Tuesday, September 9, 2025

How a Mexican diplomat forged a relationship between Benito Juárez and Abe Lincoln, who never met

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Side by side photos of formal state paintings of Mexican president Benito Juarez and U.S. president Abraham Lincoln, who were contemparies of each other during their tenures in office
They never met each other, but through diplomatic channels, the Mexican and U.S. presidents Benito Juárez and Abraham Lincoln had a friendly and supportive relationship. (U.S. National Parks Service)

March of 1861 saw the inauguration of two of the most impactful presidents both Mexico and the United States would ever have: Benito Juárez and Abraham Lincoln.

In Mexico, the Reform War had come to a close with the Liberal victory of December 1860, but the country was devastated and the Conservative Party had lived to fight another day. In the United States, North and South were on the verge of civil war, and seven states had seceded from the Union by the end of February.

A print from the exhibit featuring U.S. president Abraham Lincoln alongside Mexican president Benito Juárez that says "Good neighbors, good friends."
Nearly a century after the fact, the positive relationship between Lincoln and Juárez’s governments are still remembered in Mexico. This 1944 Mexican print showing the two leaders and in the background, a Mexican and a U.S. farmer shaking hands made use of this history. (The Hoover Institution)

Lincoln, who had followed a losing 1858 campaign for the U.S. Senate by winning the country’s highest office in 1860, did not hear from one European leader when he won the presidency. He had never traveled outside of the United States. So Lincoln had never been to Mexico, and it is unlikely he had ever met a Mexican at all until one fateful snowy day in January 1861.

A Mexican diplomat befriends the Lincolns

At the time of Lincoln’s inauguration, Matías Romero had been working at the Mexican Legation in Washington, D.C. for a year. In January 1861, the savvy and ambitious young diplomat and future Mexican Treasury Secretary received a letter that said, “It is the wish of the President [Juárez] that you proceed to the place of residence of President-elect Lincoln and in the name of the government, make clear to him in an open manner, if the opportunity presents itself, the desire which animates President Juárez, of entering into the most cordial relations with that government.”

Romero sent Lincoln a letter of congratulations on his election. Lincoln acknowledged the letter and expressed his best wishes for “the happiness, prosperity and liberty of the people of Mexico.” With his government’s instructions in hand, Romero set off for Springfield to meet and personally congratulate the newly elected president. Romero was probably the first Mexican Lincoln had ever met, although his support of Mexico went back to 1846, leading Juárez to believe he could forge friendly relations with the Republican.

Abraham Lincoln opposed the Mexican-American War

As a young congressman from Illinois, Lincoln opposed President James K. Polk’s 1846 invasion of disputed territory in Texas, which started the Mexican-American War, but there was strong patriotic fervor in the country, and many supported Polk’s expansionist plans. Lincoln was not opposed to territorial expansion but opposed to the expansion of slavery. He also respected Mexico’s sovereignty and thought the U.S. should have a good relationship with its southern neighbor.

Mexican diplomat Matias Romero posing for a state photo with his hand on a book. He is dressed in a suit and a formal bowtie
Soon after Lincoln took office, Mexican diplomat Matías Romero reached out to the new U.S. president on behalf of Juárez to establish diplomatic ties between the U.S. and Mexico. He became close to the Lincolns and Gen. Ulysses S. Grant. (U.S. National Archives and Records Administration)

He accused Polk of using a falsehood to justify a war. After a skirmish in the disputed territory of what is now southern Texas, Polk declared, “American blood has been shed on American soil,” and as a result, a state of war existed with Mexico.

Lincoln introduced the first of eight resolutions opposing the war. The first questioned the war’s constitutionality and challenged war proponents to show him the “spot” where blood had been shed. His resolutions became known as the “spot resolutions,” and people called him “spotty Lincoln.”  His opposition to the war was so unpopular with his constituents in Illinois that he decided not to run for reelection.

Lincoln was not the only prominent American opposing the war. John Quincy Adams and Henry David Thoreau openly challenged the war effort. Ulysses S. Grant, who served in the war, said in his memoirs that it had been, “the most unjust war ever waged against a weaker nation by a stronger.” The United States won the war and increased its territory by 750,000 square miles, reducing Mexico’s territory by half. 

Romero began the meeting by briefing Lincoln on the situation in Mexico: The new President Benito Juárez had assumed leadership of a country devastated by civil strife, whose treasury was depleted. But Juárez believed Lincoln was predisposed to a friendship between the two countries. The Romero papers, preserved at the Banco Nacional de México, indicate that the conversation went well and Lincoln was taken with the young diplomat.

During the War of Independence, Mexico had acquired a great deal of foreign debt. French Emperor Napoleon III sought a foothold to challenge the United States’ dominance in the Americas and planned to use Mexico’s debt to France as a pretext to invade the nation and establish a colonial empire. 

Mexico wanted economic cooperation with the U.S. and to be treated as a respected southern neighbor. Perhaps most importantly, the Mexican administration counted on Lincoln to respect Mexico’s sovereignty.

Romero nurtured a personal relationship with the U.S. president and the First Lady, Mary Todd Lincoln, and the Union generals Ulysses S. Grant and Philip Sheridan, which would prove very helpful in Mexico’s struggle against the French. Lincoln was grateful to Romero because he would accompany the First Lady on her frequent shopping trips, freeing Lincoln from a responsibility he was happy to relinquish.

US support for Mexico’s war with France  

The United States did not officially recognize the French regime in Mexico but remained neutral in the war. However, the U.S. needed Mexican troops to slow the French advance to the border, where the French planned on providing the Confederacy with more advanced weapons. The resourceful Romero used Lincoln’s acknowledgment letter from their first meeting and his friendship with Lincoln and Grant to raise US $18 million from prominent bankers to support the Mexican troops. Grant helped him secure Springfield rifles, considered superior weapons.

In 1863, the French took Mexico City and installed an Austrian archduke, Ferdinand Maximilian, as Emperor Maximilian I. Mexico needed more arms from the United States.

Gen. Ulysses S. Grant during the Civil War in a candid photo taken outside by a tent and a folding chair. Grant is looking off in the distance.
Ulysses S. Grant — seen here in a Civil War photo in Cold Harbor, Virginia — covertly sent 50,000 troops to the Mexico-U.S. border, instructing them to “lose” 30,000 rifles that could be “found” by the Mexican troops fighting French invasion. (U.S. National Park Service)

After the U.S. Civil War ended, Grant covertly sent 50,000 troops to the border under General Sheridan, instructing them to conveniently lose 30,000 rifles that could be “found” by the Mexican troops. By 1867, the French had withdrawn from Mexico and Juárez had triumphed. The Mexican Republic was restored, although Lincoln didn’t live to see it.

Lincoln revered in Mexico

Lincoln’s courageous stand against the Mexican-American War and his support of Benito Juárez (sometimes referred to as the Abraham Lincoln of Mexico) endeared him to the Mexican people. His support of political equality, economic opportunity and opposition to slavery demonstrated that he shared their values.

Some historians believe that had Lincoln lived, the two leaders would have forged a close alliance between the United States and Mexico in economic and cultural matters. Some historians say they could not have had a close relationship because they never met and no correspondence between them has been found. However, it is assumed that Romero, as a diplomat, would have carried messages between the two leaders, and there is evidence in Romero’s papers that he conducted a dialogue between the two.

If you have been to Mexico City — among all the statues commemorating Mexican historical figures and events — you may have been surprised to come across a statue of Abraham Lincoln. This statue in Parque Lincoln is identical to the one in London’s Parliament Square (The original stands in Lincoln Park in Chicago).

Numerous Lincoln statues are in Mexico, including one towering over Tijuana’s grand boulevard, Paseo de Héroes, and one in Ciudad Juárez. There is also a statue of Juárez in Washington, D.C.

Men in military uniforms saluting in front of a larger than life monument to Mexican president Benito Juarez. In the center of the men is former president of Mexico, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. He is posing with his hands by his sides. There is a floral wreath placed at the base of the monument.
Former Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador visiting the monument to Benito Juárez in Washington, D.C. in 2022. (National Park Service)

On April 15, 1966, President Lyndon Johnson dedicated the Abraham Lincoln statue in Mexico, symbolizing the friendship between the two countries. And on October 26, 1967, Mexican President Gustavo Ordaz reciprocated by dedicating the statue of Juárez in Washington, D.C.

Sheryl Losser is a former public relations executive, researcher, writer and editor. She has been writing professionally for 35 years. She moved to Mazatlán in 2021 and works part-time doing freelance writing. She can be reached at AuthorSherylLosser@gmail.com and at Mexico: a Rich Tapestry of History and Culture.

The Riviera Maya gears up for a seaweed-y Semana Santa

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Tourists play on the sand and in the turquoise water of a Cancún beach, with small patches of sargassum seaweed visible between the umbrellas and beach towels
A major influx of seaweed could arrive in Quintana Roo next week, depending on wind and ocean currents. (Elizabeth Ruiz/Cuartoscuro)

The turquoise waters of Cancún, in the Riviera Maya, are threatened by the arrival of a massive amount of sargassum leading up to Easter.

The local city council said it will present a contingency plan for Holy Week — which begins Sunday — in collaboration with the state Government and the Naval Ministry (Semar) to address the problem.

“We’ll present the contingency plan in case of a significant arrival [of seaweed],” Municipal Public Services Director José Antonio de la Torre Chambé said. “We’ve already established schedules for sargassum response, and monitoring will start at 5:00 a.m.”

Sargassum is a brown seaweed that floats on the open ocean, providing food, protection, and habitat for many marine species. However, it can be harmful when large quantities reach the shores, as it decomposes and produces hydrogen sulfide, a gas that smells like rotten eggs and may cause respiratory issues.

In the Riviera Maya, sargassum season usually lasts from May to November, although it varies each year. In 2024, the season officially ended on Nov. 14.

De la Torre said that sargassum collection has increased in recent weeks due to strong winds from the south, which have carried the algae to shores. In the last few days alone, he said 80 cubic meters of sargassum have been removed, mainly from Playa Delfines, one of Mexico’s most visited beaches.

Playa del Carmen has also been affected by sargassum. The buildup has impacted at least 60 maritime service providers at El Recodo Beach in Playa del Carmen, further complicating port closures for smaller vessels due to wind gusts of up to 40 kilometers per hour. The Regional Harbor Master’s Office has suspended nautical and recreational activities in Puerto Juárez, Isla Mujeres, Puerto Morelos and Playa del Carmen.

These climatic conditions have led to cancellations in the tourism industry, with estimated economic losses of US $300,000 per day, affecting everything from ticket sales for tours and other services to clients’ and employees’ ability to access businesses located in locations like Isla Mujeres. .

Municipal workers of Playa del Carmen have removed sargassum, using heavy machinery and other tools to keep the beaches clean before the Easter holidays. Data from the Ministry of Tourism (Sectur) shows that Cancún is anticipated to experience one of the highest occupancy rates during the holiday season, with an estimated 85%.

Apart from seaweed arrivals, good beach weather is expected for Holy Week. The National Meteorological Service (SMN) forecasts partly cloudy skies and scattered showers in Quintana Roo, with warm to very hot temperatures during the afternoon.

With reports from Reportur and 24 horas Quintana Roo

The Mexican Wine Council’s season of effort bears fruit

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Foreground: bunch of green grapes. Background: bottles of wine in a row.
The Mexican Wine Council (CMV) has made important strides towards promoting Mexican wine and it looks like their hard work is finally paying off. (Gobierno de México)

There are many groups of people that make an industry like winemaking successful. The most obvious are the wine producers and consumers, but there are other organizations that also play a part in the success.

One of the most important institutions in the history of Mexican grape growing was founded nearly 80 years ago but has only come to public prominence recently: the Mexican Wine Council (CMV).

A group of people standing in two rows posing for pictures with a park behind them in autumn with trees and a blanket of foliage on the ground.
The CMV team: Ana Paula Robles, director, and Salomón Abedrop López, president, are second and fifth from top left, respectively. (Consejo Mexicano Vitivinícola)

The CMV was founded in 1948, in large part due to the support of its first president, grape grower Nazario Ortiz Garza, who once served as governor of Coahuila, the state home to the oldest winery in the Americas. It was formed with a mission to protect, strengthen, and organize all grape producers, whether they were producing table grapes, grapes for raisins, grapes for brandy, juice grapes, or, of course, wine grapes. For years, the group’s work was invisible, but today nearly 90 percent of all Mexican grape producers are represented on the CMV’s rolls.

Their work’s positive results can be seen in a unified industry of both producers and distributors, an increase in grape production through innovative yet sustainable practices and the promotion and positioning of the Vino Mexicano brand — and the quality, production and presence in the market of national wines.

Today, the council is presided over by Salomón Abedrop López, a Coahuila wine producer and head of Hacienda Florida. Architect Ana Paula Robles has been the General Director of the CMV since September 2023.

The Mexican Wine Council is made up of a vast number of numerary and honorary members, who are involved in grape growing projects that align with CMV’s mission and strategic efforts. Thanks to representation in various state and regional groups, today the CMV is a collection of more than 300 wineries in the country. The organization is also directly affiliated with business groups, international organizations, universities and research centers all interested in the production, sale and promotion of Mexican wine. Government at both the federal and state levels have also passed bills in recent years that favor the wine industry.

Through collaboration, the CMV continues to consolidate a growing and cohesive industry, promoting the expansion of grape growing in Mexico and strengthening the position of Mexican wine in the national and international market.

The CMV continues to evolve in order to assure a competitive, innovative and sustainable future for winemaking in Mexico. Among its achievements is the highly visible growth of production and consumption of Mexican wine. Today, the CMV represents wine producers in 17 states, reflecting not only geographic expansion but also a diversification and consolidation of new regional producers. A large majority of this growth is represented by small producers.

Wine grapes on a vine in Mexico
The Mexican Wine Council represents wine producers in 17 Mexican states. (Christian Serna/Cuartoscuro)

The council’s efforts can be seen in the international recognition of the quality of Mexican wines. In 2024, Mexican wine won 884 medals at international contests, an increase of 40 percent over 2023 numbers, putting Mexico on a competitive level with other major wine-producing countries in the world.

National consumption has gone up as well: today, the CMV says, 39 of every 100 bottles of wine enjoyed in Mexico are Mexican, and wine is the second most consumed alcoholic drink in the country.

Wine tourism has also seen dramatic growth: last year, 2 million visitors were registered as having toured Mexican wineries, with an economic impact of 10 million pesos. In 2022, in collaboration with the federal Tourism Ministry (Sectur) and the tourism boards of 14 wine-producing states, the CMV created the first catalogue of wine routes and wine tourism projects in Mexico. A guide for national and international tourists, it has enriched wine tourism experiences and benefits local communities.

One of the upcoming projects within Mexico’s winemaking industry is its participation in the 2026 FIFA World Cup, which will be hosted in Mexico City, Guadalajara and Monterrey. This collaboration will position wine tourism as an attractive option for visitors, integrating sports tourism with cultural and culinary experiences.

Education and training producers is a fundamental part of offering quality tourism options. That’s why the CMV maintains close relations with international allies who share best practices and specialized knowledge.

One example is the council’s conference cycle on sustainable wine tourism, organized in collaboration with the National University of Cuyo (UNCUYO) in Mendoza, Argentina. This virtual conference discusses strategies that Mexican producers can use to strengthen their tourism offerings in a responsible way and shares experiences and successful models that can be adapted in Mexico’s wine regions.

Bernat Vinícola is a winery offering tours and tastings in Guanajuato.
Nearly 40 percent of all wine consumed in Mexico today is produced domestically. (programadestinosmexico.com)

While Mexico has yet to establish an official appellation of origin for a wine region, the identification of special wine regions starts by obtaining a geographical indication, a sign that indicates the origin of a product and links its quality to its place of origin’s reputation. In wine terms, a geographical indication can be another way of recognizing the quality of certain winemaking areas. Last month, however, the state of Querétaro became the first Mexican state to secure geographical indication status for its wines, which will now be protected by the Vinos de la Región Vitivinícola de Querétaro (Querétaro Wine-Producing Region) label.

The strengthening of Mexican wine’s identity through the consolidation of the Vino Mexicano brand as well as National Mexican Wine Day on Oct. 7 is blazing a trail for others to follow, backing the national wine industry and positioning Mexican wine’s participation in events, fairs and tastings that promote responsible but frequent consumption.

The next few years look bright, and industry participants are optimistic about a steady growth in winemaking that will benefit the entire country.

Cheers to Mexican Wine!

Diana Serratos studied at Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) and UNCUYO in Mendoza, Argentina, where she lived for over 15 years. She specializes in wines and beverages, teaching aspiring sommeliers at several universities. She conducts courses, tastings and specialized training.

Guatemala, the Maya Train’s next stop: Thursday’s mañanera recapped

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Sheinbaum stands smiling at a podium
After weeks of U.S. tariff talk, Mexico's southern neighbor finally got some time in the limelight at Thursday's presidential presser. (Presidencia)

President Claudia Sheinbaum missed her Wednesday morning press conference as she traveled to Honduras to attend the summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in Tegucigalpa.

But on Thursday morning she was back in Mexico City to preside over her regular mañanera at the National Palace, where she spoke about plans to extend two railroads into Central America, among other issues.

Here is a recap of the president’s April 10 morning press conference.

All aboard to Guatemala and Belize!

Sheinbaum noted that she spoke to Guatemalan President Bernardo Arévalo during her visit to Honduras on Wednesday for the CELAC summit.

She said they discussed “the project to take the Maya Train and the Interoceanic Train to Guatemala.”

She said that the Interoceanic Train railroad — whose main line crosses the Isthmus of Tehuantepec between Salina Cruz, Oaxaca, and Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz — will enter Guatemala at Ciudad Hidalgo, located on Mexico’s southern border in the state of Chiapas.

An ancient pyramid peaks out of lush forest in Guatemala's Maya Biosphere Reserve.
Much of northern Guatemala is protected forest, so the Maya Train would have to connect indirectly via Ciudad Hidalgo in Chiapas, Sheinbaum said. (Pau de Valencia/Unsplash)

“Guatemala has to do its projects [to extend the railway into the Central American country] and they’re working on that. … It’s mainly a freight train, although it will also take passengers,” Sheinbaum said.

She didn’t give any timeline for when the railroad might extend into Guatemala.

Sheinbaum told reporters that Guatemala doesn’t want the Maya Train railroad to enter the country in the northern department of Petén, where the Tikal archeological site is located, because there is protected forest there. (Tikal is also the site of a new Mexico-related archeological discovery.)

“So in the case of the Maya Train the option is to enter through Belize and then go down to Guatemala,” she said, adding that the proposal has already been discussed with the prime minister of Belize.

Sheinbaum didn’t mention when the multi-billion-dollar Maya Train railroad might be extended into the territory of Mexico’s two southern neighbors.

Is Mexico preparing a ‘mega expulsion’ of cartel figures? 

A reporter noted that Mexico-based British journalist Ioan Grillo reported that Mexico is considering sending 40 cartel figures to the United States.

“The Mexican federal government is looking at carrying out another mass ‘expulsion’ of senior cartel figures from Mexican prisons to U.S. custody, with a list of 40 potential targets including the Jalisco Cartel’s ‘El Cuini,’ or Abigael González Valencia, according to a Mexican source familiar with the planning,” Grillo wrote in an article published Wednesday on his CrashOut Substack site.

Sheinbaum declined to confirm or deny the report.

Mug shots of cartel members who were mass-extradited to the US in February 2025
Mexico overrode ongoing appeal processes to extradite 29 cartel figures to the U.S. in February. (Gobierno de México)

“The [federal government’s] Security Council has to report on that. … It’s not that the president orders [expulsions or extraditions], no. There is a process that has to be followed,” she said.

Mexico sent 29 cartel figures including notorious drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero to the United States in late February. The day after the extraditions, Security Minister Omar García Harfuch said that there was a risk that some of the 29 defendants sent to the U.S. could have been released from prison if they remained in Mexico.

‘Now we can speak’

A reporter noted that the Federal Electoral Tribunal ruled on Wednesday that the president and other government officials and institutions can promote participation in the upcoming judicial elections — without speaking in favor of or against any individual candidates.

The National Electoral Institute had prohibited federal, state and municipal governments, public institutions and individual officials from promoting Mexico’s first ever judicial elections.

“Now we can speak,” Sheinbaum said.

“On June 1 you have to go to vote for judges, magistrates and Supreme Court justices,” she said.

The judicial elections will be held on the first Sunday in June thanks to a controversial judicial reform approved by Congress last September. The official campaign period for candidates for judgeships began on March 30.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies ([email protected])

Fewer medical tourists are arriving in Baja California, industry representatives report

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Surgeons lean over their patient as they work
Tijuana clinics have seen a significant drop in business this year. (Jafar Ahmed/Unsplash)

Health tourism is on the decline in Baja California thus far this year, with industry representatives saying the slump is partly due to economic tension between Mexico and the United States.

In 2024, the northern border state received 3.5 million foreign visitors seeking medical or dental care. Local hotels often advertise travel packages and special rates for medical tourists who contributed roughly US $2 billion to Baja California’s economy, according to Fox News.

A view of Tijuana and the US border wall from a hill above the city
Tijuana is popular destination for U.S. and international medical tourists. (Barbara Zandoval/Unsplash)

Clinics in the state of Baja California, just south of the U.S. border, are popular with medical travelers from the U.S. and Canada. Medical centers in Baja that feature health services certified by the Joint Commission International and Mexican authorities can be found via the Medical Tourism Mexico website.

Medical Health Cluster, a health consultant firm based in Tijuana, reported a 20% to 40% drop in surgery patients arriving in Baja California through the first three months of the year.

“We have seen a certain decrease in the United States from last year,” Abraham Sánchez, president of the Medical Health Cluster, told Telemundo, adding that “the socio-political economic environment has hindered patients from coming.”

Sánchez also conceded that international competition has increased “as countries like Costa Rica, Turkey, Thailand … have very aggressive campaigns to promote services.”

Beyond the friction between the U.S. and Mexican governments, local health sector representatives said problems related to the rule of law have hurt the industry.

Ricardo Vega Montiel, president of the Baja Plastic, Aesthetic and Reconstructive Surgery College cited violence in cities such as Tijuana and reports of unlicensed doctors and clinics throughout Baja California as deterrents.

Medical Health Cluster said requests for bariatric surgery — gastric bypass and other weight-loss procedures — have declined since the procedures are now covered by U.S. insurance policies.

According to Medical Tourism Magazine, Mexico can provide equal or even higher quality treatments to patients than what they might find at home, and at a significantly lower cost.

A hand marks a woman's stomach for plastic surgery
Plastic surgery and other elective procedures are significantly cheaper in Mexico than in the U.S., though problems with unlicensed practitioners deter some would-be medical tourists. (Freepik)

Medical tourists can save from 30% to 80% on procedures ranging from cardiac surgery to orthopedics to plastic surgery, Mauricio Reyes Morales Vázquez, the president of the Los Cabos Association of Medical Tourism, told El Sudcaliforniano newspaper. Los Cabos is located in the state of Baja California Sur.

For example, Reyes said cardiac catheterization can cost more than US $200,000 in the United States, whereas in Los Cabos it costs roughly US $50,000.

Top medical tourism procedures in Baja California include dental, plastic surgery, bariatric surgery and orthopedics. Ophthalmology, neurology and fertility treatments are also popular among health tourists.

With reports from Telemundo, El Sudcaliforniano and Fox News

Tariff turmoil: Chronicle of a chaotic day in Washington

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U.S. President Donald Trump smiles from behind a podium
After U.S. President Trump yesterday announced a new "reciprocal tariff" rate of 10% across the board, the impact on Mexico was initially unclear. (White House/X)

After several hours of confusion and uncertainty on Wednesday, it was confirmed that Donald Trump’s latest tariff announcement didn’t change the status quo for Mexico on trade with the United States.

It all began with a lengthy Truth Social post by the U.S. president, in which he announced he was raising tariffs on imports from China to 125% and lowering the maximum “reciprocal tariff” rate for scores of other countries to 10% for 90 days.

Shipping containers at the Lázaro Cárdenas port
After the U.S. appeared to mistakenly announce tariffs on Mexico and Canada, chaos ensued on Wednesday. (Cuartoscuro)

The United States hasn’t imposed any so-called “reciprocal tariffs” on imports from Mexico and therefore it appeared that Mexico was unaffected by the announcement.

Enter U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent.

“Mexico and Canada, are they part of the 10%?” a reporter asked Bessent.

“Yes,” the treasury secretary responded, prompting The New York Times to report that “in a strange turn of events, the president seems to have added another 10 percent tariff to Canada and Mexico,” thus lifting the U.S. tariff on some Mexican products, such as steel and aluminum, to 35% — or so it appeared.

The Times reported that a White House official clarified “that was the case,” while the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation said it received a statement from the White House also confirming that the 10% tariff applied to goods from Canada and Mexico.

“What’s not clear … is what happens to the earlier tariffs on Canada [and Mexico], the so-called fentanyl tariff of 25 per cent on some products, and similar tariffs on steel, aluminum and some automotive trade,” CBC News said on Wednesday afternoon.

At Mexico News Daily, we continued to monitor developments. If an additional 10% tariff has been imposed on Mexico’s exports to the United States, as the NYT reported, why is the Mexican peso strengthening, I wondered.

I opened X and came across a post by José Díaz Briseño, the United States’ correspondent for Mexico’s Reforma newspaper.

“Bessent’s answer can be interpreted BOTH as a hike & as a reduction of the tariff rate applicable to Mexico & Canada,” Briseño wrote.

“Proof of the improvised nature of Trump’s announcement,” he added.

With the peso having strengthened considerably after briefly trading above 21 on Wednesday morning, I reasoned that the U.S. tariff rate for all Mexican goods not covered by the USMCA free trade pact had been lowered to 10%.

“Yeah, that’s what I think,” a Mexico News Daily editor responded after I conveyed my thinking to her in a message.

Fast forward an hour and I read this: “CBC News is learning initial information that the 10 per cent baseline tariff applies to Canada may not be accurate.”

“No one knows what the deal is,” I wrote to my editor.

Eventually, the truth came out. The situation had not in fact changed for Mexico and Canada, the United States’ largest trading partners.

“From Washington: I am officially informed that we’re not included in the 10% reciprocal tariffs announced today,” Mexico’s Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard wrote on X.

A White House official — presumably not the one who said the 10% tariff did apply to Mexico and Canada — also confirmed that Mexico and Canada were not affected by Trump’s announcement of what he called a “90 day PAUSE” on “reciprocal tariffs” that are higher than 10%.

And with that the hours of confusion caused by Bessent and others finally came to an end.

So what US tariffs apply to imports from Mexico? 

You’d be forgiven for not keeping up with all of the many and varied developments in recent months with regard to United States’ tariffs.

These are the tariffs that are currently in effect for imports from Mexico.

Economy Minister Ebrard said last Thursday that the Mexican government’s “goal in the next 40 days is to achieve the best conditions among all countries of the world for the [Mexican] auto industry.”

“The same thing for steel and aluminum,” he added.

Mexico has not imposed any retaliatory tariffs on imports from the United States.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies ([email protected])

Teotihuacán altar found in Guatemala reveals the reach of Mexico City’s forebearers

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A huge square masonry block is visible in an underground tunnel, as archaeologists excavate the ancient Teotihucán found in Guatemala
Home away from home: "Foreigners" from Teotihuacán built their own altars after arriving in the Maya city of Tikal. (Ministerio de Cultura y Deportes de Guatemala/X)

A 1,600-year-old altar discovered in the heart of Tikal, Guatemala, offers striking evidence of the intricate and often contentious relationship between Maya society and the ancient metropolis of Teotihuacán.

According to a study published this week in the journal Antiquity, the altar wasn’t built by the local Maya, but rather by “foreigners” from Teotihuacán, located 1,500 kilometers away in what is now central Mexico.

Carving at Teotihuacan
The altar appears to have been built by residents of Teotihuacán, the ancient metropolis that preceded Mexico City. (INAH)

Teotihuacán, known as “The City of the Gods,” was a sprawling area northeast of modern Mexico City renowned for its monumental pyramids, vibrant murals, and influential cultural and economic reach across Mesoamerica during its peak between 100 B.C. and A.D. 750.

Tikal was founded in 850 B.C. before ballooning into a dynasty around A.D. 100.

Guatemala’s Culture and Sports Ministry also announced the findings this week, detailing an altar adorned with vividly painted murals and linked to ritual sacrifices — which researchers say reshapes understanding of Mesoamerican power dynamics.

Buried beneath a residential complex in Tikal National Park, the 1-meter tall limestone altar features talud-tablero architecture (one inward-sloping panel topped by a perpendicular, rectangular panel) and painted panels depicting a deity resembling Teotihuacán’s “Storm God” or “Great Goddess.” The national park is located in northern Guatemala, less than 100 kilometers from the Mexican state of Campeche.

A photo of the Teotihucán ruins of a altar found in Guatemala next to a drawing showing what it would have looked like thousands of years ago when it was built.
By studying the remnant pigment on the surface, researchers were able to reconstruct what the ancient altar looked like in its heyday. (Román Ramírez et al./Antiquities)

This figure, with almond-shaped eyes, a fanged nose bar and a feathered headdress flanked by shields, can be seen on four sides of the square piece. Archaeologists used advanced imaging technology to reveal its original red, yellow and blue pigments.

“What the altar confirms is that wealthy leaders from Teotihuacán came to Tikal and created replicas of the ritual facilities that would have existed in their home city,” said Stephen Houston, a professor at Brown University who was part of a global team of researchers who studied the altar. “This shows that Teotihuacán left a heavy imprint there.”

In an interview on National Public Radio (NPR), Andrew Scherer, another co-author of the study, said a central tenet of the research was trying to figure out just how heavy that imprint was.

“The growing sense of things is that rather than just a few folks coming down from central Mexico to sort of trade or interact at Tikal, they were more deeply embedded in the politics and the daily life, to the point that there were actually settlers who were sort of living permanently at Tikal,” said Scherer, a professor of anthropology, archaeology and the ancient world at Brown and director of the Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology.

A map of the Yucatán Peninsula showing the location of Tikal, Guatemala
The altar was found 1,500 kilometers away from the ancient metropolis of Teotihucán, the location of present-day Mexico City. (Román Ramírez et al./Antiquities)

Built around A.D. 378, the altar coincides with a pivotal coup in Tikal’s history, when Teotihuacán elites deposed Tikal’s king, Chak Tok Ich’aak, and installed Yax Nuun Ahiin, whose father Spearthrower Owl was at least a noble, if not a king, in Teotihuacán. His installation is seen as a high point in Teotihuacán influence at Tikal.

Another sign was revealed in a Lidar scan in 2016: a scaled-down replica of Teotihuacán’s citadel near Tikal’s center, suggesting prolonged occupation before the coup.

“Teotihuacán saw the Maya region as a land of wealth — jade, feathers, cocoa — and sought to control it,” said Houston, a professor of social sciences, anthropology, and the history of art and architecture at Brown.

Excavations around the altar, led by Guatemalan archaeologist Lorena Paiz, uncovered the remains of three children, all under age 4. One was interred in a seated position — a practice common in Teotihuacán but rare among the Maya — alongside a green obsidian dart point, a material emblematic of central Mexico.

Paiz said the altar was believed to have been used for sacrifices, “especially of children.”

Radiocarbon dating indicates the site was abandoned around A.D. 550–645, coinciding with Teotihuacán’s own decline.

The altar remains under guard, with no plans for public access.

With reports from Associated Press, NPR, La Jornada and Expansión

94-year-old Guadalajara Cartel founder ‘Don Neto’ released in Mexico

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Detained cartel leader Ernesto Fonseca Carillo "El Neto" in sunglasses
Don Neto, shown here in an undated photo, has been released after 40 years in Mexican federal prison. (X)

Guadalajara Cartel founder Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo walked free on Saturday after completing a 40-year prison sentence in Mexico.

Fonseca, known as “Don Neto,” was convicted by the Mexican judicial system for his role in the February 1985 torture and murder of U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena. The 94-year-old Fonseca had been held in home confinement since 2016.

Enrique Camarena Salazar, former DEA special agent who was killed in Mexico
Don Neto’s victim, DEA agent Kiki Camarena. (DEA)

Although the DEA still maintains a “Wanted” notice for Fonseca on its website, an unnamed Mexican official told Reforma newspaper that Don Neto served out his incarceration, has no pending charges, and is free to travel within Mexico.

Neither the U.S. Justice Department nor the DEA have issued a public statement regarding Fonseca’s release.

When asked about the case during her Thursday morning press conference, Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum said she was unaware of any requests from U.S. authorities regarding Fonseca.

“I have no knowledge that the DEA or any U.S. agency might be inquiring about this,” she said. “I asked members of my Security Cabinet this morning and they told me he had completed his sentence.”

Who is Don Neto?

Fonseca comes from the same hometown as Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, a drug kingpin serving a life sentence in a U.S. maximum security prison. Both were born in Badiraguato, Sinaloa.

Fonseca co-founded the Guadalajara Cartel, which dominated drug trafficking in Mexico in the 1980s and controlled the key smuggling routes into the United States. 

Actor Joaquín Cosio portraying Don Neto
Don Neto frequently appeared in the popular Netflix series “Narcos: Mexico,” portrayed by actor Joaquín Cosio. (Carlos Somonte/Netflix)

The DEA indicted Fonseca in San Diego, California, on money-laundering charges in 1982, but he fled back to Mexico before he could be apprehended.

Agent Camarena was kidnapped, tortured and murdered in February 1985 three months after he spearheaded a raid on a Guadalajara Cartel marijuana plantation that the DEA called its largest drug seizure ever.

Don Neto was arrested for Camarena’s murder in Puerto Vallarta on April 7, 1985, but continued to contest both the criminal and civil charges for decades thereafter.

A Mexican appeals court ordered Fonseca freed in March 2017. The appeals court ruling granted him a form of early release usually given to prisoners who have completed most of their sentences.

However, Mexico’s Federal Attorney General’s Office annulled the appeals ruling and Fonseca remained under house arrest.

In 2022, Fonseca won an injunction against a civil court ruling that ordered him to pay 20.8 million pesos (US $1.2 million) in restitution to the family of the murdered DEA agent and relatives of his pilot, Alfredo Zavala, who was tortured and killed in the same incident.

In March 2025, the Camarena family filed civil charges against Fonseca in a U.S. federal court in San Diego.

Second Guadalajara Cartel co-founder meets a different fate

Another principal figure in the murder of the DEA agent was recently turned over to U.S. authorities. Rafael Caro Quintero was among 29 cartel figures transferred to the United States on Feb. 27 as part of a bilateral effort between the neighboring countries to battle drug trafficking.

As leader of the Guadalajara Cartel in the 1980s, Caro Quintero was one of the top suppliers of heroin, cocaine and marijuana to the U.S. The DEA asserts that Caro Quintero ordered the kidnapping of Camarena in retaliation for the Rancho Búfalo raid.

Like Fonseca, Caro Quintero was sometimes able to use Mexico’s judicial system in his favor. He was released from prison in 2013 after an appeals court overturned his murder conviction on jurisdictional grounds. 

Mexico’s Supreme Court annulled that ruling three months later. A new warrant was issued for Caro Quintero’s arrest and the U.S. government offered a $5 million reward for information leading to his arrest. He was finally recaptured in July 2022.

With reports from Milenio, El Universal, CBS News, El País México and Infobae

The Australian writing a guide to intercultural relationships with Mexicans

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A couple runs through the Chichén Itzá archaeological site on a sunny day.
What happens when a woman from the U.S. or Australia gets together with a Mexican man? (Melissa Sombrerero/Pexels)

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ 2021 census, only 2,140 Mexicans live in the Greater Sydney area, which boasts a population of 5.5 million people. As one might imagine after reading those stats, authentic, mouth-watering, throat-tickling Mexican restaurants are few and far between. So when Sunny, a born-and-raised Australian, met Héctor, a Mexican expat working in Sydney, and asked what he missed the most about living in Mexico, he didn’t hesitate in answering: “tacos al pastor.”

The problem was that Sunny had never even heard of tacos al pastor. “I went immediately to Google,” she said during our recent interview over Zoom, laughing. Drawing on years of working as a professional chef and a childhood spent in her family’s restaurant, Sunny scraped together her first of many traditional Mexican dishes. 

A couple watches the Milky Way in the wild
Intercultural relationships can open up new universes of understanding— but t (Nathan Jennings/Unsplash)

Héctor hadn’t been able to visit Mexico for three years due to Australia’s border policy during the pandemic, and he’d been surrounded predominately by Tex-Mex and other foreign interpretations of Mexican food. “I was so nervous when he was about to take his first bite,” Sunny says. 

There was nothing for her to worry about, though, because Héctor was delighted. “It tastes like home,” he told her. Several years later, they tied the knot. Héctor later told her that it was those same tacos al pastor that sealed the deal.

Doing it the Mexican way: Going from personal struggle to community solutions

Relationships are rarely an obstacle-free ride. Learning to communicate with anyone, regardless of their background, is a lesson in humility, patience and curiosity. Coming from different cultures can add yet another layer to the mix, and many people facing road bumps in intercultural relationships find themselves wondering “is this cultural, or is it just my partner?”

Specifically, if you’re an Anglo woman dating a Mexican man, you probably already know that there aren’t many resources out there that can help you navigate the nuances. “When Héctor’s mom came to Australia for the first time, I had a hard time finding anything online to help me prepare for it. None of my friends were married to a Mexican, so they couldn’t offer me any advice.” How was Sunny supposed to greet her? What was she supposed to call her? This gap in information led Sunny to building an online community of women like her. Through that community, she started to see how unique her relationship paradigm truly was.

A family gathers to have dinner in Christmas
Daily contact with a Mexican partner’s family can be jarring for a person coming from a culture where boundaries are more rigid. (Nicole Michalou/Pexels)

Taking off the Anglo goggles

A U.S.-raised woman myself, I can completely identify with the role we’re expected to fill these days – strong, independent, financially stable, able to raise a kid on her own if she wanted to. A woman like that definitely doesn’t “need” a man. But what happens when that woman falls in love with a Mexican man?

Clearly, we can’t fit the millions of Mexican men in and outside of Mexico into one shiny box with a list of instructions. Still, there are undeniable cultural differences that could, without the proper research, lead to unnecessary friction. Sunny believes that the uncertainty we face when entering intercultural relationships can all be avoided with cultural fluency. By “taking off your Western goggles and putting on your Mexican sunglasses,” the following dynamics might begin to surface.

  • Noncommittal responses: Mexicans often prefer to say “maybe” instead of a direct “no” to avoid causing disappointment. This tends to clash with the Anglo preference for concrete plans and direct refusals.
  • Group decision-making: People raised in Mexico may consult their family and friend group before finalizing plans in contrast to a U.S. or Australian emphasis on decisions made primarily by the couple for their own benefit.
  • Family involvement: Daily contact with parents and a tendency to seek family input during conflict may come as a surprise to women used to greater boundaries between the nuclear family and extended relatives.
  • Different emphases on the individual: Mexican culture tends toward group-oriented decision-making that prioritizes collective harmony as opposed to the Anglo tendency toward self-reliance and independence.
  • Traditional gender roles: Relationships may involve protective behaviors that might seem controlling by contemporary Anglo standards. Mexican cultural expectations tend to embrace traditional masculine and feminine expressions while Anglo culture trends toward more fluidity between gender roles.

Seeing the relationship through this lens will also help you identify which parts of your culture might leave him feeling confused. Héctor, for example, didn’t initially understand the casual approach to dinner parties in Australia. His upbringing taught him to always bring a gift for the host or hostess and make a point to personally thank them before leaving. Sunny’s experience was a bit more casual. What he initially thought of as rude simply became “Australian,” in a way that his formality might simply become “Mexican.”

Creating a handbook for bicultural relationships

Sunny’s adventure from a single Australian woman to creator of the Facebook community “I’m Married to a Mexican” has been a joyful one. More than building a strong partnership with her husband, she’s met women from all over the world in situations similar to her own, and the resulting insight has been fascinating. 

She’s able to document cultural nuances that aren’t found in traditional resources, and offer advice that takes into account the cultural backstory, something nearly impossible for AI to do. She started conducting hour-long calls with women from different countries in relationships with Mexican men, discovering a host of interesting quirks and unique approaches to conflict that keep these relationships strong and healthy.

With this information, Sunny wants to create a pool of resources for women, and eventually men, to refer to when they find themselves asking the question, “Is it cultural, or is it him?” Some practical strategies she’s found up to this point include using food as a cultural connector, knowing the major themes in Mexican history, understanding a collectivist mindset versus an individualist one and identifying what emotional safety feels like for you

The future of cross-cultural relationship resources

Sunny’s vision extends well beyond her thriving Facebook community. “What I’m trying to create is a way to avoid the angst, the overwhelm and the constant questioning of what’s going on, what to do and what’s considered correct social etiquette,” she explains. “I want to create a pathway for women to stay strong within themselves, even when cultural differences might throw them off balance.”

Unlike generic advice that tells intercultural partners it’s best to just adapt to the other’s quirks, Sunny’s approach emphasizes cultural fluency without sacrificing who you are. The mentorship program she is developing is aimed at giving newcomers a chance to connect with experienced women for help when navigating challenges like communicating with their partner’s  mother and sisters, first visits to Mexico and understanding when something is truly a red flag versus a cultural misunderstanding.

“When you’re struggling with these issues, you can’t always talk to your mom or friends about it because they’re viewing everything through a Western lens,” Sunny says. “You also can’t always talk to your Mexican friends because, for them, it’s normal.” Guidance from someone who’s walked this path before can be a game-changer.

Are you in a committed relationship with a Mexican partner and starting to feel the effects of those pesky cultural differences? Sunny is currently conducting research calls with women who feel confused, disconnected or unsure what’s cultural and what’s personal. She’s also interested in speaking with women who have it all figured out! If you’d like to participate, visit Calendy to schedule a call or join her Facebook group, I’m dating/I married a Mexican.

Mexico scrambles to boost US water deliveries ahead of next year’s USMCA treaty review

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A dry river in Nuevo León, Mexico, a state at risk of having its water resources confiscated by the federal government for delivery to the U.S.
Dry northern states like Nuevo León, pictured, could see their state water resources confiscated by the federal government as it seeks to increase water deliveries to the U.S. (Gabriela Pérez Montiel/Cuartoscuro)

Mexico currently owes the United States more than 1.5 billion cubic meters of water with just six months left to settle the debt, putting the federal government in a difficult situation as it seeks to appease its northern neighbor while ensuring there is sufficient water to meet the needs of Mexican citizens, agriculture and industry.

The United States government is pressuring Mexico to send the water north, but the country’s northern states are in drought, making it very difficult if not impossible to comply with the obligations set out in a 1944 bilateral water treaty.

The channelized Rio Grande runs under rail bridges on the border between El Paso and Ciudad Juárez
The 1944 treaty governs the distribution of water from rivers like the Rio Grande, shown here in Ciudad Juárez. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

What the outcome of this situation will be is not yet clear, but the potential for conflict between Mexico and the United States — at a time when the bilateral relationship is already strained — is high.

Mexico’s water debt predicament 

Under the Treaty relating to the utilization of waters of the Colorado and Tijuana Rivers and of the Rio Grande, Mexico must send 2.158 billion cubic meters (1.75 million acre feet) of water to the United States from the Rio Grande every five years. The water is transferred through a binational network of dams and reservoirs.

The current five-year cycle concludes in late October, but by March 29, Mexico had delivered just 28% of the water it is required to send to its northern neighbor in the 2020-25 period.

Consequently, Mexico currently owes the United States about 1.55 billion cubic meters of water. That quantity of water, Reuters reported, is enough to supply a mid-sized city for around 30 years.

Why is Mexico so far behind on its water debt? 

In a word — drought. The Mexican government has said that it has been unable to fulfill its water commitments under the 1944 treaty due to widespread drought that is particularly severe in the north of the country.

Poor infrastructure and growing local demand for water have also had an impact on Mexico’s capacity to meet its treaty obligations, according to Reuters.

Under the treaty, water debt can be rolled over into the next five-year cycle when drought precludes either Mexico or the United States from meeting its obligations to supply water to its neighbor.

That situation looks set to become increasingly common.

Reuters reported that the 81-year-old treaty “never contemplated climate change or massive industrial and agricultural growth along the border fueled by free trade between the two countries.”

“That is the disconnect,” said Vianey Rueda, a University of Michigan researcher who specializes in water issues.

Dry, cracked earth in an empty dam reservoir
Northern Mexico and the U.S. Southwest are considerably drier than when the water treaty was signed over 80 years ago. (Crisanta Espinosa Aguilar/Cuartoscuro)

“… There is pressure to continue to abide by a treaty, but there’s really no water to comply,” she said.

Federico Mancera, a water consultant and academic at CIDE, a Mexico City university, described the treaty as obsolete because it doesn’t consider the impacts of climate change and the decrease in water availability. The solution to the current conflict between Mexico and the United States is to update the treaty, he told the Expansión news website.

Pressure from the United States 

In March, for the first time since the 1944 treaty was signed, the United States denied a request by Mexico for water delivery.

In a statement posted to social media, the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs defended the decision by saying that “Mexico’s continued shortfalls in its water deliveries under the 1944 water-sharing treaty are decimating American agriculture — particularly farmers in the Rio Grande valley.”

In addition to taking the unprecedented step of denying Mexico’s non-treaty request for water, the State Department “continues to urge the Mexican government at the highest levels to meet its 1944 treaty obligations and ensure predictable water deliveries,” a spokesperson for the agency told Reuters.

In March, U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins said in an interview that Mexico is “decimating our farmers while they’re building their agriculture industry and breaking the agreement under that 1944 water treaty.”

“But no more,” she added.

Republicans from Texas have been especially vocal in their condemnation of Mexico for failing to meet its treaty obligations.

“Mexico’s repeated failure to uphold their end of the 1944 water treaty has devastated South Texas farmers, hindered the growth of our Texas agriculture economy, and threatened our national food security,” Congresswoman Monica de la Cruz said in January.

“Holding the Mexican government accountable is the first step in ensuring our farmers have the resources they need to thrive and I will continue to work to ensure South Texans are not left to deal with the consequences of Mexico’s non-compliance,” she said.

Reuters reported that the United States has “largely fulfilled” its obligations to send water to Mexico, “although recent deliveries have been reduced due to severe drought, something the 1944 accord allows for.”

Could Mexico’s water debt threaten the USMCA? 

Citing multiple sources, Reuters reported on Wednesday that Mexican officials are “scrambling to come up with a plan” to increase water deliveries to the United States.

Three sources familiar with the matter told Reuters the urgency is due to growing concern that United States President Donald Trump could bring the water dispute into trade negotiations with Mexico.

Trump has already imposed tariffs on Mexican steel, aluminum and vehicles, as well as imports from Mexico not covered by the USMCA free trade pact. He has indicated that he wants to renegotiate the agreement rather than just review it, as is scheduled to occur in 2026.

Hundreds of shipping containers stacked up on the docks at the Port of Manzanillo in Colima, Mexico
Ongoing tariff negotiations with the U.S. have added pressure as Mexico struggles to keep up with water deliveries. (International Container Terminal Services)

A Mexican source who works on water issues told Reuters that there are even concerns in Mexico that Trump could terminate the USMCA due to the Mexico’s water debt. The source said the issue has become “very political.”

Another option for Trump could be to use tariffs to pressure Mexico to meet its water commitments. He has already demonstrated he is willing to use protectionism to effectively force Mexico to ramp up action against the flow of fentanyl and migrants to the United States.

Last month, Texas Senator Ted Cruz expressed confidence that the United States will get the water it is owed.

“I believe with President Trump in office and the new administration, we are going to get the water. Mexico is going to comply. Ignoring the treaty will no longer be an option for Mexico,” he said.

A second Mexican source with knowledge of the dispute told Reuters that Mexico hopes to reach an agreement with the United States “in the next few weeks” in order to prevent the issue from affecting trade negotiations. The Mexican government is aiming to negotiate better trading conditions for Mexico — i.e. secure the suspension of U.S. tariffs that are currently levied on Mexican goods.

The source warned that “the expectations of the U.S. should be grounded in reality.”

“We cannot deliver water that does not exist,” the person told Reuters.

The news agency reported that “with the U.S.-Mexico relations already frayed over security, migration and tariffs, the two countries could now be on a collision course over water too, adding to Mexico’s woes as it struggles to navigate a minefield of issues with the Trump administration.”

Attempt to appease the US angers northern states 

President Claudia Sheinbaum last week told reporters that her government was in discussions with its U.S. counterpart and “will comply with the treaty bit by bit.”

Reuters said it was told by eight sources that Mexico is working to increase water deliveries to the United States before the current five-year treaty cycle comes to an end in October.

Six of those sources told Reuters that in order to increase its water deliveries Mexico will likely need to make use of a controversial amendment inserted into the 1944 treaty last year.

Open water faucet
Under a new treaty provision, the federal government could seize water belonging to northern states to make up for shortfalls in water deliveries to the U.S. (Cuartoscuro)

The amendment empowers the Mexican government to take extra water from states in order to meet its water delivery obligations.

Water in the northern border states of Nuevo León, Coahuila, Chihuahua and Tamaulipas is specifically in the sights of the federal government, according to six sources who spoke to Reuters.

“In recent weeks, at least one meeting has taken place between state governments and the federal water authority discussing how to increase Mexican deliveries to the United States,” the news agency reported. “… Tension is building both with the U.S. and within Mexico,” Reuters added.

None of the four border states mentioned above is happy about the federal government’s apparent plans for their water, according to Raúl Quiroga, Secretary of Hydraulic Resources for Social Development in Tamaulipas.

He said that in a meeting with federal government representatives last month, officials from Nuevo León, Coahuila, Chihuahua and Tamaulipas all protested the treaty amendment that allows their water to be taken without their consent under certain circumstances.

Mario Mata, the executive director of Chihuahua’s water council, said the state is considering launching legal action against the treaty amendment.

A map of Mexico shows the northwest part of the country painted red and yellow, indicating various degrees of drought and possible water crisis
Of the states that could face federal water seizures, Chihuahua has been the hardest hit by the current drought. (Conagua)

Tension between the federal government and states over water is not a new. In 2020, a high ranking foreign affairs official accused then Chihuahua governor Javier Corral of failing to comply with an agreement with the federal government to send water to the U.S.

Mexico narrowly met its water delivery obligations in the 2015-20 treaty period, but it appears almost certain it will fail in this current cycle.

A Mexican official told Reuters that the federal government has already agreed to send 150.48 million cubic meters of water to the United States and is working on a plan to deliver an additional 99.91 million cubic meters. But even if that water is delivered, Mexico would still fall more than 60% short of meeting its treaty obligations.

Of significant concern in Mexico is that there is no guarantee that the United States will be appeased by only receiving around 40% of the water Mexico is required to supply in each five-year treaty cycle.

‘To deliver water right now is death’

National Action Party Senator Mario Vázquez of Chihuahua said that “for Chihuahua to deliver water right now is death.”

While he was referring to the essential truth that “water is life,” Mexico’s obligation to deliver water to the United States was a factor in the death of a woman in Delicias, Chihuahua, in 2020.

Aerial view at sunset of La Boquilla dam in Chihuahua, where water could be diverted for Mexico's water deliveries to the US
La Boquilla dam in Chihuahua has been the site of protests in the past, when water from its reservoir was diverted to the United States. (Nomonday)

Yessica Silva and her husband Jaime Torres, both farmers, came under fire by the National Guard while driving home in September 2020 after attending a protest against the diversion of water to the United States at La Boquilla dam.

Silva died at the scene while Torres was seriously wounded and spent two weeks in the hospital.

Farmers in northern Mexico — where large swathes of land are currently affected by severe, extreme or “exceptional drought and water levels in many reservoirs are low — remain vehemently opposed to the diversion of water to the United States, meaning that the Mexican government will face fierce resistance as it seeks to placate its powerful northern neighbor.

Mexico’s water debt with the U.S. further emphasizes that addressing water scarcity is a major challenge for the Sheinbaum administration, which presented a new national water plan in November and announced 17 water infrastructure projects last month.

With reports from Reuters and Expansión Política