It's a three-way standoff: Mexico signed a deal with the EU that would enforce protection of regional names for cheese, the U.S. is demanding that Mexico eliminate that protection and the EU says the pact is not open to amendment. (Unsplash)
Mexico-U.S. trade talks have hit a snag over cheese, with the sticking point going back to the trade agreement Mexico signed with the European Union (EU) in May.
The Mexico-EU accord grants special protections to hundreds of European products whose names are linked to specific regions, including Parmigiano Reggiano, Feta and Manchego cheese. It also provides the EU with legal recourse against violations.
Manchego is an enormously popular cheese in Mexico, but not everybody realizes its name means “from the La Mancha region.” Mexico has agreed with the EU to respect that regional identity, raising the possibility that manchego cheese not made in La Mancha would need to be labeled as something along the lines of “manchego-style cheese.” (Wilson Tovar/Unsplash)
U.S. officials say the protections could restrict future sales by U.S. producers to Mexico under names like parmesan and feta, forcing them to use descriptions with labels such as “imitation” or “style.”
The U.S. government’s stance is that these names are generic, while the EU insists they ought to be reserved for products produced in the region for which they are named.
“What Mexico did was completely wrong,” said Jaime Castañeda, executive vice president of the U.S. Dairy Export Council. “The Mexican government must guarantee that both the United States and Mexican manufacturers of common cheese brands can continue operating in the market.”
While U.S. negotiators are pressuring Mexico to amend its deal with the EU (it has yet to be approved by the Senate), the European Commission insists it is not possible to modify the terms of the agreement.
Mexico — among the world’s top consumers of cheese — imports approximately US $1 billion worth of cheese annually from the U.S, while total EU dairy exports to Mexico amount to only US $200 million.
The IDFA says the U.S. dairy industry, which supports more than 3 million jobs and contributes US $779 billion to the U.S. economy, depends on access to global markets to sustain growth and create new opportunities for farmers and processors.
U.S. negotiators are using the USMCA as leverage in hopes of forcing Mexico to accede to their demands, but critics say that in addition to the conflict with the EU accord, lower-quality U.S. cheeses are undercutting local production.
If all four infrastructure projects move forward as planned, the Colombia-Laredo area will end up with a total of four crossings: the current bridge, the two new bridges to be built next year and the Green Corridors viaduct linking northern Nuevo León and Tamaulipas with Laredo. (Government of Nuevo León)
Nuevo León Governor Samuel García confirmed on Friday plans for potentially three new bridges connecting his northern state to Texas, aiming to speed up trade and facilitate cross-border commuting.
Following a working visit to the southern United States, García announced the construction of two new bridges at the Colombia-Laredo Port of Entry and reiterated plans to expand state Highway 1 North, connecting the Salinas Victoria industrial zone with the border municipalities of Anáhuac and Nuevo Laredo.
With a US $200 million binational investment of equal parts from Mexico and the U.S., the aim is to construct two new international bridges at the Colombia-Laredo crossing to expand its operational capacity and facilitate trade. Construction is expected to commence in May 2027 and be completed in 2028.
“I confirm the hypothesis we envisioned five years ago: the Texas-Nuevo León Golden Triangle is the most prosperous region in the world,” García said during a ceremony. “For Nuevo León, it’s crucial to have the infrastructure ready to be part of this triangle and be connected with Dallas, Houston, Brownsville, Corpus Christi, Austin, San Antonio and Laredo,” García stressed.
García said that the ongoing modernization of the Colombia-Laredo trade port has already doubled the number of cargo lanes from 7 to 14, helping to raise crossings from between 80 and 800 to 8,000 per day, a figure that he expects to increase to 15,000 by 2030.
In addition, a new viaduct will provide direct connectivity between Salinas Victoria and Laredo, Texas (via Anáhuac), running parallel to Highway 1 North as part of a larger project with the Texas-based startup Green Corridors.
The project, requiring $17 billion in investment, is being developed as a public-private partnership with the Nuevo León government providing the right-of-way. However, it is not expected to reach completion until 2031.
During the event, García also announced the development of a tax-free industrial park in the municipality of Anáhuac, as part of the federal government’s overarching Plan Mexico economic strategy. The state aims to attract investment in manufacturing, assembly and logistics by offering federal, state and municipal tax incentives, including exemptions on income tax (ISR), payroll tax and property tax.
“We are creating a tax haven,” García said.
If all four infrastructure projects move forward as planned, the Colombia-Laredo area will end up with a total of four crossings: the current bridge, the two new bridges to be built next year and the Green Corridors viaduct linking northern Nuevo León and Tamaulipas with Laredo.
More than US $2.5 billion has been invested in tourism in Baja California Sur since the start of 2024, most of it in Los Cabos. (Victor Hughes/Unsplash)
When foreign direct tourism investment numbers were announced for the first quarter of 2026, Baja California Sur (BCS) led all states, accounting for US $191.5 million, or 31% of the US $617.2 million invested in Mexico during that timeframe. That BCS received the most investment was not a surprise. If anything, the only surprise was that it did not receive a greater share of the total.
In 2024 and 2025, for example, BCS received upwards of US $1 billion dollars in foreign direct tourism investment during each year (US $1.039 billion and US $1.292 billion, respectively) — the most in Mexico — representing 36.2% and 40.6% of the national total. Of the US $2.5 billion-plus invested in BCS since 2024, an estimated 90% is centered on projects in Los Cabos; the municipality that, not coincidentally, accounts for 83% of tourism in the state.
The Four Seasons Resort and Residence Cabo San Lucas at Cabo del Sol premiered in May 2024. (Four Seasons)
This raises two very interesting questions: Where is all this money coming from? And what is it being used to build?
Why is Los Cabos receiving so much investment, and from whom?
A third interesting question is how long BCS (and, by extension, Los Cabos) has dominated foreign direct tourism investment in Mexico. However, finding an answer is difficult, as annual figures for this category before 2024 aren’t easily accessible. But based on the quarterly announcements that have been reported in recent years, it seems that BCS has been leading the way in tourism investment since at least 2022, when it received 36.3% of invested monies during the fourth quarter of that year; a trend also noted in the second and fourth quarters of 2023, when the state garnered 47.3% and 38.1% of the national quarterly totals.
As for where the money is coming from, the answer is overwhelmingly from U.S. sources. In 2025, for instance, nearly 85% of investments originated in the U.S., with Canada and Spain each contributing a little over 5%. No other country’s investment accounted for more than 2.1%.
What’s being built? Primarily luxury hotels and resorts — the Four Seasons Resort and Residences and Park Hyatt Los Cabos have both opened in Cabo del Sol since 2024, and Amanvari recently opened at Costa Palmas on the East Cape — although master-planned communities, vacation rentals, and marinas and beach clubs have also attracted significant capital.
The projects currently in the pipeline
As of the first quarter of 2026, Mexico’s Secretaría de Turismo (Sectur) noted 13 active tourism projects in BCS worth US $3.893 billion. Amanvari, the Aman brand resort at Costa Palmas on the East Cape of Los Cabos, recently opened on Aug. 1, with 18 casitas each fetching more than US $3,000 per night. So one project is complete. Of the dozen remaining, four relate to new hotels scheduled to open in Los Cabos between 2027 and 2029: the Conrad Los Cabos, SIRO Palmilla, Delano East Cape and Raffles Estera East Cape Resort & Residences.
The Conrad Los Cabos, a Hilton property with 111 guest rooms, 21 suites, 43 residences and access to a new Ernie Els-designed golf course, is slated to open in 2027 at Oleada, an 860-acre development on the Pacific Coast north of Cabo San Lucas. The SIRO Palmilla, a wellness-oriented hospitality brand from Kerzner International, is also expected to open its doors in 2027, with 120 rooms and 14 luxury villas.
Luxury brands Delano and Raffles, meanwhile, have both announced East Cape resorts to open by 2029. However, neither has broken ground as yet, nor have their exact locations been divulged. The only thing that is known is that Delano is planning for 117 guest rooms and 60 branded residences; Raffles for 80 guest rooms, 46 residences and seven drinking and dining options.
Most, but not all, foreign investment in Baja California Sur is tourism-related. In 2025, for instance, a total of US $1.587 billion was invested in the state, 81% of which was earmarked for tourism projects.
One example of a non-tourism-related project is the new Home Depot, which opened on Aug. 20 in San José del Cabo. The store, which is located by the Fonatur roundabout, represents an investment of 690 million pesos (about US $41 million) by Home Depot Mexico, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Home Depot, Inc., the home improvement chain headquartered in Atlanta, Georgia.
It’s the second Home Depot store to open in Los Cabos: the other is near Cabo Bello in La Ruta Escénica in the corridor which connects cape cities Cabo San Lucas and San José del Cabo. The state’s third Home Depot, of the 144 now open in Mexico, is in the capital city of La Paz.
The recently opened San José del Cabo location supports 95 new jobs for residents, plus an inventory of 50,000 products now available to local consumers.
Chris Sands is a writer and editor for Mexico News Daily, and the former Cabo San Lucas local expert for the USA Today travel website 10 Best and writer of Fodor’s Los Cabos travel guidebook. He has also contributed to numerous other websites and publications, including The San Diego Union-Tribune, Marriott Bonvoy Traveler, Forbes Travel Guide, Porthole Cruise and Travel, and Cabo Living.
The Bank of Mexico (Banxico) now expects Mexico's economy to grow 1.5% this year, raising its previous forecast by 0.4 percentage points. (Shutterstock)
The Bank of Mexico (Banxico) now expects Mexico’s economy to grow 1.5% this year, raising its previous forecast by 0.4 percentage points.
“For 2026, GDP growth of 1.5% is anticipated, a higher rate than the point estimate of 1.1% published in the previous [quarterly] report,” Banxico said.
“The interval for the expected variation of GDP … is between 1.0 and 2.0%,” the bank added.
“This effect is partially offset by a greater-than-expected slowdown during the third quarter. For the remainder of the forecast period, a moderate and gradual acceleration in the quarterly growth rates is still expected,” Banxico said.
The central bank is forecasting that the pace of economic growth will quicken to 2% in 2027. That forecast was revised down from a 2.1% prediction in Banxico’s first quarter report.
The only third-quarter economic growth data currently available is the national statistics agency INEGI’s preliminary report for July. On Aug. 20, INEGI published preliminary data showing month-over-month growth of just 0.1% in July. The projected annual expansion was much higher at 2.7%.
Downside and upside risks to economic growth
In its latest report, the central bank said that the “activation of the USMCA’s annual review mechanism by the United States” — which declined to renew the free trade pact in its current form — “extended the uncertainty surrounding regional trade relations.”
“Although the treaty’s current conditions are still in force, guaranteeing preferential treatment for Mexican exports, the lack of a definitive resolution regarding its future remains an adverse factor for investment decisions,” Banxico said.
“The resurgence of tensions between the United States and Iran in July reignited uncertainty for the global economy,” it added.
“Although the timing and magnitude of the effects of these events on Mexico’s economic activity are hard to anticipate, as they depend on the progress of trade negotiations and the intensity of geopolitical events, both factors contribute to maintaining the balance of risks for Mexico’s economic growth biased to the downside.”
Downside risks
Banxico highlighted five downside risks for Mexico’s economy “throughout the forecast horizon.” They are that:
The climate of uncertainty related to policies in the U.S. and annual USMCA reviews may intensify and negatively affect external demand as well as consumption and investment spending in Mexico.
An escalation of different geopolitical conflicts in various regions of the world negatively affects the global economy overall, or international trade flows in particular.
Episodes of volatility materialize in domestic or international financial markets.
U.S. economic growth turns out to be lower than expected, negatively affecting external demand for Mexican goods.
Climate-related events, such as extreme temperatures, cyclones or droughts, adversely impact the Mexican economy.
Upside risks
Banxico said that three upside risks for the Mexican economy stood out. They are:
Greater-than-expected progress in the annual review and the ratification of the USMCA, as well as lesser uncertainty surrounding U.S. trade policy, contribute to a more favorable environment for investment in Mexico and boost trade in the region.
Growth of the U.S. economy is greater than expected, favoring external demand for Mexican goods.
Banxico’s updated growth forecasts were published at a time when inflation in Mexico is largely under control and the Mexican peso is strong. Mexico’s annual headline rate in the first half of August was 3.26%, up slightly from 3.12%, while the peso traded below 17 to the dollar during most of last week before rising above 17 on Friday. Inflation is currently just above the central bank’s 3% target.
According to the latest MND Economy Index™, Mexico’s economy has meaningful strengths, but there is ample room for improvement. The index score in June was 66.9 out of 100, a decrease of 1.7 points compared to May.
Mexico has the installed manufacturing capacity — the plants, the workers, the logistics — to pivot from manufacturing one type of electronic component to another. The time is now to reduce reliance on Taiwan, Pedro Casas argues. (Shutterstock)
Uncertainty is rising, tariffs are everywhere, and the USMCA’s 16-year extension failed. You’d be forgiven for expecting Mexican trade to be in shackles. Yet, it isn’t; it’s booming.
Mexican exports to the United States reached an all-time high of $545 billion in 2025 — a 5.8% increase over 2024. And 2026 has kept the momentum: in the first quarter alone, Mexico’s exports to the U.S. hit a record $138 billion, with Mexico accounting for 16.9% of all U.S. goods imports — ahead of Canada at 11.2% and China at 7.4%. During the first semester of 2026, exports grew 25% compared to the same period of 2025 and imports increased 22%.
Let that sink in. Now, buckle up, because multiple things are happening simultaneously.
The USMCA compliance flip
At the start of 2025, roughly 45% of Mexican exports to the United States entered under the USMCA. The alternative — the WTO’s Most Favored Nation (MFN) mechanism — came with a modest 3% tariff (more or less), so many companies simply didn’t bother qualifying. Then Trump’s tariff regime changed the math completely.
When the U.S. slapped 25% tariffs on non-USMCA Mexican goods, USMCA utilization rates jumped from 45% to 89% between January and November 2025. The opportunity cost of doing otherwise is now 10x higher.
The result: for USMCA-compliant exporters, the effective tariff rate on goods shipped to the U.S. is now near zero; 3.74%, to be precise. Compare that to the 23.4% effective rate on China, or the 7.19% global average. Mexico, paradoxically, ended up in a more competitive position after the tariff shock than before it. Remember: the absolute value of tariffs is not as important as their relative value compared to your competitors.
So, yes, exports and imports are increasing, but is it just more of the same or has something changed?
The king is dead. Long live the data center
For 30 years, one product category ruled Mexican exports without interruption: automobiles and auto parts. That era just ended.
In the first half of 2026, computer-related exports from Mexico reached $87 billion — a 280% increase from the same period a year earlier. That places computing equipment ahead of automobiles and auto parts, which generated $74.9 billion over the same six months.
For the first time in three decades, the king was dethroned — not by another car, but by a server rack.
The AI revolution is not only the usage and high dependency on Claude, ChatGPT and its friends. It’s the physical machines that make it possible. Mexico is now building them, or at least assembling them… Wait, who’s that guy over there? Taiwan?
Who invited Taiwan to the party?
How did Mexico pivot from autoparts to data processing machines in a year? The answer has two parts, and one of them is uncomfortable.
The first part is legitimate: Mexico has the installed manufacturing capacity — the plants, the workers, the logistics — to pivot from manufacturing one type of electronic component to another. Tijuana is increasingly positioned as a semiconductor ecosystem hub, serving U.S. technology and electronics manufacturing. Ciudad Juárez, Guadalajara and Tijuana are the capitals of Mexico’s electronics industry. Adaptability and resilience at their core.
The second part is where it gets complicated. In the first five months of 2026, Mexican exports of AI-related electronic inputs climbed 313% compared to the same period the previous year. But a significant share of the inputs behind that growth is not North American — it’s Taiwanese.Mexico’s imports from Taiwan surged 256% last year, and the intensity of it is climbing this year. U.S. imports from Taiwan increased in a similar proportion. The only difference is that the U.S. imports 200 billion; Mexico 1.7 billion (118x less).
Mexico is, in many instances, assembling and integrating components that arrive from Asia, then shipping the finished product north. That’s not nothing — assembly creates jobs and keeps supply chains on this side of the Pacific. But it’s not the same as manufacturing a vertical regional integrated supply chain. And it’s exactly the distinction that the USMCA review negotiations will eventually force us to confront, through stricter rules of origin and regional value content requirements.
So what comes next?
The shift from automotive to electronics is probably unstoppable at this point. But it brings real complications that nobody is talking about enough.
Automotive is labor-intensive. Electronics, much less so. The car industry has been the poster child of North American regional integration — entire communities built around plants, supplier networks spanning three countries, millions of jobs at every skill level. The electronics and data center supply chain doesn’t replicate that model. It employs fewer people, requires different skills and, for now, depends heavily on inputs from the other side of the world.
AI data centers are also strongly dependent on energy and water. If North America is serious about building this supply chain regionally, we need to invest heavily in energy capacity. This isn’t a nice-to-have. Computers and related electronic equipment already account for much of the increase in AI-related trade, becoming a key driver of U.S.-Mexico commerce. The infrastructure demands will only grow from here.
North America must also work on reducing its dependence on Taiwan — without getting into why, the geopolitical logic is self-evident. The goal has to be a regional co-production platform that genuinely aggregates value in the electronics supply chain and creates high-quality jobs across the three countries, not just assembly operations dependent on Asian inputs.
Lavoisier was right: matter is never created or destroyed, only transformed.North American supply chains are transforming at a speed that few predicted and even fewer have fully processed. The question is not whether the transformation happens. The question is whether we get ahead to make the most of it, or we end up being just spectators.
Special thanks to Arturo Martinez who worked on the graphs and gave me valuable insights.
Pedro Casas Alatriste is the Executive Vice President and CEO of the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico (AmCham). Previously, he has been the Director of Research and Public Policy at the US-Mexico Foundation in Washington, D.C. and the Coordinator of International Affairs at the Business Coordinating Council (CCE). He has also served as a consultant to the Inter-American Development Bank.
"The classroom shouldn't be a space of differentiation regarding who has more and who has less," Sheinbaum said on Monday. (Házel Cardenas/Presidencia)
Sheinbaum’s mañanera in 60 seconds
🎒28 million students head back to class: President Sheinbaum held her Monday mañanera at a Mexico City secondary school as the 2026-27 school year began for 28 million students and over 1.6 million teachers nationwide.
💵Universal scholarship coverage for primary students: Delgado said all public primary school students received the Rita Cetina scholarship — a one-off payment of 2,500 pesos (US $147). He highlighted that it is “the first school year” with full scholarship coverage for public school students. Sheinbaum said the goal is to ensure “nobody leaves school for an economic reason.”
📱National cell phone rules coming for schools: Education Minister Mario Delgado said 565,396 teachers completed a survey on device use at school, with 81% favoring “guidelines and rules” for safe use. Sheinbaum said that national rules will be set at an upcoming meeting of all state education ministers.
Why today’s mañanera matters
Education was the key focus at President Sheinbaum’s Monday morning press conference as the 2026-27 school year starts today.
The new academic year is starting amid an ongoing debate about the use of electronic devices, social media and artificial intelligence tools by Mexican children and teenagers. Earlier this month, Sheinbaum told reporters that she is not in favor of enacting a ban on the use of social media by teenagers under a certain age.
However, she is in favor of regulating, via federal legislation, the use of cell phones in schools. Sheinbam noted on Aug. 17 that cell phone use in classrooms is already banned in half of Mexico’s 32 federal entities.
At today’s mañanera, Education Minister Mario Delgado provided a summary of the results of a survey in which teachers were asked to offer their views about students’ use of phones and other electronic devices at schools.
Delgado also highlighted that the families of public primary school students have received a payment from the government to assist them with educational expenses.
In a nutshell, today’s mañanera — held at a school in Mexico City — was significant as the government sought to show that it is committed to supporting the nation’s children and adolescents on their educational journeys, and protecting them from risks associated with the use of social media and electronic devices.
28 million students return to school
Sheinbaum noted that she was holding her Monday morning press conference at the No. 10 “Artes Gráficas” secondary school in the Mexico City neighborhood of Doctores, located in the Cuauhtémoc borough.
“With a lot of affection, we say hello to all the young people … who are here with us and to the millions of girls, boys and adolescents who are starting classes today,” she said.
President Sheinbaum gave her morning presser among students of the No. 10 “Artes Gráficas” school in Mexico City — a first day of school to remember — where she also presented the “ABC of Emotions,” a new guidebook and educational campaign to help students manage their mental health, identify warning signs and engage responsibly with digital technologies. (Házel Cardenas/Presidencia)
Sheinbaum noted that a total of 28 million students across Mexico are starting the new school year on Monday.
After the president’s opening remarks, Mexico’s national anthem played and students from “Artes Gráficas” performed the Mexican flag ceremony.
Delgado: All public primary school students received a government scholarship
Delgado told reporters that more than 1.6 million teachers across Mexico are also starting the new school year on Monday.
“We’re very happy about this return [to school] because it’s different,” the education minister said, highlighting that all public primary school students received the Rita Cetina government scholarship to assist them with their education expenses.
“Nearly 10 million girls and boys have a scholarship,” Delgado said, referring to public primary school students.
He noted that students at public secondary and high schools also receive government scholarships.
“This is the first school year in which we have universal coverage,” Delgado said.
Delgado: More than 500,000 teachers completed a questionnaire about students’ use of cell phones at school
Delgado told reporters that 565,396 teachers last week completed an online questionnaire about students’ use of cell phones and other electronic devices at school.
He said that 81% of those teachers are in favor of there being “guidelines and rules to guarantee the safe use [of devices] for educational purposes.”
Delgado highlighted that 48% of surveyed teachers said that students’ use of devices, including smartwatches, makes it difficult to maintain their attention in the classroom.
He also noted that almost 40% of surveyed teachers said that “conflicts” between students that began on social media are “transferred” to schools.
Delgado also said that 51% of surveyed teachers are in favor of the establishment of “protocols to attend to situations of risk” related to students’ use of electronic devices and the internet. He said that a majority of teachers are also in favor of schools reaching agreements with parents “so that they also help with this issue regarding access to technology.”
Sheinbaum says teacher and student participation in determining cell phone rules and social media regulation is ‘very important’
After acknowledging that the social media company Meta has to pay “a very significant amount” — US $18 billion — to U.S. states and territories to resolve claims that Facebook and Instagram harmed children, Sheinbaum said it is “true” that social media is a source of “messages of hate” and “abuse.” In addition, it “causes addiction,” she said.
Sheinbaum subsequently said that the participation of teachers and students in the consultation process ahead of the formulation of regulations on the use of cell phones in schools and young people’s social media use is “very important.”
“As of now, 81% of teachers agree that cell phones shouldn’t be used during class time and break times,” she said.
At an upcoming meeting of “all education ministers” — i.e. Delgado and the ministers of all 32 federal entities — a national rule regarding cell phone use at schools “will be determined,” the president said.
Sheinbaum: We don’t want anyone to leave school for an economic reason
Near the end of today’s mañanera, Sheinbaum said that the reason for providing scholarships to all public primary students was to ensure that they have “the bare minimum” they need for school — i.e., “uniforms, classroom materials and shoes.”
“That puts … [them] on an equal footing in the classroom,” she said.
“The classroom shouldn’t be a space of differentiation regarding who has more and who has less,” Sheinbaum said.
“… We don’t want anyone to leave school for an economic reason,” she added.
The firearms bust was a joint operation led by the Federal Attorney General’s Office (FGR) and its Criminal Investigation Agency (AIC). (FGR)
Federal agents intercepted three gun-runners just south of the U.S. border, resulting in the seizure of an arsenal of high-powered weapons hidden in two tractor-trailers that had crossed into Mexico from Texas.
Security Minister Omar García Harfuch issued a statement early Monday describing the bust of 210 firearms as a joint operation led by the Federal Attorney General’s Office and its Criminal Investigation Agency.
En Sabinas Hidalgo, Nuevo León, elementos de la Agencia de Investigación Criminal de la @FGRMexico, en coordinación con @Defensamx, @SEMAR_mx, @SSPCMexico y @GN_MEXICO_, detuvieron a tres personas que transportaban desde Texas, Estados Unidos, un arsenal de alto poder destinado a… pic.twitter.com/DwMLc8goa3
In coordination with members of the Defense Ministry, the Navy, the Security Ministry and the National Guard, the three suspects were detained on the Nuevo Laredo-Monterrey highway near Sabinas Hidalgo, Nuevo León, 137 kilometers south of Laredo, Texas.
“This action was the result of intelligence and investigative efforts to identify and dismantle the routes used to illegally introduce weapons into our country,” García Harfuch said.
With the confiscation of the weapons — 195 long guns, 15 short guns and an undisclosed amount of magazines — federal authorities have now seized more than 30,000 firearms since President Claudia Sheinbaum took office on Oct. 1, 2024.
“Shared responsibility demands curbing drug trafficking to the United States, but also stopping, with equal firmness, the flow of weapons from the United States to Mexico,” García Harfuch said.
The exact location of the incident was not publicly stated, but U.S. Maj. Gen. Curtis Taylor, commander of Joint Task Force-Southern Border, expressed gratitude to his Mexican counterparts.
“We greatly appreciate the support of our Mexican Army partners as we work together to combat this threat to the border region,” he said.
Why would a woman decide to fake a pregnancy and see it through to its ultimate consequences?
This is the central question that Chilean director Maite Alberdi — an Oscar nominee for “The Mole Agent” and “The Eternal Memory” — sets out to answer in “Un Hijo Propio,” or “A Child of My Own,” a Chilean-Mexican coproduction and Alberdi’s first project shot outside her home country.
Recently released on Netflix, “A Child of My Own” chronicles real events that took place in Mexico City in 2009.
The story follows Eleonor Alejandra Marín Mendoza, a young woman who pretends to be pregnant for months and ultimately kidnaps a newborn baby to sustain her lie. It is a crime that still shocks Mexico, and for which Marín served more than 13 years in the Santa Martha Acatitla prison.
Unlike conventional true crime, which often revels in sensationalism, this 96-minute documentary takes a more human and intimate approach. Through a structure that combines reenactments and real testimonies, the film chooses to explore the sociological and psychological causes of the event.
Or, as Alberdi said in an interview with Marie Claire, “I was never interested in making a film focused solely on what happened, but rather in trying to understand the ‘whys’: what personal, family, and social context lies behind their decisions.”
Widely acclaimed by international critics, “A Child of My Own” is already emerging as a strong favorite to represent Mexico at the upcoming Goya and Oscar awards.
If you haven’t added it to your streaming list yet, here are four compelling reasons not to miss it.
A Child of My Own | Official Trailer | Netflix
1. A documentary that surpasses any fiction
The first reason to get hooked on this documentary is its plot: a true story that captivates with its almost unbelievable scope.
The film traces the married life of Eleonor Alejandra Marín Mendoza, also known as Ale, with a sensitive performance by Ana Celeste Montalvo in the dramatized segments, and portrays a young woman whose identity has been completely reduced to her reproductive role. Somewhere between the absurd and the tragic, we witness a farce that defies all logic.
Like many Mexican women, Alejandra always dreamed of a traditional home and a family full of children. With that goal in mind, she marries Arturo Calderón Gamiño (played by Armando Espitia) at a young age, but her plans are thwarted when she suffers several miscarriages.
As if that weren’t enough, she is forced to cope with an increasingly hostile environment, especially since her husband blames her for the losses and rejects the idea of adoption.
Under pressure from her suffocating family and her own desire, Alejandra hides her miscarriage and pretends she’s still expecting a baby. To keep up the charade, she drastically changes her routine: she gains weight to simulate a growing belly, obtains fake ultrasound images at her workplace and organizes her own baby shower.
Against all odds, her scheme seems to finally come to fruition when she meets a pregnant woman willing to give up her newborn, and they reach an informal agreement. But, as is often the case with lies, the situation eventually spirals out of control, and the documentary takes a surprising turn.
Revealing exactly what happens would spoil the key plot twists. What we can tell you is that Alberdi dissects the anatomy of the farce, showing how a lie and a mental health crisis escalate into a serious crime.
One of the documentary’s more striking moments comes from Alejandra, who sums up her tragedy: “I was afraid that [Arturo] would leave me because I hadn’t been able to become a mother, and that I would be singled out and judged. In the end, I was judged for something much worse.”
The protagonist of the film Eleonor Alejandra Marín Mendoza. (Luis Antonio Rojas/Netflix)
2. A narrative structure that breaks the mold
Another reason to watch “A Child of My Own” is its narrative structure: a bold blend of dramatizations and real-life testimonies. Overall, this project differs from Alberdi’s previous works in that it is divided into two distinct sections that play with the viewer’s expectations.
The film begins with the casting call to select the actress who will play Alejandra. From there, the first half unfolds as a traditional fictional drama. Through the use of professional actors and meticulous staging, this section reconstructs the events from the protagonist’s perspective. It’s a practical tool for understanding how social pressure and the trauma of failed pregnancies led her to mental dissociation and the creation of a parallel reality in front of her family.
Among them are Alejandra herself, her husband Arturo, Judge Taissia Cruz Parcero, and Mayra Navarro, the mother of the abducted child. The film’s hybrid nature requires the viewer to confront a woman in crisis before unpacking the structural causes of the problem.
3. Alberdi’s judicious direction
The third reason to watch this documentary is Alberdi’s judicious direction, as she intelligently distances herself from the sensationalism that often plagues the true crime genre. Instead of seeking visual impact or exploiting the scandal, the Chilean filmmaker’s camerawork stands out for its maturity, compassion and respect.
Alberdi masterfully walks a fine line: she films her subject with profound humanity, yet without ever justifying the crime or glossing over the gravity of the theft. The director delivers a well-rounded work that trusts the viewer, demonstrating that documentary film is not meant to condemn, but to help us understand the most complex dimensions of the human condition.
Historically, Latin American society — and especially Mexico — has demanded that women fulfill the maternal role. When a woman does not have children, it is common for those around her to judge her and make her feel incomplete or dysfunctional.
“A Child of My Own” shows the consequences that this cultural mandate can entail. Without resorting to simplistic judgments, the documentary analyzes the reproductive expectations placed on women.
Rather than simply recounting the kidnapping, the film strives to shed light on the cultural forces and the familial and institutional negligence, such as the lack of psychological support following pregnancy loss, that contributed to the crime.
In this case, Alejandra resorts to lying to protect herself from the constant rejection of those around her and from her own sense of failure as a woman and a wife.
“Of course, Alejandra committed a crime; of course, she had to go to prison. But at the same time, she is a victim of the system. She is a victim of her family,” Alberdi told the BBC in an interview.
Undoubtedly, one of the greatest strengths of this film lies in its ability to shake the viewer with pressing questions: Why is a woman’s worth still reduced to her reproductive capacity? And, above all, what are we doing to change this collective reality?
Carolina Alvarado is a Venezuelan journalist who has devoted much of her career to creative writing, university teaching and social work. She has been published in Lady Science, Latina Media, Global Comment, Psiquide, Cinetopic, Get Me Giddy and Reader’s Digest, among others.
Charrería in Mexico is long and storied. Speaking of stories, it's a stranger one than you might think. (File Photo)
Charrería, Mexico’s national sport, is a unique competitive equestrian tradition deeply associated with Mexican identity. Mexico was home to the first cowboys, and the charro suit, since adopted by mariachis, remains one of the most iconic symbols by which Mexico is recognized around the globe.
Unlike popular traditions like Day of the Dead, which have deep roots in Indigenous heritage, charrería is a product of cultural syncretism. It emerged from the combination of European influences and native traditions. However, it also blended European fashion, ranching practices and local ingenuity, creating something distinctly Mexican.
Charrería is Mexico’s national sport. (Gobierno de Mexico)
Of all these influences, two stand out. The fashion preferences of Emperor Maximilian of Habsburg and the strong fibers of a plant known as henequén. While seemingly unrelated, these two elements shaped the ranching lifestyle of charrería and the competitive spirit that followed, producing a lasting legacy.
Let’s explore how a plant and an Emperor influenced one of Mexico’s most cherished traditions.
Henequén in Yucatán
“Perhaps the most important single local contribution to charrería is the henequén rope,” Chuy Mora, a third-generation charro in Guadalajara and founder of Entre Charros cultural experiences, told me. “Without henequén ropes, we wouldn’t have charrería as we have it today.”
Henequén is a strong, natural fiber extracted from the leaves of an agave plant native to the Yucatán Peninsula. Known as “ki” in the Mayan language, the native communities used henequén fibers to produce ropes and twine, among other goods.
The ropes used by the natives were stronger and lighter than those traditionally used in Europe, which were mostly made from local plant fibers like hemp and flax. While strong and flexible, they would break easily.
“Although rope had always existed, the materials were very weak, and the result was a weak and thin rope which was very difficult to wield,” Mora said.
Henequén had a profound influence on the charrería. (Gobierno de Mexico)
When the Spanish conquistadores arrived in Mexico and discovered the benefits of henequén, they established a large agro-industry around it. During the 19th and 20th centuries, it was exported in large quantities from Yucatán to the United States and Europe, to support commercial goods like sacks, bags and rugs — in addition to cords and ropes.
The effect of henequén on cattle ranching
Just as henequén ropes held ships steady on the high seas and tied down crops in the fields, they also supported the evolution of charrería. The cattle sector, in particular, not only benefited from henequén ropes but changed dramatically because of them.
“Henequén revolutionized cattle management because the rope wouldn’t break when roping an animal,” Mora pointed out. “It also revolutionized the saddle. From being made of straw or leather, they had to add a wooden frame that could withstand the rope tie. It revolutionized livestock farming worldwide.”
The suertes (“chances” or “luck”) charros perform in today’s charrería competitions, which replicate the techniques ranchers traditionally use to manage their cattle, were made possible by henequén. Without it, the skills charros use today to wield ropes wouldn’t exist.
“Thanks to henequén, ranchers developed new skills in handling the rope that were not possible before,” Mora said.
The popularity of henequén eventually decreased after synthetic fibers were invented in the 20th century. But its long-lasting impacts cannot be overstated.
Maximilian’s influence on the charro suit
Maximilian, the short-lived Habsburg Emperor, helped to popularize the charro suit in Mexico. (Public Domain)
Over a century and a half ago, Mexico was ruled by Austrian Archduke Maximilian of Habsburg and his wife Carlota, during a period known as the Second Mexican Empire. Although they reigned for only a short period of time (1864-1867), Maximilian and Carlota left a lasting impact on Mexico’s culture. One of these influences was the charro outfit, significantly shaped by Maximilian’s fashion preferences.
“Maximilian didn’t want to impose European fashion in Mexico,” Mora said. “Rather, he wanted to reach out to the people and project an image of a popular emperor.”
Instead of wearing rigid European uniforms when he toured the country, Maximilian adopted and promoted the dress of Mexican hacendados (landowners), which blended Spanish and local elements.
Until then, the charro attire was practical and more closely tied to the countryside and ranch life. It was the dress workers would wear during fieldwork. Under Maximilian and Carlota, the suit became a prestigious fashion item. So much so that the upper classes began wearing it, too. Thus it soon acquired an air of aristocratic elegance at receptions, parties and parades.
Nearly a century later, during Mexico’s Golden Age of Cinema, the image of the charro was deeply cemented in the collective imagination through legendary figures like Jorge Negrete and Pedro Infante. Their performances, often wearing the charro dress inspired by Maximilian, turned charros into a cultural icon. These movie stars embodied a proud, romantic, and distinctly masculine ideal of Mexican identity.
The cultural legacy of mariachis
This ideal traveled the world thanks to the mariachi, who adopted the charro suit early in the 20th century.
Coplas (Remasterizado) - Jorge Negrete y Pedro Infante Full HD
“The mariachi of Justo Villa, made up of four musicians, was originally from Cocula, Jalisco. When Porfirio Díaz visited the hacienda of La Sauceda, he heard them play and took them with him to Mexico City,” Mora explained. “From there, they were sent to a fair in Chicago, and they sent them dressed in charro suits. This was the beginning of their international fame.”
The charro suit remains Mexico’s most emblematic dress. It is made up of a short jacket, fitted trousers with silver buttons, a white cotton shirt, a bow tie, a wide-brimmed sombrero and ankle boots. Depending on the occasion, a charro can choose from three versions. There’s the work suit, the half-gala suit, and the gala suit. However, mariachis always wear the gala suit.
Gabriela Solis is a Mexican lawyer turned full-time writer. She was born and raised in Guadalajara and covers business, culture, lifestyle and travel for Mexico News Daily. You can follow her lifestyle blog Dunas y Palmeras.
As a preventative to potential illegal immigration, the U.S. has asked Mexico to keep its citizens from looking at the border. (This image was generated using AI tools)
WASHINGTON, District of Columbia — Following high-level security talks in Washington on Thursday, U.S. officials formally requested that the Mexican government enact a nationwide buffer zone preventing its own citizens from coming within line-of-sight distance of the international boundary, foreign ministry sources confirmed.
The request, presented by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio to Mexican Foreign Affairs Minister Roberto Velasco, would require an estimated 12 million residents of border communities to either relocate inland or close their eyes whenever facing north.
Although Mexico would not agree to preventing its citizens from even looking at the border, it did agree to install topes on northern-facing footpaths to make approaching the boundary slightly more inconvenient. (This image was generated using AI tools)
According to delegates familiar with the private meeting, U.S. negotiators expressed concern that the mere physical presence of Mexican citizens on Mexican soil creates an operational hazard for illegal immigration.
“The fundamental issue is proximity,” said a senior U.S. official who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomatic protocol. “When a Mexican citizen stands on a sidewalk in Ciudad Juárez and looks across the river, it creates an atmosphere of potential movement. We are simply asking Mexico to manage its geography in a way that aligns with our political preferences.”
Under the proposed bilateral security framework, Mexican authorities would establish a 15-kilometer “Visual Exclusion Zone” along the northern frontier. Municipal planners in Tijuana are reportedly evaluating giant canvas curtains to obscure views of San Diego, while residents of Nogales may soon be required to submit weekly affidavits certifying they have no immediate plans to walk in a northerly direction.
Ministry officials reportedly countered by offering to install topes on northern-pointing footpaths, noting that bilateral cooperation has already yielded historic reductions in cross-border foot traffic.
The diplomatic friction comes despite public statements from both governments praising recent progress on counter-narcotics and security integration. In a post on X following the bilateral summit, Velasco noted that existing security cooperation schemes have “yielded the best results in the region,” though he did not clarify whether those results included the eventual depopulation of northern Mexico.
U.S. officials remain hopeful that a compromise can be reached before the upcoming fiscal quarter, proposing that Mexican citizens wishing to live near the border apply for a special domestic presence permit certifying that their proximity is entirely coincidental.
