Saturday, July 19, 2025

Mexicans are feeling safer than (almost) ever as perception of urban insecurity nears record low

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A well-lit avenue known as a "Sendero Seguro" in Condesa, Mexico City
The percentage of Mexicans who believe the city in which they live is unsafe declined to its second-lowest level on record in the second quarter of 2024. (Cuartoscuro)

The percentage of Mexicans who believe the city in which they live is unsafe declined to its second-lowest level on record in the second quarter of 2024, according to the results of a recent survey.

However, authorities still have a lot of work to do as close to six in 10 survey respondents consider their city unsafe.

State of Mexico police officers on patrol
59.4% of adults in Mexico have security concerns about the city in which they live. (México state police)

Conducted by the national statistics agency INEGI between May 24 and June 14, the latest National Survey of Urban Public Security (ENSU) found that 59.4% of adults have security concerns about the city in which they live.

A year earlier, 62.3% of those surveyed said their city was unsafe, while the figure in the first quarter of 2024 was 61%.

The second quarter percentage is just 0.3 points higher than the all-time low of 59.1% in the final quarter of 2023. INEGI first conducted the ENSU in 2013.

The perception of urban insecurity in Mexico reached almost 80% in 2017 and 2018, the final years of the government led by former president Enrique Peña Nieto.

The latest survey found that 65.1% of women and 52.4% of men consider their city unsafe.

For the latest ENSU, INEGI surveyed adult occupants of 27,850 homes in 91 urban areas across Mexico, including the 16 boroughs of Mexico City.

A crime scene in Mexico City, for which any one (or more) of 40 criminal gangs might have been responsible.
Five Mexico City boroughs reported lower perceptions of insecurity, while the boroughs of Benito Juárez and Azcapotzalco reported increased insecurity. (Archive)

At a press conference on Wednesday, President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum highlighted that ENSU data shows that “Mexicans who live in cities today feel safer than they did in 2018.”

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador took office on Dec. 1, 2018, while Sheinbaum was sworn in as Mexico City mayor four days later.

The president-elect told reporters that Mexico has made progress in reducing insecurity during López Obrador’s presidency, and pledged that her administration will “make more progress” during its 2024-2030 term.

Which cities have the highest and lowest percentages of residents with personal security concerns?

Fresnillo, Zacatecas, once again had the highest percentage of residents who told INEGI that the city was an unsafe place to live. The latest ENSU found that 94.7% of Fresnillo residents consider the city unsafe, a decline of 0.7 percentage points compared to the previous survey.

For the past several years, Fresnillo, Zacatecas has registered the highest local perception of urban insecurity of any city in Mexico.
For the past several years, Fresnillo, Zacatecas has registered the highest local perception of urban insecurity of any city in Mexico. (Adolfo Vladimir/Cuartoscuro)

Located about 60 kilometers north of Zacatecas city, Fresnillo has been plagued by violent crime in recent years. The results of each of the four ENSUs conducted in 2023 also showed that the city of some 240,000 people was considered unsafe by over 90% of residents.

The cities with the next highest percentages of residents with personal security concerns were:

  • Naucalpan de Juárez, a México state municipality that adjoins Mexico City. Just under nine in 10 residents — 89.2% — consider the municipality an unsafe place to live.
  • Uruapan, Michoacán: considered unsafe by 86.8% of surveyed residents.
  • Irapuato, Guanajuato: 84.8%.
  • Tapachula, Chiapas: 84.7%.
  • Zacatecas city: 84.7%.

The cities with the lowest percentages of residents with personal security concerns were:

  • San Pedro Garza García, an affluent municipality in the metropolitan area of Monterrey, Nuevo León. Just over one in 10 surveyed residents — 11.7% — said the municipality was an unsafe place to live.
  • Piedras Negras, Coahuila: 14.3%.
  • Los Cabos, Baja California Sur: 16.7%.
  • Los Mochis, Sinaloa: 18.7%.
  • The Mexico City borough of Benito Juárez: 18.9%.
  • Saltillo, Coahuila: 21.4%.

Perceptions of insecurity down significantly in 10 cities, up in 5

Compared to the first quarter of 2024, there were statistically significant changes in perceptions of insecurity in 15 cities, INEGI said. In 10 of those cities — including five Mexico City boroughs — the percentage of residents with security concerns declined significantly, while the percentage increased significantly in five.

Sunset over Cabo San Lucas
Los Cabos, Baja California Sur, saw a significant decrease in residents’ perception of insecurity. (Shutterstock)

The cities where there were significant decreases were:

  • Los Cabos, Baja California Sur: 24.8% in Q1 to 16.7% in Q2.
  • Chihuahua city: 59.3%-49.4%.
  • The Mexico City borough of Venustiano Carranza: 53.5%-42.8%-
  • The Mexico City borough of La Magdalena Contreras: 59.4%-49.1%.
  • The Mexico City borough of Tlalpan: 58.5%-42.2%.
  • The Mexico City borough of Iztapalapa: 72%-56.9%.
  • The Mexico City borough of Álvaro Obregón: 65.5%-55%.
  • Nezahualcóyotl, México state: 69.2%-61.1%.
  • San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León: 27.1%-11.7%.
  • Los Mochis, Sinaloa: 26.1%-18.7%.

The cities where there were significant increases were:

  • Manzanillo, Colima: 54.8% in Q1 to 63.7% in Q2.
  • The Mexico City borough of Benito Juárez: 11.1%-18.9%.
  • The Mexico City borough of Azcapotzalco: 55.3%-67%.
  • Chetumal, Quintana Roo: 56.2-73.3%.
  • Tlaxcala city: 46.8%-56.3%.

The places where Mexicans most commonly feel unsafe

Just under 68% of ENSU respondents reported feeling unsafe while using ATMs on the street, while 62.7% expressed security concerns about traveling on public transport.

More than 50% of respondents said they felt unsafe at the bank, on the streets they regularly use and on the highway.

The numbers were higher among women than among men in all those places — and several others, including the home and the workplace.

Crime and anti-social behavior 

Among the respondents who reported having seen or heard criminal activity or anti-social behavior near their homes in the second quarter of 2024, six in 10 said they had observed people drinking in the street.

Almost 48% of respondents reported having witnessed a robbery or mugging, and around four in 10 told INEGI they had witnessed homes or businesses being vandalized.

Just under 40% of those surveyed said they had seen people buying or consuming drugs and 36.4% reported having heard frequent gunshots.

Just under one-quarter of respondents said they had witnessed some kind of gang activity in the city in which they live.

Opinions on Mexico’s security forces

The Mexican Navy is the country’s most effective security force, according to the results of the latest ENSU. Almost 87% of respondents said they believe the Navy is very or somewhat effective in preventing and combating crime.

Just under 83% of those polled said the same about the Army, while the figures for the Air Force and the National Guard were 82.4% and 74.1%, respectively.

Almost 57% of respondents said that state police forces are very or somewhat effective in preventing and combating crime, while 48.7% said the same about municipal police.

Citizens’ security expectations 

Almost one-third of survey respondents — 32.4% — said they expected the security situation in their city to remain “just as bad” during the next 12 months, while 18.1% predicted a deterioration.

Almost three in 10 of those polled — 28.7% — said they expected security to improve in their place of residence during the next 12 months, while 18.8% anticipated that the situation would remain “just as good” as it currently is.

With reports from Reforma 

The gold of gold: Mexico’s finest Olympic moment

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Soraya Jiménez
Weighlifter Soraya Jiménez came from humble beginnings in México state. Her endeavors at the 2000 Olympics stunned the world and won her a gold medal. (Mexico Desconocido)

An Olympic medal, even an Olympic title, is not an automatic door to fame and fortune. This is particularly true for the less popular sports; Olympic weightlifting, if it makes TV at all, is likely to be summarized in a 10-second clip of a winning lift or a dramatic tumble.  That’s a shame, because those who settle down and watch a competition from start to finish will witness a combination of raw strength with chess-like decision making. The sport has also produced one of the most unlikely victories in Olympic history and a truly golden moment for Mexican sports —  the moment that Soraya Jiménez won the women’s lightweight gold medal at the Sydney games in 2000.

Jiménez was born in Naucalpan de Juárez in 1977. She and her twin sister Magalí dabbled in sports at school; the girls were competitive but not outstanding in ability and it wasn’t until Jiménez discovered weightlifting that she found an arena she might excel in. By 16, she was representing Mexico in international competitions, but Mexico was hardly a powerhouse in the sport. Dominance in weightlifting was shifting from Eastern Europe to Asia, particularly in women’s events.

Sydney 2000 was the stage for what was perhaps Mexico’s greatest gold medal performance ever. (Paris Olympics)

In 1996, Jiménez traveled to Poland for her first World Weightlifting Championships, finishing 11th. While 11th in the world appears a respectable achievement there were only 14 competitors, and she lifted 50 kilos less than the winner. Competing in a World Championship could have been a one off for Jiménez;  the highlight of a career that might have brought some national and regional success but would have been well short of world class. But she persevered, improving each year as her support team gained a better understanding of what it took to be competitive on the world stage. 

In 1999 this experience combined with her new maturity for a breakthrough. At the World Championships in Greece, she climbed to 8th place in a field of over 40, with a combined lift of 197.5 kg — 50 kilos more than she had achieved in her first World Championships just three years earlier. There was also new motivation: women’s weightlifting had just been added to the Olympic program. 

While an Olympic medal looked ambitious at this stage, it was no longer an impossible dream. An Olympic title however was another matter, for there were two quite outstanding competitors in this weight category: North Korea’s Ri Song-Hui and China’s Chen Yanqing.

Weightlifting at the 2000 Games was staged in the Convention and Exhibition Center, a building dramatically set on the Sydney waterfront. Even before the women entered the arena there was a shock when Chen Yanqing withdrew from the competition. Jiménez was traveling to Australia with a series of international wins to her credit and, the withdrawal of her Chinese rival brought her one step closer to an Olympic medal.

In the snatch part of the competition — in which lifters raise the weighted barbell overhead in a single motion — Jiménez started at 90 kg and achieved three successful lifts, finishing at 95 kg. However, she did not look totally comfortable. At 92.5 kg she stumbled around in a quarter circle before completing the lift; while attempting 95 kg she came close to losing control. It had not been classic weightlifting, but it all counted, and Jiménez would go into the clean and jerk in second place.

In the clean and jerk, the lifter first takes the weighted barbell from the ground to their shoulders — the clean — and then jerks it overhead. Ri Song-Hui was leading at this stage and looked outstanding. She had started at 95 kg and then lifted 97.5 kg. This had been a textbook lifting: smooth, fluent and rock steady. Although she had made it look easy, 95 kg had pushed the Korean to her limits and she declined a third attempt. She was 2.5 kg ahead of Sorya, who was her nearest challenger, and the Korean had a lighter body weight. When two weightlifters clear the same weight, victory goes to the lighter competitor.

Jiménez’s clean and jerk was her stronger discipline and she opened with 117.5 kg. With third-placed Khassaraporn Suta of Thailand needing two attempts at this weight, the silver medal was looking increasingly secure for Mexico. Ri came in at 120 kg, once again making it look easy. She now had a 5 kg advantage over Jiménez — surely a decisive margin at this stage of the competition.

Jiménez took a gamble, passing on 120 kg: she wanted  122.5 kg on the bar. She struggled on the clean, but once the bar was up to her shoulders she looked good, confidently jerking the bar up for a good lift. Jiménez had secured the silver medal, with Ri still favorite for the gold. Then the whole competition was turned upside down.

Jiménez during the Olympic final. (Wikimedia)

In weightlifting, a buzzer warns competitors that they have 30 seconds to start their lift.  Ri Song-Hui was following Jiménez at attempting 122.5 kg but for some reason, she was still in the waiting area when the buzzer sounded. Nevertheless, she seemed quite unhurried as she came up the steps to the lifting platform. She approached the bar, readjusted it a little, and stepped backward to recompose herself. As the Korean placed her hands on the bar the buzzer sounded: she had timed out and recorded a foul. It was a basic mistake that should never happen at this level.

Ri came up for her second attempt at 122.5 kg and this time there was no mistake, she lifted it with ease. She now had a 2.5-kilo advantage from the snatch, was equal with Sorya in the clean and jerk and had the body weight advantage. “She could be moments away from gold and should be,” one American commentator excitedly noted. “I think that is a virtual lock for the gold.” 

But having wasted one of her three attempts, Ri was now finished, while Jiménez still had her third and final attempt left. To steal the gold medal she would have to skip over 125 kg and try for 127.5 kg,  a weight far above her personal best. She was lifting increasingly well, with her jerk looking particularly strong, but 127.5 kg would surely prove too much. 

The Mexican came forward and cleared the clean with surprising confidence. She jerked the bar up. Jiménez stumbled a few steps, but held it long enough for the judges to signal their approval. It was a clean lift: gold for Mexico.

Sadly, Olympic gold proved to be the high watermark for Jiménez, who died less than 13 years after finding glory. (mujeresnet)

It was a glorious moment for Mexico, for weightlifting and for Jiménez’s years of dedication to the sport. However, there were difficult times ahead. Jiménez entered the World University Championships but was disqualified when it was discovered that her paperwork for UNAM was not in order. In 2002, she tested positive on an anti-doping control and was suspended for six months. Later exonerated, she attributed the positive to medicine she had taken after surgery.  

She retired from weightlifting in 2004, prior to the Athens games, and became a sportscaster for Televisa. Weightlifting puts an immense strain on knees and back and over the years Jiménez struggled through numerous operations that took an additional toll. Her immune system was further impacted by several bouts of the flu and a surgery that removed her right lung.

On March 28, 2013, Soraya Jiménez passed away from a heart attack at the age of 35. Perhaps her greatest legacy is the handful of Mexican women lifters who have followed in her footsteps and competed at the highest level. And of course, the memory of that golden night in Sydney.

Bob Pateman is a Mexico-based historian, librarian and a life term hasher. He is editor of On On Magazine, the international history magazine of hashing.

Police probe dino disappearance at CDMX ‘Jurassic World’ exhibit

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animatronic pterodactyl in flight from Jurassic World exhibition in Mexico City
The pilfered pterodactyl is worth over US $100,000. (Jurassic World Exhibition)

Mexico City police announced that they have opened an investigation into the case of a missing dinosaur — a one-of-a-kind motorized pterodactyl worth over US $100,000 — the casualty in a robbery from a traveling “Jurassic World” exhibit in a city mall last week.

The dinosaur, valued at 2 million pesos (US $108,000), was taken from the Perisur Mall in southern Mexico City overnight between July 17 and 18. Confirming the theft, the Mexico City Attorney General’s Office (FGJCDMX) announced on social media that it had begun investigating the robbery, which occurred in the Insurgentes Cuicuilco neighborhood, located in Mexico City’s borough of Coyoacán.

Mexican crime reporter Antonio Nieto first broke the dinosaur robbery story on the social media platform X.

Detectives from the Office of the Prosecutor questioned witnesses and examined video security systems in the exhibit area and the wider mall. Forensic investigators were also reportedly at the scene last week, but the authorities have released no further information.

Crime reporter Antonio Nieto was first to break the robbery story. He posted the news on “X” on Wednesday, writing that no one knows how the pterodactyl was removed from the mall.

Authorities have asked the public to share any information that could help with the investigation.  The exhibit’s organizers, meanwhile, are studying the exhibit’s existing security measures to prevent any further incidents.

The traveling “Jurassic World” exhibition — located at the iconic mall through Sept. 29 — opened its doors on July 12, after making stops around the world in other major world cities, including Madrid and Seoul.

Ticket prices range from a hefty 693 pesos (US $37.50) to 990 pesos (US $53.60) for an all-access Fast Pass. For context, the general minimum daily salary in Mexico City is 248.93 pesos (US $13.49).

Entry includes a 45-minute show, but visitors can stay as long as they like. The giant mechanical dinosaur replicas are particularly popular with visitors. 

Blue animatronic dinosaur velociraptor with open mouth staring out a cage at adults and children visiting the Jurassic World exhibit.
The animatronic dinosaurs in the exhibit have reportedly been very popular with Mexico City visitors. (Jurassic World Exhibition)

News of the missing animatronic dinosaur has been trending on social media the past two days, with some internet users making comparisons to the Señor Frog’s caper of October 2023, in which two emblematic “mariachi frog figures” were stolen from the popular Señor Frog’s restaurant in Acapulco, only to be discovered hundreds of miles away in a Mexico City suburb in March.

Two men were seen driving away with the smartly dressed frogs in the back of a pickup truck. Despite the promising lead, law and order in the resort city at the time was focused on recovery efforts in the wake of Hurricane Otis, which had just slammed Acapulco a few days earlier on Oct. 25. Looting was prevalent in the city in the hurricane’s aftermath.

Authorities did eventually arrest a suspect in the case, describing him as the alleged leader of a group that calls itself Resistencia Civil Pacífica, or Pacific Civic Resistance. Prosecutors never offered further details about the organization, the suspect, or his motives, identifying  him only as Manuel “N.”

With reports from Excelsior, El Financiero and N+

5 questions about Mexico-US relations with Mexico Institute Director Lila Abed

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Lila Abed, director of the Mexico Institute and expert in Mexico-U.S. relations, speaks on stage at a Wilson Center event.
Mexico Institute Director Lila Abed. (Courtesy)

Lila Abed, director of the Mexico Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington, D.C., is an international relations specialist with extensive experience in government and media affairs.

As both Mexico and the United States face presidential and administrative transitions, Abed answered questions from MND Chief News Editor Kate Bohné about this key moment for Mexico-U.S. relations.

Immigration has been a hot topic in this volatile U.S. election campaign, while Mexico is also continuing to see record numbers of migrants and asylum-seekers. How do you think Sheinbaum’s policies might differ from AMLO’s when it comes to migration and border security?

President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum’s 100-point government plan provides few, but important proposals to deal with the waves of migrants that are entering the country with hopes of reaching the United States. One of the fundamental issues on the U.S.-Mexico bilateral agenda is migration, and depending on who wins the White House on Nov. 5, leaders on both sides of the border will have to establish new guidelines on immigration matters.

Current migration trends pose a risk for both nations. Mexico is no longer just a transit country; it has gradually become a destination country for migrants. According to data from Mexico’s Ministry of the Interior and U.N. Migration, in 2022, Mexican authorities registered 444,109 encounters with individuals in an irregular migration situation. In 2023, encounters soared to 782,176, an increase of 77% compared to the previous year and the highest number recorded in the country. In this sense, Mexico and the United States are grappling with similar migration patterns, and both countries will have to deepen bilateral — and regional — cooperation to confront growing migratory flows.

Sheinbaum’s political platform and government plan do not offer a comprehensive strategy to address migration flows in the country. It calls for improving the institutional structure, political coordination, and increasing resources to deal with migrants. It also seeks to create a permanent mechanism that establishes closer cooperation with the countries in the region to address the root causes of migration, with a particular focus on human rights.

The Sheinbaum administration is likely to maintain López Obrador’s policies on managing migration flows in cooperation with the United States. In various public statements, Sheinbaum has stated that she plans to ask the United States to invest more resources to address the root causes that drive migration. Sheinbaum, like AMLO, believes that poverty is the key driver of migration and plans to ask for more U.S. economic assistance to Central America and others through support of Mexico’s social programs. That said, Sheinbaum’s six-year term will depend greatly on the guidelines set by the next president of the United States on this matter.

A migrant caravan arriving in Tapachula, Chiapas on Sunday
A group of migrants neared the southern Mexican city of Tapachula on Sunday. Sheinbaum, like AMLO, has identified poverty as a key cause of migration and designed policies based on that idea. (Damián Sánchez/Cuartoscuro)

As fentanyl continues to cause an epidemic of overdoses in the U.S., and is also on the rise in parts of Mexico, how do you think Sheinbaum’s administration will differ (or not) from AMLO’s in its approach to security collaboration with the U.S.?

Claudia Sheinbaum’s proposed security strategy could potentially differ from her soon-to-be predecessor’s “hugs not bullets” strategy by strengthening intelligence gathering and better coordination among all agencies responsible for upholding Mexico’s security. Mexico’s first female president plans to combat insecurity through the creation of a National Intelligence System, which hopes to coordinate the military, civilian forces, financial agencies, as well as the judicial branch. It also seeks to enhance the investigation capabilities of local police forces.

Her strategy aims to stop the illicit flow of arms into the country through ports of entry at the U.S. southern border (70% of arms enter through these ports). To combat illicit financing networks, Sheinbaum hopes to combat criminal organizations by having the Intelligence Financial Unit, the Ministry of Public Citizen Security and the Attorney General’s office work closer together.

Essentially, she proposes better coordination between municipal, state and federal security agencies. Her plan also seeks to implement prevention programs for youth that are vulnerable to joining organized crime groups through a program that she implemented during her tenure as Mexico City Mayor called “Youth Unite Neighborhoods,” which focuses on individuals ages 12 to 29 living in communities with high levels of crime and violence.

AMLO stands at a podium hugging himself
Sheinbaum may diverge from President López Obrador’s “hugs not bullets” strategy by focusing on intelligence gathering. (File photo)

Despite these changes, Sheinbaum has committed to continue consolidating the AMLO-created National Guard under the Ministry of Defense, potentially deepening what many experts have called the militarization of former civilian security forces and consequently, diminishing opportunities for deeper cooperation with U.S. security agencies.

AMLO’s proposed judicial reform and other constitutional and legal reforms, which he hopes to approve in September, could also prove detrimental to Sheinbaum’s incoming administration.

How do you think Sheinbaum’s cabinet appointments thus far have been viewed by Washington?

Many of Claudia Sheinbaum’s cabinet appointments have been well-received by Washington. The designation of Marcelo Ebrard as Secretary of Economy and Juan Ramón de la Fuente as Secretary of Foreign Relations sends a positive signal to Mexico’s top trading partner that Sheinbaum’s government is serious about deepening and strengthening trade relations with its North American partners ahead of the 2026 USMCA review.

Both Ebrard and De la Fuente will be tasked with responding to pending trade disputes against Mexico under USMCA, as well as attracting more foreign direct investment (FDI) by taking advantage of the nearshoring phenomenon. A key individual responsible for attracting FDI to Mexico is Altagracia Gómez, who will lead the newly created Council for Regional Development and the Relocation of Companies.

Another key appointment was Alicia Bárcena as Secretary of Environment and Natural Resources, an issue that is of particular interest to U.S. policymakers and U.S. companies. The continuation of Rogelio Ramírez de la O as Secretary of Finance and Public Credit signals stability and certainty for sound economic management.

Marcelo Ebrard speaks at a press conference
The appointments of Marcelo Ebrard and Juan Ramón de la Fuente signal that Mexico is serious about strengthening relations with the U.S. and Canada, Lila Abed says. (Cuartoscuro)

What do you see as the biggest challenges for Mexico ahead of the USMCA review in 2026?

According to the USCMA, the governments of Mexico, Canada and the United States agreed to convene six years after its entry into force (July 1, 2020) to assess the effectiveness of the Agreement, consider recommendations of action raised by any of the three parties, and decide how to best address the issues posed.

The USMCA has so far produced remarkable results, with a 50% increase in the trade of goods and services within North America and a 136% growth in investment. It has created and supported millions of jobs and has successfully addressed multiple trade disputes through dispute settlements mechanisms embedded in the Agreement. In 2023, Mexico became the U.S.’ top trading partner, with two-way trade totaling just shy of US $800 billion, surpassing Canada and China. The USMCA’s legal and regulatory framework has instilled certainty, predictability and clear rules for all three parties involved.

The 2026 USMCA review could entail a rather difficult process. With presidential elections coinciding in Mexico and the United States, and with national elections occurring in Canada, how the review unfolds will largely depend on how the leaders of all three nations approach the review process. There are pending trade disputes that the U.S. and Canada presented against Mexico’s biotech/GMO corn and energy policies.

The increasing presence of China in Mexico is also a cause of concern for policymakers, legislators and private sector representatives in the United States. Regardless of who wins the White House in November, USMCA issues, including Mexico’s position on labor, energy, and agriculture and Canada’s position on dairy, digital tax, and others, will certainly be points of contention for the next U.S. president.

Canada and Mexico presented a trade dispute against the United States for its strict interpretation of certain automotive rules of origin that was inconsistent with the USMCA. The panel agreed with Mexico and Canada and the U.S. is expected to remedy its position or face suspension of benefits by its North American partners. It is fundamental that all parties comply with the outcomes of USMCA dispute settlement mechanisms to maintain confidence in USMCA rules and provide predictability and certainty to traders and investors. Failure to do so could disincentivize other parties found in violation of the USMCA from adopting measures to reverse non-conformity measures, potentially undermining a sound implementation of the Agreement.

A Mexican farmer checks an ear of corn, representing the tension that GM corn policy has cause in Mexico-U.S. relations.
Mexico’s plan to phase out imports of GM corn and it’s national energy policy have triggered disagreements within the USMCA accord, as has the U.S.’ interpretation of automotive rules of origin. (Government of Mexico)

The review process could also serve as a unique opportunity for all three governments to address issues not included in the USMCA, like developing a digital regulation framework for artificial intelligence, cybersecurity [or] expanding the Environmental Chapter, among others. Deepening North America integration is essential to strengthen the region’s competitiveness vis-à-vis other global trading powers.

What are you most optimistic about in U.S.-Mexico relations in the next five years? What are you most concerned about?

The U.S.-Mexico relationship is unique to others around the world as it affects the daily lives of millions of people living on both sides of the border. The scope of bilateral relations between the United States and Mexico is broad and deep, bound by strong geographical, historical, cultural and commercial ties. Strengthening cooperation on all issues on the bilateral agenda, including migration, security, and trade, is essential for advancing the individual and mutual interests of both nations. The U.S. and Mexico are deeply intertwined, interconnected, and interdependent, and only through deeper and broader collaboration efforts will they be able to achieve a stronger bilateral relationship and a prosperous and competitive North America.

As in any relationship between neighbors, disagreements are bound to happen, but the next leaders of both countries will be responsible for working together to resolve their differences. Potential issues of concern, as previously mentioned, are resolving pending trade disputes and China’s investment in Mexico ahead of the 2026 USMCA review, the increasing flow of migrants into Mexico and the United States and rebuilding mutual trust between U.S. and Mexican security agencies.

Mexico News Daily

New direct flight connecting Los Angeles and La Paz to launch this fall

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An Alaska Airlines plane taking off over the Los Angeles city skyline
An Alaska Airlines plane leaving Los Angeles International Airport (LAX). The airlines will begin flights two days a week between LAX and La Paz International Airport starting in November. (Minh K Tran/Shutterstock)

Alaska Airlines is launching a new nonstop flight between La Paz International Airport (LAP) in the Mexican state of Baja California and Los Angeles International Airport (LAX) starting Nov. 20.

Flights will depart on Wednesdays and Saturdays from Los Angeles at 10:45 a.m. and land in La Paz at 2:12 p.m. The return flight will depart La Paz at 3:02 p.m. and land in Los Angeles at 4:41 pm.

The front entrance to the La Paz, Baja California, international airport, with cars parked in front of the entrance.
The newly announced flight route will be the only direct route offered by a U.S. carrier from a United States city to La Paz. (Fideicomiso de Turismo de La Paz)

Starting in 2025, the service will increase to three weekly flights on Mondays, Fridays and Saturdays.

The new route will make Alaska Airlines the only United States carrier offering direct flights from a U.S. city to La Paz. 

“During the winter months, our guests search for warm-weather travel destinations,” Alaska Airlines said in a statement, adding that the new route “caters to that demand by offering our guests the perfect escape to sunny skies, a vibrant city experience and warm hospitality,” 

The airline also announced this week the launch of a new direct route between LAX and the northern city of Monterrey, beginning in February. 

Baja California Sur Governor Víctor Manuel Castro Cosío celebrated the news of the connection to Los Angeles saying the new flight would boost tourism to La Paz from the United States and other parts of the world.

The La Paz airport has had a busy year so far. According to a report by the Pacific Airport Group (GAP), the airport saw a 19% annual increase in passenger traffic in the first quarter of 2024, with a record number of 275,000 passengers.

“This achievement stems from two important efforts,” head of LAP Blanca Sarahí Castro Araiza said. “First, the consolidation of the city as a relevant tourist and business destination, and the significant investments that GAP is making [to the airport].” 

La Paz is a popular destination as a gateway to the Gulf of California, which is home to one of the most biodiverse marine ecosystems in the world. 

With reports from El Economista and BCS Noticias

The freedom seekers who fled the Trail of Tears for a better life in Mexico

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A vibrant and resilient Black Seminole community continues in Coahuila, descended from families who fled the United States in the 1840s. (Gobierno de México)

In the arid landscapes of northern Mexico lies a community with a remarkable history. The Mascogos are descendants of warriors who fled slavery in the United States and found sanctuary in Mexico.

The story of the Mascogos begins in what is now the United States, when many enslaved Africans fled to Spanish Florida to escape slavery and live among the Seminole people. This alliance, based on mutual support and shared struggles, gave rise to mixed marriages that eventually produced the Black Seminoles. This unique community combined African and Native American cultural features.

The Seminole Wars

An 1858 depiction of a Black Seminole. (Wikimedia Commons)

The United States’ expansion and acquisition of Florida from Spain in 1821 brought renewed threats for the Black Seminoles. For years, the Black Seminoles and their allies fought valiantly against the U.S. government’s efforts to enslave them. They became known for their fierce resistance during the Seminole Wars between 1816 and 1858, the longest and most costly wars the United States ever fought against Native Americans.

The Indian Removal Act of 1830 demanded that the Seminoles and their Black allies move to Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma. Faced with relentless military campaigns and the destruction of their villages and crops, many were forced to surrender, while others sought alternative means to survive. The answer to where they could find a safe haven lay just to the south.

The route to peace and freedom

Faced with relentless persecution and the threat of re-enslavement, the Black Seminoles sought refuge beyond U.S. borders. In 1849, they set out on a treacherous journey across the vast and hostile Texas landscape, guided by the hope of finding freedom in Mexico, a nation that had abolished slavery 20 years earlier.

They crossed all of Texas to reach what they called the “river of freedom”: the Rio Grande. After months of hardship and uncertainty, the Black Seminoles finally reached the Sabinas River near Múzquiz, Coahuila.

El Nacimiento de los Negros

The village of El Nacimiento de los Negros, where the Black Seminoles settled in Coahuila. (Gobierno de México)

When the Black Seminoles reached Coahuila, they made a deal with the Mexican government for land in exchange for their military assistance. Mexico welcomed their help in protecting its northern border from the Lipan Apache and Comanche. The Black Seminoles, with their experience in warfare, were seen as valuable allies in securing Mexico’s north. In 1850, they established the community of El Nacimiento de los Negros.

In Mexico, the Black Seminoles came to be called Mascogos. One theory as to why has to do with how the locals may have understood and pronounced “Muscogee,” the term the Black Seminoles used to refer to their Creole English. The Mexican locals adapted this term to “Mascogos,” which became the name by which they are known today.

El Nacimiento de los Negros remains a vibrant and enduring community. Home to around 60 families, this village is where the Mascogos continue to thrive. The residents maintain their rich cultural heritage, celebrating traditions and customs passed down through generations. Despite the challenges they face, the Mascogos’ strong sense of community and cultural pride keeps El Nacimiento de los Negros a lively and significant place in Mexico’s diverse cultural landscape.

Keeping their culture alive

Every year, El Nacimiento de los Negros celebrates Juneteenth, also known as Freedom Day, which commemorates the proclamation of slavery’s abolition in Galveston, Texas in June 1865. The entire community comes together to organize and participate in the festivities. They are often joined by relatives and friends from the Black Seminole community in Brackettville, Texas.  For the Mascogos, Juneteenth is a vibrant expression of their enduring community spirit.

Challenges and recognition

Today, the people of El Nacimiento de los Negros face challenges, but despite this, they have endured for generations. (Gobierno de México)

Despite their long-standing presence and contributions in Mexico, the Mascogos often face social and economic challenges. Their struggle for recognition and equal opportunities continues. Their appearance and unique cultural identity sometimes sets them apart in a society still learning to fully embrace its diverse heritage.

On August 9, 2019, the federal government’s official gazette published a reform to Article 2 of the Constitution which recognizes Afro-Mexican communities as part of Mexico’s pluricultural composition and grants them the same rights as Indigenous communities. This recognition was a significant milestone.

Recognition notwithstanding, economic opportunities are limited, and many community members struggle with poverty and lack of access to essential services. Efforts to preserve their cultural heritage are ongoing, with initiatives to teach the younger generation about their history, language and traditions.

Gertrudis Blues

Gertrudis Blues tells the story of an elderly Muscogo woman who continues the traditions of the Black Seminole people in modern Mexico. (Museo Amparo)

The Mascogos are beautifully depicted in the documentary “Gertrudis Blues” by Patricia Carrillo. The film evocatively portrays ‘Mamá Getchu,’ an elderly woman known for her strength, clarity, and kindness. Through her story, the documentary captures the memories and traditions of El Nacimiento de los Negros. “Gertrudis Blues” has garnered 15 national and international awards, including a pre-nomination for an Oscar. The film highlights the imminent loss of Mascogo songs, with only a few women still remembering the lyrics and melodies passed down through generations.

The paradox of migration

The Mascogos’ journey to freedom in Mexico is a powerful narrative of hope. However, this story also highlights a striking paradox. While the Mascogos traveled south to escape slavery and find freedom in Mexico, today, thousands of people are making the reverse journey, crossing the Rio Grande in pursuit of opportunities and a better life in the United States.

This twist underscores the shifting dynamics of migration and the enduring quest for freedom and prosperity. The same river that once symbolized liberation for the Mascogos now represents a daunting barrier for many seeking to escape poverty, violence and instability in their home countries.

The Mascogos’ journey from slavery to freedom in Mexico is a significant chapter in the broader history of human rights and cultural diversity that embodies the complex nature of migration and the universal desire for a better life. The story of the Mascogos is a living example of the resilience and determination that continue to inspire us.

Sandra Gancz Kahan is a Mexican writer and translator based in San Miguel de Allende who specializes in mental health and humanitarian aid. She believes in the power of language to foster compassion and understanding across cultures. She can be reached at: [email protected]

Mexican auto parts industry unshaken by Tesla gigafactory news

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An Audi car body on a production line in a factory in Mexico
Car bodies at an Audi factory in San José Chiapa, Puebla. (Carlos Aranda/Unsplash)

The Mexican automotive industry is taking in stride the news that investment in Tesla’s planned factory in northern Mexico has been paused until after the U.S. presidential election.

During an earnings call on Tuesday, Tesla CEO Elon Musk said the electric vehicle manufacturer had “paused” its project in the state of Nuevo León. Construction of the gigafactory and investments from suppliers would have brought in more than US $15 billion, according to Governor Samuel García.

The National Auto Parts Industry (INA) and the Mexican Auto Dealers Association (AMDA) played down any idea of a crisis, asserting that the Mexican automotive sector is strong. Mexico is the world’s No. 4 auto parts producer and the No. 1 supplier of auto parts to the United States.

“The North American industry supply chain is not based on the eventuality of certain things happening,” INA said in a press release. “Mexico is just as fundamental for U.S. competitiveness as is the United States for us.”

INA reiterated its forecast for historic production levels this year, projecting annual production to exceed US $126 billion. U.S. government data shows that the value of exports of Mexican-made auto parts to the United States increased 9.4% annually in the first four months of 2024, reaching a record high of US $28.37 billion.

Regarding the electric vehicle sector, Mexico boasts more than 100 suppliers which export parts to companies including Tesla in California, Lucid Motors in Arizona and Rivian in Illinois.

Construction begins on infrastructure for Tesla factory in Nuevo León, Mexico.
CEO Elon Musk said Tesla would pause development of its Nuevo León factory, pictured, until after the U.S. election in November. (Samuel García/X)

AMDA president Guillermo Rosales was equally nonplussed, saying Mexico has no reason for alarm over the “pause” in the planned Tesla factory.

“This has more to do with the global electric vehicles market falling below projections made three years ago,” Rosales said. “In addition, with all the competition beginning to emerge from traditional auto manufactures and start-ups as well as Chinese firms, Tesla is seeing its market shrink.”

Rosales noted that there had been no investment beyond surveying and property acquisition on the part of Tesla and a few infrastructure projects completed by the state of Nuevo León.

“How can this be a setback if it didn’t even exist yet?” he said.

Metalsa auto parts manufacturing factory
Mexican auto parts industry leaders expressed that the pause on development of Tesla’s Nuevo León factory was a non-issue, given the importance of the Mexican auto parts industry. (Metalsa Mexico)

INA president Francisco González seconded Rosales’ observation. “The Tesla plant still is just that, a project,” adding that “companies based in North America — and in many other parts of the world — know Mexico is an auto parts supplier. And we continue to supply the domestic sector, too.”

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador dismissed Tesla’s decision as little more than politics and speculation. “This is not serious,” he said Wednesday, citing the U.S. presidential campaign and speculation that former U.S. President Donald Trump would impose tariffs on auto imports from Mexico if he wins in November.

López Obrador said such a move would be impractical since building automobiles entirely in the United States would result in vehicles that are too expensive for U.S. consumers.

“Let’s remember that [Trump] made these statements while campaigning, which usually means it’s just rhetoric,” he said. “But I’m sure Mr. Musk is very familiar with campaign speeches.”

“[Tesla] probably has another business plan,” he added. “Oftentimes these companies play the market. They make a public statement to boost their share price and then move forward with production plans.”

With reports from Fortuna, Forbes México, El Universal and Sin Embargo

Over 500 Chiapas residents flee cartel violence into Guatemala

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A long line of Mexican men women and children from Chiapas marching on a highway, holding makeshift cloth signs saying they were forced by violence to flee into Guatemala
Residents of communities in the Chiapas municipalities of Frontera Comalapa and Motozintla de Mendoza who walked from their towns to the Guatemalan border state of Huehuetenango, according to the Guatemalan news agency Prensa Comunitaria Kilometro 169. (Prensa Comunitaria/Facebook)

Hundreds of Mexican families fleeing cartel violence in Mexico’s southern state of Chiapas have sought refuge across the border in Guatemala, Guatemalan President Bernardo Arévalo confirmed Wednesday.

Reports indicate that more than 500 men, women, children and elderly people crossed into Guatemala from Chiapas, settling in communities within the border state of Huehuetenango.

Footage posted by Mexican journalist Isaín Mandujano, reportedly showing a convoy of trucks manned by criminal groups in the Chiapas border region of Sierra Mariscal, just west of Guatemala, on Wednesday night. According to Mudujano, there had also been reports of drone attacks on the area. (Isaín Muandujano/X)

Major Ann Marie Argueta of Guatemala’s Ministry of National Defense said that approximately 180 displaced individuals are being sheltered in a community within the Guatemalan municipality of Cuilco.

Mexican refugees have arrived in at least two other communities, according to media reports. Their number totals approximately 580 people, according to Guatemala’s Executive Secretariat of the National Coordinator for Disaster Reduction (CONRED).

The agency and other institutions have been providing shelter, food, medicine and other care. At least one school was being used as a shelter.

The exodus comes as violent clashes between the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) continue unabated in Chiapas’ southern, mountainous areas. Locals say the latest round of violence between the two largest criminal gangs in Mexico, and their local offshoots, dates back approximately three years.

According to the digital media outlet Chiapas Paralelo, a criminal group arrived Tuesday in the Chiapas town of San José de los Pozos — located in the municipality of Amatenango de la Frontera. The group evicted all the town’s inhabitants.

They “had to flee with the little they had on them,” Chiapas Paralelo noted. “They left behind their looted houses, their backyard animals, their crops, and many of them could not even [take] their vehicles.”

Map of the Sierra Mariscal region of Chiapas, showing its municipalities.
The Sierra Mariscal region. (Chiapas Finance Ministry)

According to CONRED, the refugees then began the long walk to Cuilco, situated just over 30 kilometers from the Chiapas border. Some ended up in two other Cuilco villages — Perla Escondida and El Oaxaqueño.

Guatemala’s Human Rights Ombudsman’s office and its Army estimated the number of displaced Mexicans at around 300, but CONRED put the number at around 580.

“Unfortunately, we are presenting a risk situation for the Guatemalan population,” Huehuetenango Governor Elsa Hernández said. She called on Guatemala’s citizens, NGOs and other institutions to provide humanitarian support, adding, according to Chiapas Parelelo.

“Unfortunately, the Mexican authorities have not taken any action to protect their citizens,” Hernández added.

Mexican authorities had yet to officially comment on the displacement as of Thursday, leaving the exact number of refugees uncertain. However, the Mexican newspaper La Jornada reported Thursday that Chiapas state security ministry officials had told its reporters that they had received no reports of displaced individuals in that area. 

President Arévalo, speaking on Wednesday at the opening of a hospital in another part of the country, emphasized the dire circumstances and violence driving the Mexican citizens’ displacements. Guatemala, he added, is mobilizing resources to provide assistance through its Ministry of Defense and through local authorities, as well as deploying its military to provide augmented security in the zone.

The situation in Chiapas has deteriorated significantly due to cartel disputes over drug trafficking routes, a situation that has exacerbated poverty and violence in Indigenous communities.

Underscoring the precarious conditions faced by the fleeing Mexican families, a 91-year-old diabetic woman died en route to Guatemala due to lack of medication, her fellow travelers told La Jornada. Luckier was the situation of a boy who had been recovering from a recent surgery in his Chiapas community: La Jornada reported that he was receiving postoperative care in Guatemala.

The exodus, while dramatic in its suddenness and in the number of refugees, marks a continuation of migration trends from southern Mexico into Guatemala since early 2024. 

Recent incidents, including a public display of bodies in Chiapas, have highlighted the brutal tactics employed by the criminal organizations involved.

With reports from La Jornada, Infobae, Chiapas Paralelo and El Universal

Sheinbaum refutes Trump on cartels; casts doubt on Tesla’s real reasons for factory pause

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Claudia Sheinbaum speaks at a press conference
Claudia Sheinbaum spoke to reporters about recent remarks by Donald Trump and Elon Musk. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum has rejected Donald Trump’s claim that Mexico is “petrified” of drug cartels.

At a press conference on Wednesday, Sheinbaum also said that it is “very unlikely” that the former United States president will impose tariffs on cars or other products made in Mexico if he returns to the White House next January.

Donald Trump in an interview
Trump said that U.S. military strikes against Mexican cartels are “absolutely” a possibility if he is elected. (Screen capture)

Trump said in an interview with Fox News that “Mexico is petrified of the cartels because they’ll take out a president in two minutes.” He also said that U.S. military strikes against Mexican cartels were “absolutely” still on the table.

Asked about the former remark, Sheinbaum said she didn’t agree with it.

“Mexico has made progress in reducing insecurity and we’re going to make more progress,” she said.

Sheinbaum said that under her leadership Mexico would continue to engage in high-level security dialogue with the United States, and that the two countries would “work together” on security issues such as drug and arms trafficking wherever they can.

“We’re going to do it, always defending [Mexico’s] sovereignty,” she said.

Sheinbaum dismisses Trump’s tariff threats 

Trump said in March that he would impose a 100% tariff on cars manufactured in Mexico by Chinese companies, and asserted last week that the duty could go as high as 200%.

As things stand, Chinese companies make very few cars in Mexico, but large automakers such as BYD and Chery have plans to open plants here. Trump has also proposed imposing a 10% tariff on all products imported into the United States.

Sheinbaum, who will be sworn in as Mexico’s first female president on Oct. 1, said she considered U.S. tariffs on products made in Mexico “very unlikely.”

AMLO reads his letter to Donald Trump at a press conference
AMLO read out loud his letter to Donald Trump at his Wednesday morning press conference. (Lopezobrador.org.mx)

She noted that President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, in a letter he sent to Trump this week, pointed out that if tariffs were imposed on vehicles and auto parts made in Mexico, consumers in the United States would face higher prices when buying a car “because the cost of production in Mexico is lower than the cost of production in the United States for a variety of reasons.”

What Trump says on the campaign trail is one thing and what he will actually do if re-elected is another, Sheinbaum said.

The president-elect said that both the Republican Party candidate and Kamala Harris, who appears almost certain to be the Democratic Party’s nominee, both know the importance of the USMCA free trade pact to North America as a region.

Claudia Sheinbaum with U.S. and Mexican officials
Sheinbaum, seen here with U.S. Ambassador Ken Salazar (far right) and security advisor Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall in June, says she is confident of the trade relationship with the U.S., regardless of the outcome of the presidential election. (Claudia Sheinbaum/X)

She said said she is “convinced” that whoever wins the presidential election in the United States, “the trade relationship between Mexico, the U.S. and Canada will continue because it benefits North America.”

“It benefits the three nations, it benefits the people of the three countries,” she said.

Sheinbaum to review Tesla’s decision to ‘pause’ Mexico plant 

Sheinabaum also responded to Tesla CEO Elon Musk’s statement on Tuesday that the electric vehicle manufacturer’s planned “gigafactory” project in Nuevo León is currently “paused” because of the possibility that Trump will impose tariffs on vehicles made in Mexico if he wins the Nov. 5 presidential election.

Tesla gigafactory rendering for Nuevo Leon, Mexico
Rendering of the planned Tesla gigafactory in Nuevo León, which the state’s governor has said would bring in over US $15 billion investment. (Tesla)

“We have to look at the issue of Tesla in Mexico. In reality, since the [gigafactory] announcement was made [in March 2023] until now there hasn’t been much progress,” she said.

“We have to look at whether the reason really is the [U.S.] election and what Trump said,” Sheinbaum said. “There could be other reasons,” she added.

López Obrador claimed Wednesday that Tesla “must have another business plan” if it is not planning to go ahead with the gigafactory project in Nuevo León.

“These companies often don’t produce but rather speculate; they make an announcement and do very well on the stock exchanges, the price of their shares goes up and production takes a back seat,” he said.

With reports from Expansión Política, Milenio and Bloomberg Línea

Mexico City’s best parks that aren’t Chapultepec

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Desierto de los leones park
Mexico City's parks are so much more than just Chapultepec. Find your new favorite urban escape on our list. (Gobierno de México)

Chapultepec Park has it all. At nearly double the size of New York’s Central Park, Chapultepec is home to nine museums, a zoo, a castle and a vibrant history dating far past Moctezuma and the Mexica. But what are Mexico City’s best parks that aren’t Chapultepec?

It’s also a major attraction to an average of 40,000 visitors a day. And sometimes you just don’t want to be around all those people. The good news is that in a city as big as Mexico City, there are alternatives that cater to everyone: meditators, hikers and Zumba experts alike. Enjoy this list of seven fantastic parks in Mexico City that aren’t Chapultepec.

Parque México

Parque México, the crowning jewel in the center of verdant Condesa. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

The leafy oasis in the center of La Condesa was constructed in 1927. Its oval shape is meant to evoke memories of the former horse race track it was built on. What the park currently lacks in horses is well made up for with a sizable population of neighborly dogs, nearly-domesticated squirrels and graceful swans floating around their manmade pond.

Size: 9 hectares

Hours open: 24 hours

Activities: Walk, run, bike, exercise at the outdoor gym, play at the playground, take a Zumba class, soak up some sun, learn how to properly wield a lightsaber.

Something unique: There is a designated zen zone for meditation and reading, with speakers playing soft music and hammock-style chairs.

Parque La Mexicana 

Parque la Mexicana at night.
Think Chapultapec, but modern. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

Santa Fe’s answer to Chapultepec Park is studded by high rise apartment complexes that reflect off the lakes that serve much greater a purpose than aesthetics – they trap contaminants and dust particles as well as control temperature and humidity levels. 

Size: 20 hectares, 8 currently under construction

Hours: 5:00 AM – 9:00 PM

Activities: Walking and biking paths, fountains, a skate park, sports fields, padel courts

Something unique: In addition to 17 dining establishments, there is an actual Costco onsite so you can stock up on paper towel rolls after a game of padel.

Parque Hundido

Flower clocks and Olmec heads adorn the Parque Hundido. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

Parque Hundido translates to “sunken park” for a reason. The land it occupies in the Extremadura Insurgentes neighborhood of Benito Juárez was once rich in clay deposits which were extracted for a nearby brick factory, eventually forming a sinkhole. When Avenida Insurgentes was paved and the population swelled around the 1930s, the eyesore was transformed into a park for new, wealthy residents. It’s recognizable today for its giant working clock made of flowers.

Size: 100 square meters

Hours: 24 hours

Activities: Walking paths, an outdoor gym, children’s playground, an audiorama for outdoor concerts and movies

Something unique: There are 51 statue replicas carefully placed along pathways dedicated to Indigenous civilizations such as the Maya, Huastec, Zapotec and Olmec. 

Viveros de Coyoacán

Get lost in an urban forest in the heart of colonial Coyacán. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

Mexican architect and environmentalist Miguel Ángel de Quevedo, also known as the Tree Apostle, dedicated a hectare of his own land for a plant nursery in 1901. By the 1930s, Viveros had become Coyoacán’s largest park. This verdant haven in the city’s south teems with towering trees and peaceful trails, as well as a healthy population of very friendly squirrels. 

Size: 39 hectares

Hours open: 6:00 a.m. – 6:30 p.m.

Activities: Walk, run, bike, jump into a yoga class or fencing demo, have a picnic

Something unique: Hidden within the park are the ruins of a small chapel.

Parque Lincoln 

Urban chic and urban oasis collide in Polanco’s Parque Lincoln. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

This Polanco park is, as you may guess, named for U.S. President Abraham Lincoln, who famously opposed the invasion of Mexico between 1846 and 1848. Not a place to go jogging but certainly a place to enjoy the outdoors, Parque Lincoln is a quiet space which runs adjacent to some of Polanco’s trendiest restaurants and bars. Within its borders you can find sculptures, a botanical garden, an aviary and several ponds. There is an outdoor theater for live music concerts and festivals, notably the Polanco Jazz Festival in late November. 

Size: 12 acres

Hours open: 24 hours

Activities: Strolling, relaxing on a bench, playing on a playground, shopping at the weekly tianguis

Something unique: On Sundays you can rent small motorized boats to race. While it’s meant for children, it always seems to be the fathers having all the fun.

Parque Nacional Los Dinamos

Los dinamos allows you to hike through the wilderness, all within the confines of the city. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

If you want to do some real hiking or mountain biking, this is where you want to go. Explore more than 26 km of trails that cut through waterfalls, over the Magdalena River, past old factory ruins and up towering peaks that grant you snippets of Mexico City’s expanse. There are designated sections for camping if you want to brave an overnight among foxes and rabbits.

Size: 2,429 hectares

Hours open: 6:00 a.m. – 6:30 p.m.

Activities: Hiking, biking, rock climbing, rappelling, camping

Something unique: Climb up a wobbly ladder to Puerta del Cielo for great pictures and spectacular views. 

Parque Nacional Desierto de los Leones

Desierto de los Leones is located on the westernmost edge of Mexico City and is home to nature trails and a convent, which was abandoned in the 19th century. (Sedema)

No, there are no lions. This national park in the borough of Magdalena Contreras, said to be named after the León family, is another alternative for serious hikers as well as history buffs. It’s home to miles and miles of trails that range from easy to challenging, some which lead to the beautifully-preserved Ex-Convento del Desierto de los Leones. The 17th-century Carmelite monastery features monks’ cells and a church.

Size: 1,800 hectares

Hours open: 6:00 a.m. – 5:30 p.m.

Activities: Hiking, biking, rock climbing, picnicking, horseback riding

Something unique: Find the famous secret garden set inside the walls of the ex-convent.

Bethany Platanella is a travel planner and lifestyle writer based in Mexico City. She lives for the dopamine hit that comes directly after booking a plane ticket, exploring local markets, practicing yoga and munching on fresh tortillas. Sign up to receive her Sunday Love Letters to your inbox, peruse her blog, or follow her on Instagram.