate green electricity. Lithium and copper, crucial minerals for the global switch to electric transport, abound. Governments had billions of dollars to spend in COVID-19 recovery funds and policy gurus gushed with enthusiasm about a green post-pandemic world.

The reality so far? Dirtier and browner than expected.

According to the Energy Policy Tracker, Latin America’s four biggest economies have committed most COVID recovery funds to fossil fuel projects and subsidies, with only a few bones tossed to renewables.

Mexico is the worst offender. President López Obrador, a 1960s-style resource nationalist, has lavished billions of dollars on state oil group Pemex to expand its unprofitable oil refining business. At the same time, he has tied in knots renewable energy investors such as Spain’s Iberdrola and Italy’s Enel with policy changes favoring the fossil fuel-powered state electricity behemoth CFE at their expense.

No surprise that renewable energy investment in Mexico has plummeted and court challenges are multiplying.

U.S. climate envoy John Kerry has made three visits in the past five months to try to talk the quixotic president around. López Obrador’s response has been to redouble efforts to pass a constitutional reform guaranteeing a minimum 54% share of the power market for CFE and, for good measure, nationalizing the nascent lithium industry.

Mexico’s government has meanwhile committed four times more in COVID recovery funds to fossil fuel projects than to renewables, according to the policy tracker.

Even that dismal record is overshadowed by Argentina and Colombia, whose governments have both spent more than US $1 billion on fossil fuel-related post-pandemic policies, yet only a few million dollars of recovery funds on renewables, according to the tracker.

“This is a region which had the worst economic performance in the world during COVID,” said Francisco Monaldi, a Latin America energy expert at Rice University in Houston. “So governments do not have priorities focusing on the energy transition if that implies cost.”

Among the region’s national oil companies, Brazil’s listed oil group Petrobras has used the energy transition as an excuse to concentrate on its most profitable business, deep sea oil production, while jettisoning less lucrative activities, according to Monaldi.

By contrast, Colombia’s Ecopetrol has made a $3.7-billion bet on electricity, buying 51% of transmission company ISA. This was partly born of necessity — the country’s oil reserves are rapidly declining — but also gives the company a useful hedge against the eclipse of fossil fuels.

The failure of Latin American governments to invest post-pandemic funds in renewable energy should leave plenty of space for the private sector. Indeed, Chile, Colombia and Brazil have already attracted billions of dollars of non-state green energy investment. But Mexico shows that even renewables can fall prey to resource nationalism.

Chile is the world’s second-biggest lithium producer and a budding leader in the production of green hydrogen. Its new radical left president Gabriel Boric touted his green credentials in last year’s election. But his first big economic package last week included fossil fuel subsidies, rather than money for renewables, and he also plans a state-owned lithium company.

Brazil and Colombia are holding presidential elections this year and polls suggest that both will elect left-wing nationalists. Private investors who have bet big on renewable energy will be hoping that the Mexican experience is not repeated farther south.

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2022. All rights reserved.

Scientists rescued after being abandoned on rattlesnake-infested island

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One of Isla Tortuga's many rattlesnakes basks in the sun.
One of Isla Tortuga's many rattlesnakes basks in the sun. Metropoli

Three scientists were stranded on a rattlesnake-infested island in the Gulf of California for three days after the boatman who dropped them off last weekend failed to return.

The marine biologists – two men and one woman from La Paz, Baja California Sur (BCS) – hired a boatman to take them from San Bruno, BCS, to Isla Tortuga (Turtle Island) last Saturday for a research trip. They also arranged for him to pick them up and take them back to the peninsula, but he didn’t keep that end of the bargain.

It wasn’t until three days later and after the scientists were reported missing that a naval vessel was dispatched to collect them from the island, located 40 kilometers east of Santa Rosalía, BCS. It is home to an endemic rattlesnake species commonly known as the Tortuga Island rattlesnake.

Such is the ubiquity of the pit vipers on the island that it has been described as “the biggest rattlesnake nest in the world.”

The news website Metropoli reported the rescue of the marine biologists but didn’t say how much food or water they had with them or whether they had any close encounters with the venomous snakes.

The Northwest Biological Research Center scientists were found safe and sound, Metropoli reported, but nevertheless received medical care from navy personnel in Santa Rosalía, the municipal seat of Mulegé.

Isla Tortuga, a volcanic island with a kilometer-wide, 100 meter-deep caldera, has attracted herpetologists from around the world. Reptile researchers from countries such as the United States, Canada, Italy, Japan and Germany have camped on the island while they observed and collected data on the endemic rattlesnake species, known scientifically as Crotalus atrox tortugensis.    

With reports from Metropoli

Chiapas highway blockade frustrates Palenque tourists

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With trees and trenches, protesters blocked Highway 199 just north of Ocosingo.
With trees and trenches, protesters blocked Highway 199 just north of Ocosingo. Twitter

Residents of Ocosingo, Chiapas, have blocked the highway to Palenque since Wednesday to express their discontent about an unresolved land dispute.

Disgruntled residents used heavy machinery to dig at least one trench across Federal Highway 199 and also utilized felled trees to block the highway in the same location in El Contento, a small community in Ocosingo, a large municipality in eastern Chiapas that borders Guatemala.

The blockade was erected to protest an agrarian conflict that dates back to 1994, the newspaper Reforma reported. Land disputes are common in the southern state.

The Chiapas Attorney General’s Office said Thursday that the protesters had disarmed and detained the Ocosingo municipal police director, a deputy director and 15 officers. They also seized two police vehicles and four pickup trucks owned by the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS). No IMSS personnel, who were transporting medicines and medical supplies, were injured or detained, the institute said.

The highway blockade has affected chiapanecos, as people from Chiapas are known, as well as tourists on Holy Week vacations in the southern state. Ocosingo is about 120 kilometers south of Palenque, home to the Mayan archaeological site of the same name, and just under 100 kilometers northeast of San Cristóbal de las Casas, a colonial city popular with tourists.

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One tourist complained about the blockade on social media. “Friends, we had a bad experience yesterday on the Ocosingo-Palenque highway,” Facebook user Sharo Macc wrote Thursday, adding that she had to travel on a dirt road “that doesn’t appear on Google Maps” in order to continue her trip through Chiapas.

Carlos Huerta, who is traveling with 28 people on a bus tour that left León, Guanajuato, earlier this week, told Reforma that their plan to visit Palenque was stymied by the blockade. “The highway was wrecked with trenches, so people couldn’t pass,” he said.

With reports from Reforma