Mexico shipped EVs worth US $3.127 billion to its northern neighbor in the first six months of the year. (IM Imagery/Shutterstock)
Mexico could become the top electric vehicle (EV) exporter to the United States in 2024 after EV shipments surged in the first half of the year, along with revenues.
U.S. Department of Commerce data shows that Mexico shipped EVs worth US $3.127 billion to its northern neighbor in the first six months of the year, an impressive 172% increase in EV export revenue compared to $1.15 billion in the same period of 2023.
Chinese electric automaker BYD opened its first showrooms in Mexico just over a year ago, but it already has its eye on building plants here as well, a factor that could solidify Mexico’s position as a top revenue generator in the EV market in years to come. (BYD)
Mexico ranked as the second biggest EV exporter to the world’s largest economy between January and June, behind only Germany.
German EV exports to the U.S. increased by a comparatively meager 7.8% in annual terms to reach $3.213 billion, or just $86 million more than Mexico’s revenue.
South Korea was the third biggest EV exporter to the U.S. in the first six months of the year, followed by Japan and Belgium.
The United States imported EVs worth a total of $11.95 billion in the period, a 36.1% year-over-year increase.
If Mexico maintains its strong EV export growth in the second half of 2024 it could finish the year as the top external supplier of electric vehicles to the United States. That would be an additional feather in the cap for Mexico, which dethroned China to become the largest overall exporter to the U.S. in 2023.
Among the automakers that make EVs in Mexico are Audi, BMW and General Motors.
Foreign automakers with plants in Mexico benefit from the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, the free trade pact that superseded NAFTA in 2020.
Tesla and BYD — the world’s two top electric vehicle manufacturers — have announced plans to open plants here, but it is unclear when they might open.
Mexico’s EV exports increased more than 18,000% (yes, really!) in just 4 years
United States data shows that the value of EVs exported to the U.S. from Mexico in 2019 was just $21 million.
Revenue increased slightly to $25 million in 2020 — when the COVID pandemic disrupted auto production — before skyrocketing to $1.732 billion in 2021, a jump of 6,828% in just one year.
The value of Mexico’s EV exports rose to $2.346 billion in 2022, a 35% year-over-year increase, before surging to $3.811 billion in 2023, an annual gain of 62%.
The increase in Mexico’s EV revenue between 2019 and 2023 was a whopping 18,047%.
If the value of Mexico’s EV exports to the U.S. in the second half of 2024 matches that of the first half, revenue will be $6.254 billion.
That figure would represent an increase of almost 30,000% compared to 2019.
The numbers could be even more impressive – and mind-boggling – in the years ahead.
Tepeji's new landmark sign is the Hidalgo municipality's US $278,000 bet on attracting tourists to its historic and recreational offerings. (Francisco Villeda/Cuartoscuro)
Mexico’s little-known Tepeji municipality in central Mexico is far away from the glitz of Los Angeles, but with its newly built landmark sign, it is close to rivaling (in stature anyway) the iconic symbol of Hollywood.
Atop a hill in the town of Palo Grande, located in the municipality of Tepeji del Río, Hidalgo, officials have built the largest landmark sign in Mexico, according to Mayor Salvador Jiménez Calzadilla.
While iconic, the Hollywood letters aren’t actually the world’s tallest and are now shorter than the Tepeji sign. (Wikimedia Commons)
At 15 meters tall, the sign’s giant white letters — which read “Tepeji” — are taller than the world-famous “Hollywood” letters by 1.3 meters, say Palo Grande officials.
The letters on the Los Angeles Hollywood sign are each 13.7 meters tall (45 feet), according to a report published in 2021 by the Los Angeles Mayor’s Office.
The Tepeji sign is intended to be the “jewel in the crown” of Jiménez’s tourism strategy. The municipality’s mayor expects the 5.5-million-peso (US $278,000) sign to attract visitors.
The México-Querétaro highway, which connects Mexico City to multiple Mexican states, is one of the most traveled highways in central Mexico. However, Jiménez explained, most of the road’s travelers overlook Tepeji as a tourist attraction.
While Tepeji’s landmark sign’s letters are taller than that of the more famous Hollywood sign, the Guinness World Record for tallest landmark sign goes to a municipality in the United Arab Emirates. (Guinness World Records)
Tepeji’s other tourism offerings
Tepeji’s efforts to attract visitors have gone beyond erecting a flashy sign. Officials are also working with Mexico’s National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) to renovate and highlight the colonial town’s part of the Camino Real Tierra Adentro (the Royal Inland Road), a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
The trade route — which stretched from Mexico City to Santa Fe, New Mexico, between themid-16th and 19th centuries — was part of the larger Spanish Intercontinental Royal Route, Spain’s global network of roads and maritime routes.
Other tourist sites located within the municipality of Tepeji include the Parish of Saint Francis of Assisi, its municipal zócalo (the town square), its craft market and municipal markets, the La Josefina textile museum, the Tepeji Cultural Center’s onsite museum and the 18th-century Santiago Apóstol Church.
In the future, Jiménez says he envisions building an ecotourism walkway in the area displaying the municipality’s giant letters.
Despite their massive size, neither Tepeji nor Los Angeles managed the Guinness World Record for the tallest landmark sign. That title currently goes to the oasis of Liwa in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), 150 kilometers south of Abu Dhabi city, according to the Guinness World Records online site. Liwa’s landmark sign’s letters are each 23.59 meters tall.
The previous record holder was also located in the UAE: the village of Hatta, located near the Oman border, has a landmark sign with letters measuring 19.28 meters tall.
The school year in Mexico runs from Aug. 26, 2024 to July 16, 2025. (Carolina Jiménez/Cuartoscuro)
Nearly 24 million students at the basic level — including preschool, primary and secondary school — went back to school in Mexico on Monday in 231,000 schools across the country.
During President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s morning press conference, Education Minister Leticia Ramírez Amaya wished the students “a great school year,” and encouraged pupils “to socialize, to be with their friends, to learn in an atmosphere of joy and happiness.”
In Mexico, the majority of students attend public schools, with around 21 million enrolled in public primary and secondary schools. (Note Thanun/Unsplash)
How many students attend public versus private schools?
In Mexico, the majority of students attend public schools, with just over 21 million enrolled in public primary and secondary schools in 2024 according to the newspaper El Economista.
In contrast, just over 2 million students attend private schools.
How have school costs increased this year?
Parents of students must pay for school supplies and uniforms as well as tuition and re-enrollment fees, all of which have risen in cost due to inflation. According to a report by the newspaper El Economista, the education sector saw an annual inflation rate of 5.24% in the first half of August 2024.
The newspaper’s survey found that in Mexico City, the average cost of primary school supplies could range between 1,500 and 2,500 pesos (US $76 and $127). Meanwhile, the price of school supplies for secondary school ranges between 2,000 and 3,000 pesos (US $101 and $152).
These estimates do not consider tuition fees for private schools, uniforms or textbooks (in private schools, additional books are used in addition to those universally provided by the SEP).
Considering all expenses associated with the new school year, the National Alliance of Small Business Owners (ANPEC) reported that the return to school for each student will cost an average of 9,689 pesos (US $492).
19.2% of Mexico’s population, which represents 24.4 million people, have an educational deficit, meaning their educational outcome is lower than what the curriculum intends. (Rashide Frias/Cuartoscuro)
How many public schools lack basic infrastructure?
According to Aprender Parejo, a study conducted by Tecnológico de Monterrey (TEC), four out of 10 public schools (offering basic education) lack one of the following essential services: drinking water, electricity, sinks or private toilets.
Sixty-five out of 100 schools (offering basic education) lack an internet connection or computers.
The report reveals that between 2013 and 2024, Mexico spent 451.2 million pesos (US $22.9 billion) on educational infrastructure. Of this figure, 70.2% was allocated to basic education facilities, 7.7% to upper secondary education and 22.1% to higher education. However, it is not clear where and what types of investments were made in public schools.
“It’s not about making the school pretty, it’s about making it a decent space for learning,” the lead researcher Marco Fernández stressed.
In contrast, only 8% of private schools lack essential services.
Is there an educational deficit in Mexico?
According to data from the National Council for the Evaluation of Social Development Policy (Coneval), 19.2% of Mexico’s population, which represents 24.4 million people, have an educational deficit, meaning their educational outcome is lower than what the curriculum intends.
According to the latest data, the educational gap increased from 19.0% to 19.2% between 2018 and 2020.
The Coneval said that the entities with the lowest rates of educational deficit are Mexico City (9.5%), México state (14.1%) and Coahuila (14.3%). Meanwhile, the states with the greatest rates of educational deficit include Chiapas (32.5%), Oaxaca (29.6%) and Michoacán (29.4%).
Moreover, according to an academic study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Mexico ranks 51st overall for its combined scores in math, reading and science, meaning that Mexican students are falling behind their global counterparts in those subjects.
With only days until the train's supposed inauguration, questions mount about whether the train is “on track.”
(Cuartoscuro)
President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is expected to inaugurate the remaining sections of the 1,554-kilometer Maya Train railroad in the state of Quintana Roo in early September, but one local business leader doesn’t anticipate the project being completed until the middle of next year.
With only days until the president’s scheduled visit, questions mount about whether the train is “on track.”
Ten stations of the Maya Train route have yet to open ahead of the train’s September completion date. (Elizabeth Ruiz/Cuartoscuro)
On Aug. 19, Quintana Roo Governor Mara Lezama confirmed that President López Obrador will be inaugurating the finished project in early September.
“The president will inaugurate all 500 kilometers of the Maya Train in Quintana Roo as well as our two remaining train stations,” Lezama said, adding that her annual governance report would be rescheduled after Sept. 5.
That’s unlikely to happen, says businessman Josué Osmani Palomo in an interview with the newspaper El Economista. He predicts the train won’t be fully ready until mid-2025.
Three sections of the Maya Train have yet to open: the southern part of section 5 (shown in purple), section 6 (light green) and section 7 (blue). (Tren Maya)
The northern part of section 5 was finished earlier this year, but the southern part of section 5 and sections 6 and 7 of the Maya Train are only about 65-70% complete, Palomo said, and added that the train stations are just 50% ready.
The three sections connect Quintana Roo coastal resort cities Playa del Carmen and Tulum, and link Tulum with Chetumal farther south before continuing west across the Yucatán Peninsula to Escárcega.
Palomo — a member of Mexico’s Construction Industry Chamber (CMIC) and the treasurer of the Mexican Employers Federation’s Chetumal office — blames the federal government for failing to consult with local members of the CMIC who have intimate knowledge of the region.
As an example, Palomo pointed to the severe flooding that recently plagued the town of Bacalar. Palomo told El Economista that the area is prone to flooding but the decision to place the tracks on a berm essentially created a dike, which exacerbated the flooding.
#TrenMaya | #Bacalar “Yo perdí todo, mi casa tenía paneles solares, perdí mi sala, mi refrigerador, una televisión pequeña; todo se perdió, las gallinas se fueron con el agua y el presidente municipal no ha hecho nada”, narra José Antonio, afectado por las inundaciones. pic.twitter.com/m6F4ucnKzH
In July, Bacalar was flooded for more than 10 days and local residents told the news agency Infobae that they had warned engineers that this was likely to happen. About 800 houses were damaged and 2,500 hectares of crops were lost in the flood.
Palomo added that the train’s construction also caused flooding at the Chetumal airport. He suggested that a 2 billion-peso investment would be necessary to address the flooding problems caused by work on the Maya Train. Another 400 million pesos is required to repair the damage caused by the recent flooding in Bacalar, Palomo said.
López Obrador has said the Maya Train will generate economic prosperity in the five states through which it runs, but critics question how much long-term demand there will be for tourist services.
Last week, Maya Train officials reported that the average daily number of passengers during the railroad’s first 239 days of partial operation (Dec. 16, 2023 – Aug. 14, 2024) was 1,425.
The government hopes to attract a daily ridership of between 22,000 and 37,000 passengers once the full route is operational.
As tariffs took effect, Mexican exports fell. (Shutterstock)
Mexico remains on track to set a new record for exports in 2024 after the value of goods shipped abroad in July increased almost 15% in annual terms.
The national statistics agency INEGI reported Tuesday that Mexico’s exports were worth US $54.78 billion in July, a 14.7% increase compared to the same month of last year.
Mexico’s manufacturing sector accounted for just under 90% of export income in the first seven months of 2024. (Shutterstock)
The value of exports in the first seven months of the year rose to $354.17 billion, a 4.3% increase compared to the same period of 2023.
Based on the export revenue earned in the first seven months of the year, the country is on track to break the $600-billion barrier for the first time ever in 2024.
More than 80% of Mexico’s export earnings comes from products sent to the United States.
Mexico became the top exporter to the U.S. in 2023, dethroning China.
Manufacturing: Mexico’s export powerhouse
More than 90% of Mexico’s export revenue in July came from the shipment abroad of manufactured goods.
The manufacturing sector accounted for just under 90% of export income in the first seven months of the year.
INEGI data shows that the value of Mexico’s manufacturing sector exports surged 15.9% in July compared to the same year of 2023 to reach $49.74 billion.
Manufactured goods brought in revenue of $316.14 billion between January and July, a 4.8% increase compared to the first seven months of last year.
A wide range of products are made in Mexico, but the country’s top-earning manufacturing sub-sector is the automotive industry.
Mexico’s auto industry — which includes U.S., Asian and European automakers — generated $17.1 billion in revenue in July and $112.32 billion in the first seven months of the year.
The latter figure — an increase of 6.6% compared to the January-July period of 2023 — accounts for almost one-third of Mexico’s total export revenue so far this year.
Mexico’s other manufacturing sub-sectors, among which are electronics, aerospace, medical devices and textiles, brought in export revenue of $203.82 billion in the first seven months of the year, a 3.8% annual increase.
In total, Mexican-made goods generated export revenue of $316.14 billion between January and June, a 4.8% year-over-year increase.
#TomaNota ✍🏼 Con cifras oportunas, en julio 2024 las exportaciones totales nacionales, que son los bienes que vendemos al exterior 📦🇲🇽, mostraron un crecimiento anual de ⬆️14.7%; resultado de un avance de 16.2% en las exportaciones no petroleras y un retroceso de (-)10.2% en las… pic.twitter.com/EuQXRpvpK6
Automakers Tesla and BYD are among the many foreign companies that have recently announced plans to establish plants in Mexico, while steelmaker Ternium is among those that intend to expand their existing operations in the country.
Ag and mining exports also grow, but oil earnings fall
The value of agricultural exports increased 16.9% annually in July to reach $1.75 billion.
Beef exports brought in almost twice as much revenue as the same month last year, while earnings from the shipment abroad of both citrus fruits and avocados increased by more than 30%.
Agricultural products including fruit, vegetables and meat brought in $14.75 billion in export revenue in the first seven months of 2024, a 7.7% annual increase.
Agriculture was Mexico’s third largest export industry between January and July, after manufacturing and oil.
Mexico’s mining sector earned $790.1 million in export revenue in July, a 33.7% annual increase, and $5.93 billion in the first seven months of 2024, a gain of 6.3% compared to the same period of 2023.
Meanwhile, revenue from oil exports — crude and fuel products — declined 10.2% annually in July to $2.49 billion. Oil revenue fell 6.4% in the first seven months of the year to $17.34 billion.
Fuel imports fall, but Mexico still has a trade deficit
Mexico spent $5.88 billion on imports of oil-based “consumer goods” — gasoline, diesel and the like — in the first seven months of the year, a decline of 47.4% compared to the same period of last year.
Imports of oil-based intermediate goods fell 20.5% to $16.65 billion in the same period.
Mexico spent 47.4% less on oil-based “consumer goods” — gasoline, diesel and the like — in the first seven months of the year. (Pemex/X)
All told, Mexico spent $22.54 billion on imported oil products between January and July, a 29.9% annual decrease.
In contrast, Mexico’s total outlay on imports increased 3.8% annually in the first seven months of the year to reach $359.74 billion.
Mexico thus recorded a trade deficit of $5.56 billion between January and July. That figure is 22.1% lower than Mexico’s deficit in the same period of last year. Mexico’s trade deficit in July was just $72 million, with the value of imports only narrowly above the value of exports.
Three-quarters of Mexico’s total outlay on imports in the first seven months of the year was spent on intermediate goods: products such as steel, glass and sugar that are used in the production of final or consumer goods.
Intermediate goods imports were worth $271.56 billion between January and July, a 2.3% annual increase.
Spending on consumer goods imports (excluding fuel) increased 23% annually to $46.33 billion in the first seven months of the year, while Mexico’s outlay on capital goods such as machinery and other equipment rose 10.5% to $35.95 billion.
It is almost certainly Mexico's favorite word - but when should güey (and when should you not)? (Dall-E)
“Sí güey, sí güey, sí güey, sí güey.” The phrase runs laps around in my head as I respond in the affirmative to a friend’s text, asking me to join her this evening for our favorite pilates class. At this point, I simply can’t help myself. It’s José Ramones’ fault.
If you’re lucky enough to be exposed to notable Mexican Instagram comedians like Esteban Said and the aforementioned José, you’ve likely heard the word “güey.” Actually, if you’ve walked down a street, any street, in Mexico, you’ve heard the term repeated to a shocking degree. In fact, one sentence can easily be laden with not one, but up to six güeys. It flies from the mouths of children, businessmen and girlfriends brunching on huevos rancheros at a fancy restaurant in Polanco with such ease, one might concur that the speaker isn’t even aware that he or she is saying it.
“Y pues, le dije “güey, que haces güey, no seas así güey.” – every young Mexican guy you’ll ever meet. (Dall-E)
Know what I mean, güey?
Which raises the obvious question: what exactly does the word güey mean? Where does it come from? And why can’t Mexicans seem to stop saying it?
What does güey mean?
In short, güey can be not-too-loosely translated to any of the following, and their respective cultural variants:
Dude
Mate
Bro
Homie
Pal
While some of these words might seem gender-specific, they’re actually not: go to Miami and you’ll find that the daintiest of viejas is subject to the moniker “bro.” “Güey” is the same: it applies to any gender and any age.
When can I use the word güey?
Whenever, wherever and with anyone with whom you have a friendly relationship. Feel free to stuff as many as you can into a conversation, like one might overkill cookie dough with heaps of chocolate chips. Though realistically, it would be respectful to wait until you’ve established a casual friendship with a boss or an in-law before using it.
“Dude, stop it.” Love Quinn, in the series “You,” demonstrates her annoyance by using the word. (Pinterest)
Where did the word güey come from?
Here’s where things get interesting. Similar to the word chilango, güey started out as an insult. The noun from which it’s derived “buey” means ox, and like the English expression “dumb as an ox,” calling someone “buey” conveyed a similar sentiment. If you were a slow, foolish or dull person, you’d likely get quite familiar with the term. And since oxen have long been considered submissive and lacking in masculinity, it worked like a charm if, say, your male lover did something unforgivable and you really wanted to shatter his confidence and cut to the depths of his soul.
That was all pre-20th century, though. Studies by Jean Meyer and Luis H. Pérez show that language shifted significantly during the Mexican Revolution. In the struggle for workers’ rights, migration from rural to urban areas — Mexico City in particular — increased dramatically. New and established city dwellers now intermingled in ways they hadn’t before — peasants, workers, military leaders and intellectuals alike found themselves face to face and blending their regional dialects. Indigenous groups were active participants in the movement and introduced their own words and expressions from Nahuatl, Yucatec Maya and Zapotec into the language.
This infusion sparked a shift in speech patterns from which “güey” could not escape. The “b” softened into a “g.” With the change of letter also came a change in meaning, and the expression lost its sharp edge in favor of a more colloquial and friendly one.
Phrases such as “¡Oye, güey!” saddled their way into Mexican vernacular, and güey’s utility as a descriptor for a person whose name was unknown became apparent. “¿De quién hablas? ¿Ese güey de la gorra roja?”: “Who are you talking about? That guy in the red cap?”
Do the roar. (Facebook)
The Revolution is credited to giving rise to other informal Mexicanisms like chido (cool) and órale (expressing approval).
How do I use it?
The versatility of güey is akin to that of the vulgar verb chingar: it fits anywhere. To get started, read and memorize the following phrases:
¿Qué onda, güey?: What’s up, dude?
Eres bien chido, güey: You’re awesome, man.
No manches, güey: No way, dude.
Cálmate, güey: Calm down, dude.
¡Güey, tienes que verlo!: Dude, you have to see it!
Eres un pendejo, güey: You’re an idiot, dude. This can be insulting if you don’t know the person and you’re not laughing as you say it. When using “pendejo,” proceed with caution.
¡Güey, no te creo!: Dude, I don’t believe you!
¿Estás bien, güey?: You good, man? Be careful with how you say this one: if you say it as an affirmation and stress “güey,” you’ll be calling the other person an idiot.
Where can I hear it in pop culture?
Sofia Reyes - 1, 2, 3 (Lyrics) ft. Jason Derulo, De La Ghetto
Everywhere. Singers incorporate it into song lyrics, like like Sofía Reyes does in her hit single “1, 2, 3,” where she sings sings:
“Güey, no sé qué hacer, tú me tienes loca, loca, loca”: Dude, I don’t know what to do, you’re driving me crazy, crazy, crazy.
Gael García Bernal is also known for sprinkling the term into his TV interviews and film characters — you’ll hear it with fervor in “Y Tu Mamá También” and “Amores Perros.”
What other words can you use instead of güey?
“Carnal,” “compa,” “hermano/a” and “vato” are but a handful of amicable alternatives to our new favorite word.
Bethany Platanella is a travel planner and lifestyle writer based in Mexico City. She lives for the dopamine hit that comes directly after booking a plane ticket, exploring local markets, practicing yoga and munching on fresh tortillas. Sign up to receive her Sunday Love Letters to your inbox, peruse her blog or follow her on Instagram.
10%? 20%? None? How are you meant to know how much to tip after your tacos? (Blake Wisz/Unsplash)
I have a local (Mexican) friend with whom I simply cannot go to restaurants anymore.
Why?
Because I get all worked up about how she treats waiters.
I can’t help it. First, I don’t think she behaves nicely and appreciateively enough toward them. She might mutter a disinterested “gracias” when they bring her order, but she’s quick with an eye roll if she thinks they’ve made a mistake or taken too long.
Even the dog has no idea how much they’re meant to be tipping. (Rogelio Morales Ponce/Cuartoscuro)
She also thinks that tips are optional (I’ve noticed that the higher up the economic ladder one goes here, the more prevalent this belief is). I completely disagree, even when the service is sub-par. Working as a waiter is hard, even if you’re not great at it.
This probably has more to do with our different upbringings than much else. She grew up in a family that pretty much always had enough money for their needs and many of their wants. I grew up in a family whose income was much closer to those who depend on tips.
That said, my friend is not unique. My ears perked up terrier-style, for example, when I read Louisa Roger’s article on her experience leadingcustomer service training. On common behavior: “I was pleasantly surprised when they said Americans and Canadians were pretty forgiving when their expectations weren’t met. In their experience, it was Mexicans and Italians who were more likely to get irritated.”
Well, color me not surprised. Or could it be that I just don’t know very many rich and entitled paisanos? Whatever it is, I’ve noticed it over the years: more Mexicans with plenty of money to spend than not seem to feel entitled to free service. If the service is phenomenal, they might leave 10%.
“I won’t tip anymore, let Morena help them.” The tip they left.
That doesn’t mean, of course, that we foreigners should overcompensate as a result. And it’s hard not to sometimes, I know.
We’re gushing with politeness and a broad willingness to help because we’re in love (with Mexico, possibly a Mexican, or both). Calm down.
Yes, it’s a fine line that we good-willed foreigners walk. On the one hand, there’s a sizable portion of Mexicans who believe that overexuberant generosity toward practical strangers makes you not a saint but an idiot. Things around here are corrupt enough, after all, that a certain cynicism can easily seep in.
This means that it can be easy for some to see us as Polyanna suckers who are practically begging to be taken advantage of. And I don’t know about you all, but that’s definitely not my own intention.
The 16% tax on your bill does not go to restaurant staff, so be aware when leaving a tip for your server. (Shutterstock)
What should we do, then? I’ll admit that I’m guilty of sometimes overtipping. That said, I follow my partner’s lead on that, who’s spent much of his working life in restaurants. “I always try to leave at least enough for a taxi.” (In our city, mind you, 40-50 pesos is enough for a taxi; if you live in Los Cabos, I wouldn’t advise that as no one that earns a waiter’s salaries is taking taxis). Tips in restaurants, by the way, are nearly always split among the entire restaurant staff at the end of the night.
For further reading, check out Janet Blaser’s extensive article onhow to tip in Mexico for a specific reference, too. I also have a history of fretting about our collectiveeconomic footprint. And of course, be sure to take notes on Bethany Platanella’s “Guilt payments and over-tipping” section of her “10 things gringos do that upset Mexicans” list!
Conclusion? Be cool. Be nice. But try to temper your savior complex. People aren’t as impressed as you think they are.
Pemex CEO Víctor Rodríguez Padilla, an energy engineer and economist, has been tasked with reducing the state oil company's debt. (Graciela López Herrera/Cuartoscuro)
President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum announced Monday that energy economist and engineering academic Víctor Rodríguez Padilla will be the next CEO of Pemex, Mexico’s heavily-indebted state oil company.
Rodríguez acknowledged that leadership of the indebted state oil company would be a challenge and “great responsibility.” (Cuartoscuro)
Besides being “an expert in energy economics and policy,” Sheinbaum said that Rodríguez “… has 42 years of experience in the energy sector and of course he’s been a defender of the energy companies of the nation, of energy sovereignty.”
“… Víctor knows Pemex,” she said after noting that she and the next state oil company CEO have co-authored various academic and newspaper articles about Mexico’s energy sector.
Who is Víctor Rodríguez, the next CEO of Pemex?
Rodríguez, a professor of engineering at the National Autonomous University (UNAM), will succeed Octavio Romero, who has led the state oil company throughout the six-year term of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
As Sheinbaum enters office, current Pemex CEO Octavio Romero will transition to a new role.(lopezobrador.org.mx)
He will take the reins of a company with debt of almost US $100 billion, making Pemex — an oil driller and refiner — the world’s most indebted oil firm.
The Bloomberg news agency reported that Sheinbaum tapped Rodríguez for the position “to boost Pemex’s profitability and rescue the company from ballooning debt and recurring accidents as she seeks to jump start Mexico’s green energy transition.”
Rodríguez promised to work closely with Sheinbaum’s energy minister, Luz Elena González Escobar, at right. (Claudia Sheinbaum/X)
In a speech after Sheinbaum announced his appointment, Rodríguez said it was an “honor” to be given “the great opportunity” to lead “the country’s biggest company,” but also “a challenge” and a “great responsibility.”
Despite its large debt, Rodríguez asserted that the current government “has rescued” Pemex over the past six years.
“Petróleos Mexicanos was devastated with the neoliberal policies that were implemented during this whole period of six six-year terms of government,” he said, referring to the period between 1982 and 2018.
“They handed over a devastated company, a company in ruins with refineries falling to pieces,” Rodríguez said.
“Fortunately, [the refineries] have been restored and we’re in the process of increasing their capacity,” he said.
He later declared that “Pemex is not a dead company,” nor is it as bad off as people think.
“The media exaggerates a little bit or a lot,” Rodríguez said before conceding that the company faces a “financial situation” that the government is attempting to resolve. He pledged to work closely on that issue with incoming energy minister Luz Elena González Escobar and Finance Minister Rogelio Ramírez de la O, who will stay in the same position after Sheinbaum takes office.
Pemex, he subsequently asserted, has been “very responsible” in paying back what it owes.
Rodríguez will be in charge of seven Pemex refineries in Mexico as well as the Deer Park refinery in Texas. (File photo)
In terms of the “punctuality” of payments, the company’s conduct has been “impeccable,” Rodríguez said.
“Some rating agencies haven’t recognized that. Not all of them — some have and some haven’t,” he said.
Pemex’s oil production target
Rodríguez said that “a significant challenge” for Pemex will be to “maintain” crude production at 1.8 million barrels per day (bpd) in order to have enough oil to supply the state oil company’s refineries.
Production is currently less than half what it was 20 years ago, falling to around 1.5 million bpd from more than 3 million bpd in 2004.
Rodríguez attributed the decline to “geological maturity [of oil fields], lack of investment, carelessness, negligence and a cunning plan to privatize the company” during the so-called neoliberal period.
Pemex will play a ‘fundamental role’ in energy transition
“It’s important to highlight the Pemex of the future,” Rodríguez told reporters. “What are we going to do?”
The soon-to-be Pemex CEO said that the vast majority of energy used in Mexico — almost 90% — comes from fossil fuels: “basically gas, which is the main energy source we use in the country, and oil.”
“We need to maintain the base of energy supply in the economy … while we carry out the energy transition,” Rodríguez said.
Renewable sources will satisfy increasing demand for energy, he said, adding that the incoming government will make a “big effort” to develop those sources.
“Pemex will play a fundamental role. Pemex won’t limit itself to making oil and gas condensate as it has always done,” Rodríguez said.
Rodríguez said under his leadership, Pemex will branch out into renewable energy projects while maintaining the country’s “base energy supply.” (Shutterstock)
“Now we’re going to do new projects. We’re going to have partnerships with society, with universities, with business people, to do the projects of the future. We’re going to produce wind energy, solar energy, offshore wind energy. We’re going to produce strategic materials including lithium,” he said.
Rodolfo Ramos, head of Mexico research at the Brazilian financial services company Bradesco, said that Rodríguez’s willingness to partner with the private sector could help the bottom line of Pemex, which recorded its worst loss in four years last quarter.
Damian Fraser, CEO of Mexico City-based business consultancy Miranda Partners, said on LinkedIn that “Rodriguez Padilla has been given one of the most difficult jobs in Mexico — CEO of Pemex, the heavily indebted, loss-making state-owned oil and refining company.”
“A respected professor in energy engineering at the UNAM, he has limited administrative experience. Still, he at least enjoys a close relationship with incoming President Claudia Sheinbaum, with whom he has co-authored several academic papers,” he wrote.
The new CEO’s CV
Sheinbaum, a physicist and climate scientist before entering politics, said Monday that she has known Rodríguez “for many years.”
“We have the same degree, … he also studied physics in the Faculty of Sciences at UNAM,” she said.
Sheinbaum also noted that Rodríguez has a master’s degree in energy engineering from UNAM and a PhD in energy economics from the Grenoble Alps University in France.
In addition, he has completed postdoctoral studies in France and Canada.
Rodríguez is a UNAM professor who has been an advisor to a range of government offices. (UNAM)
Sheinbaum highlighted that Rodríguez is currently a professor in UNAM’s postgraduate engineering program and a member of the National System of Researchers. She also noted that he has been an advisor to both houses of Congress, the Federal Auditor’s Office, the Supreme Court and other government departments.
In addition, Rodríguez has worked as a consultant for the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, the Latin American Energy Organization, Oxfam and the Climate Initiative of Mexico.
“He’s a founding member of an organization that I was in some time ago as well,” Sheinbaum said, referring to the Observatorio Ciudadano de la Energía, or Citizens Energy Observatory.
“We always fought for the defense of the public organizations of Pemex and the Federal Electricity Commission, and against privatization,” she said.
Sheinbaum said that current Pemex CEO Octavio Romero will continue to work with the government, but didn’t specify the area. The business news website El CEO reported Friday that he will head up the national housing fund Infonavit during the next six-year period of government.
Analyst Diego Marroquín discusses how AMLO's constitutional reforms could impact the USMCA and nearshoring in Mexico. (Cuartoscuro)
Following the decisive electoral victory by Claudia Sheinbaum and the Morena party on June 2, 2024, her mentor, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) and allies are likely to secure a two-thirds majority in Congress, providing him the power to unilaterally amend Mexico’s constitution.
Before leaving office on Oct. 1, AMLO’s supermajority is planning to implement 18 constitutional reforms that would weaken Mexico’s economic regulatory landscape, degrade its investment climate, dissolve checks and balances, and undermine the country’s ability to fulfill international commitments, including the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA).
If approved, these legal shifts could seriously challenge North America’s long-term competitiveness and nearshoring potential, jeopardize billions in US and Canadian investments in Mexico, and complicate the 2026 review of USMCA.
Constitutional amendments
Judicial reform
Mexico’s Supreme Court has found several of AMLO’s actions unconstitutional, including efforts to undermine private investment in the energy sector and place civilian public security forces under military control. If approved, the judicial reform would gradually remove all Supreme Court justices and federal judges, replacing them through popular elections without clear professional qualifications. As presented, this reform would severely weaken the judiciary’s role as an independent check on presidential power, leaving judicial decisions vulnerable to political influence and donor interests.
Rather than addressing long-standing issues of corruption and impunity within Mexico’s judiciary, this overhaul could lead to significant delays, pauses, or even retrials in cases involving human rights and private investments in sectors not covered by the USMCA. Under the USMCA, U.S. and Canadian investors in Mexico can only pursue claims in the oil and gas, power generation, infrastructure and telecommunications sectors. Disputes in other sectors require investors to go through Mexico’s domestic court system before seeking arbitration under the USMCA.
Elimination of oversight and regulatory agencies
Other proposed reform would dismantle Mexico’s antitrust agency, along with the Federal Economic Competition Commission (Cofece), the Federal Telecommunications Institute (IFT), and the Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE), transferring their functions to Executive Branch agencies like the Economy Ministry and the Energy Ministry.
These changes would remove critical checks on presidential power and directly conflict with Mexico’s commitments under the USMCA regarding market access, competition policy, and state-owned enterprises (see table below).
By eroding legal certainty, the reform would severely hamper Mexico’s nearshoring potential, driving investment elsewhere and weakening North America’s position in the global supply chain.
State energy industries
One proposal would restrict Mexico’s state-owned utility, the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE), from partnering with private companies for electrical transmission and distribution, while prioritizing CFE market dominance over private firms. By imposing additional restrictions on private investment, this reform conflicts with the USMCA’s ratchet clause, which prevents countries from rolling back market liberalization measures once they’ve been implemented (see table below).
The author compiled this table to show how Mexico’s constitutional reforms could potentially violate the USMCA. (Diego Marroquín Bitar/USMCA)
This policy would undermine U.S. and Canadian economic interests and any energy they produce in favor of Mexico’s CFE and its state-owned oil and gas company, Pemex. Canadian and U.S. firms have invested a combined US $34 billion in Mexico’s energy sector, including significant investments in renewable energy projects.
Ban on GM corn and restrictions on water concessions
This proposed reform aims to ban genetically modified (GM) corn for both harvest and human consumption. By introducing trade restrictions without scientific evidence, this reform conflicts with the USMCA market access and sanitary and phytosanitary provisions (see table above). Mexico, the U.S.’s second-largest agricultural export market, imports over $5 billion worth of corn annually. Such a ban could lead to the loss of thousands of US agricultural jobs and threaten food security in Mexico, as domestic production would likely be unable to meet the country’s corn demand.
Another proposed amendment seeks to limit water concessions to firms in regions with scarce water resources, reserving allocations to public entities exclusively for personal and domestic use. By favoring Mexican entities over U.S. and Canadian firms, this proposal would appear to violate USMCA’s National Treatment and Most-Favored Nation provisions (see table above).
Ban of fracking and open-pit mining concessions
Constitutional reform proposals to end concessions for open-pit mining and permanently ban oil extraction through fracking conflicts with Mexico’s commitment under USMCA to maintain agreed-upon market openness in these sectors, potentially affecting the operations and ownership of US and Canadian firms (see table above). This could lead to millions of dollars in losses, arbitration claims, or trade sanctions from Canada or the United States. Canadian companies, representing 70% of all foreign mining firms in Mexico, are the largest foreign investors in the country’s mining sector.
Risks
If approved, these changes would appear to severely limit Mexico’s growth prospects and its ability to create well-paying jobs in the medium and long-term. The resulting legal issues and business uncertainty could trigger billions of dollars in tariffs if U.S. and Canadian authorities or firms request formal dispute settlement under USMCA, as well as significant economic losses for consumers and workers across North America.
In other words, Mexico risks undermining the very conditions that foster job creation and investment growth. Additionally, the potential for trade disputes and economic disruptions could deter new investors and negatively impact nearshoring opportunities.
Furthermore, these reforms pose a serious risk to the USMCA’s upcoming review, potentially stalling negotiations with Canadian and U.S. authorities and triggering demands for changes from stakeholders in 2026.
This heightened scrutiny could complicate negotiations and result in unsuccessful outcomes in subsequent years. Ultimately, the reforms could jeopardize the agreement’s renewal and increase the risk of its expiration in 2026, undermining the long-term stability and benefits of the USMCA.
Conclusion
AMLO’s reforms represent a turning point that undermines Mexico’s trade and investment commitments under the USMCA, making Mexico a less reliable partner for the U.S. and Canada.
The proposed legal and institutional overhaul threatens to undermine Mexico’s investment climate for decades, disrupt regional economic integration, and weaken supply chain resiliency at a crucial moment of global economic realignment.
Diego Marroquín Bitar is the Inaugural Bersin-Foster North America Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center and the driving force behind their North America research agenda. He co-founded the North America Project at the US-Mexico Foundation and the non-profit North America 3.0. His insights are frequently featured in publications such as The Hill, The New York Times, Foreign Affairs, Letras Libres, and El Universal. Before joining the Wilson Center, Diego worked as a Senior Researcher at the Brookings Institution, a Fellow at the US-Mexico Foundation, and a Consultant at The Economist Intelligence Unit.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Mexico News Daily, its owner or its employees.
A litany of speakers including U.S. Ambassador Ken Salazar are ready to speak the the 3rd AmSoc Binational Convention in Mexico City next week. (AmSoc/Facebook)
On Sept. 3-4, The American Society of Mexico (AmSoc) will hold its third Binational Convention, an event that has rapidly grown into an essential forum for business, political, and social leaders from both Mexico and the United States. The convention, building on the success of previous years, aims to facilitate dialogue and forge strategic alliances to promote shared development between the two nations.
Founded in 1942, AmSoc is a vibrant non-profit, non-partisan organization dedicated to advocating for the interests of over two million U.S. citizens living in Mexico. Beyond individuals, it also supports hundreds of American corporations, businesses and philanthropic associations that have made Mexico their home. For decades, this organization has been a bridge between the two nations, fostering connections and strengthening the community with a deep commitment to its mission.
From nearshoring to elections, convention guests will examine the burning issues in the Mexico-U.S. relationship. (AmSoc MX/X)
The theme for this year’s convention, “A New Shared Future,” comes at a critical time for both countries. As Mexico and the United States navigate significant political transitions, the event will bring together influential figures to discuss the unique challenges and opportunities facing the bilateral relationship. With economic and social landscapes rapidly evolving, this gathering will offer insights into how both nations can collaborate to secure a prosperous future.
USMCA benefits: As always, the USMCA will be a central topic, with discussions focused on leveraging the agreement to create mutual economic opportunities.
Sustainability and energy transition: How can the U.S. and Mexico collaborate on environmental and economic initiatives?
Who will be there?
Hosts Larry Rubin, Francisco Garza and Patricia González will guide guests ranging from key international business leaders, academics, and cultural figures, as well as diplomatic, political, and government officials from both sides of the border. The discussions will delve into public finance, bilateral policy and innovation, underscoring the importance of cooperation between Mexico and the United States.
Wilson Center director Lila Abed is scheduled to speak at the Convention. (Lila Abed/Instagram)
Given the high profile nature of the event, the conference will feature expert speakers from both Mexico and the U.S. These include U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ken Salazar and his opposite number, Esteban Moctezuma, Grupo Salinas vice president Benjamín Salinas, Mexican politicians Rogelio Ramírez, Ricardo Monreal and Adán Agusto López, and Wilson Center director Lila Abed.
A chance to network with some of Mexico’s biggest movers
For those looking to attend, the convention presents a unique opportunity to engage with key players and participate in discussions that could shape the near future of U.S.-Mexico relations. More than just a gathering; the convention is a strategic forum where dialogues can transform into meaningful alliances and shared progress. Even better, Mexico News Daily readers can get 15% entry with an exclusive discount code.
