5 questions about Mexico-US relations with Mexico Institute Director Lila Abed

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July 25, 2024

Lila Abed, director of the Mexico Institute and expert in Mexico-U.S. relations, speaks on stage at a Wilson Center event. — Mexico Institute Director Lila Abed. (Courtesy)

Lila Abed, director of the Mexico Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington, D.C., is an international relations specialist with extensive experience in government and media affairs.

As both Mexico and the United States face presidential and administrative transitions, Abed answered questions from MND Chief News Editor Kate Bohné about this key moment for Mexico-U.S. relations.

Immigration has been a hot topic in this volatile U.S. election campaign, while Mexico is also continuing to see record numbers of migrants and asylum-seekers. How do you think Sheinbaum’s policies might differ from AMLO’s when it comes to migration and border security?

President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum’s 100-point government plan provides few, but important proposals to deal with the waves of migrants that are entering the country with hopes of reaching the United States. One of the fundamental issues on the U.S.-Mexico bilateral agenda is migration, and depending on who wins the White House on Nov. 5, leaders on both sides of the border will have to establish new guidelines on immigration matters.

Current migration trends pose a risk for both nations. Mexico is no longer just a transit country; it has gradually become a destination country for migrants. According to data from Mexico’s Ministry of the Interior and U.N. Migration, in 2022, Mexican authorities registered 444,109 encounters with individuals in an irregular migration situation. In 2023, encounters soared to 782,176, an increase of 77% compared to the previous year and the highest number recorded in the country. In this sense, Mexico and the United States are grappling with similar migration patterns, and both countries will have to deepen bilateral — and regional — cooperation to confront growing migratory flows.

Sheinbaum’s political platform and government plan do not offer a comprehensive strategy to address migration flows in the country. It calls for improving the institutional structure, political coordination, and increasing resources to deal with migrants. It also seeks to create a permanent mechanism that establishes closer cooperation with the countries in the region to address the root causes of migration, with a particular focus on human rights.

The Sheinbaum administration is likely to maintain López Obrador’s policies on managing migration flows in cooperation with the United States. In various public statements, Sheinbaum has stated that she plans to ask the United States to invest more resources to address the root causes that drive migration. Sheinbaum, like AMLO, believes that poverty is the key driver of migration and plans to ask for more U.S. economic assistance to Central America and others through support of Mexico’s social programs. That said, Sheinbaum’s six-year term will depend greatly on the guidelines set by the next president of the United States on this matter.

A migrant caravan arriving in Tapachula, Chiapas on Sunday — A group of migrants neared the southern Mexican city of Tapachula on Sunday. Sheinbaum, like AMLO, has identified poverty as a key cause of migration and designed policies based on that idea. (Damián Sánchez/Cuartoscuro)

As fentanyl continues to cause an epidemic of overdoses in the U.S., and is also on the rise in parts of Mexico, how do you think Sheinbaum’s administration will differ (or not) from AMLO’s in its approach to security collaboration with the U.S.?

Claudia Sheinbaum’s proposed security strategy could potentially differ from her soon-to-be predecessor’s “hugs not bullets” strategy by strengthening intelligence gathering and better coordination among all agencies responsible for upholding Mexico’s security. Mexico’s first female president plans to combat insecurity through the creation of a National Intelligence System, which hopes to coordinate the military, civilian forces, financial agencies, as well as the judicial branch. It also seeks to enhance the investigation capabilities of local police forces.

Her strategy aims to stop the illicit flow of arms into the country through ports of entry at the U.S. southern border (70% of arms enter through these ports). To combat illicit financing networks, Sheinbaum hopes to combat criminal organizations by having the Intelligence Financial Unit, the Ministry of Public Citizen Security and the Attorney General’s office work closer together.

Essentially, she proposes better coordination between municipal, state and federal security agencies. Her plan also seeks to implement prevention programs for youth that are vulnerable to joining organized crime groups through a program that she implemented during her tenure as Mexico City Mayor called “Youth Unite Neighborhoods,” which focuses on individuals ages 12 to 29 living in communities with high levels of crime and violence.

AMLO stands at a podium hugging himself — Sheinbaum may diverge from President López Obrador’s “hugs not bullets” strategy by focusing on intelligence gathering. (File photo)

Despite these changes, Sheinbaum has committed to continue consolidating the AMLO-created National Guard under the Ministry of Defense, potentially deepening what many experts have called the militarization of former civilian security forces and consequently, diminishing opportunities for deeper cooperation with U.S. security agencies.

AMLO’s proposed judicial reform and other constitutional and legal reforms, which he hopes to approve in September, could also prove detrimental to Sheinbaum’s incoming administration.

How do you think Sheinbaum’s cabinet appointments thus far have been viewed by Washington?

Many of Claudia Sheinbaum’s cabinet appointments have been well-received by Washington. The designation of Marcelo Ebrard as Secretary of Economy and Juan Ramón de la Fuente as Secretary of Foreign Relations sends a positive signal to Mexico’s top trading partner that Sheinbaum’s government is serious about deepening and strengthening trade relations with its North American partners ahead of the 2026 USMCA review.

Both Ebrard and De la Fuente will be tasked with responding to pending trade disputes against Mexico under USMCA, as well as attracting more foreign direct investment (FDI) by taking advantage of the nearshoring phenomenon. A key individual responsible for attracting FDI to Mexico is Altagracia Gómez, who will lead the newly created Council for Regional Development and the Relocation of Companies.

Another key appointment was Alicia Bárcena as Secretary of Environment and Natural Resources, an issue that is of particular interest to U.S. policymakers and U.S. companies. The continuation of Rogelio Ramírez de la O as Secretary of Finance and Public Credit signals stability and certainty for sound economic management.

Marcelo Ebrard speaks at a press conference — The appointments of Marcelo Ebrard and Juan Ramón de la Fuente signal that Mexico is serious about strengthening relations with the U.S. and Canada, Lila Abed says. (Cuartoscuro)

What do you see as the biggest challenges for Mexico ahead of the USMCA review in 2026?

According to the USCMA, the governments of Mexico, Canada and the United States agreed to convene six years after its entry into force (July 1, 2020) to assess the effectiveness of the Agreement, consider recommendations of action raised by any of the three parties, and decide how to best address the issues posed.

The USMCA has so far produced remarkable results, with a 50% increase in the trade of goods and services within North America and a 136% growth in investment. It has created and supported millions of jobs and has successfully addressed multiple trade disputes through dispute settlements mechanisms embedded in the Agreement. In 2023, Mexico became the U.S.’ top trading partner, with two-way trade totaling just shy of US $800 billion, surpassing Canada and China. The USMCA’s legal and regulatory framework has instilled certainty, predictability and clear rules for all three parties involved.

The 2026 USMCA review could entail a rather difficult process. With presidential elections coinciding in Mexico and the United States, and with national elections occurring in Canada, how the review unfolds will largely depend on how the leaders of all three nations approach the review process. There are pending trade disputes that the U.S. and Canada presented against Mexico’s biotech/GMO corn and energy policies.

The increasing presence of China in Mexico is also a cause of concern for policymakers, legislators and private sector representatives in the United States. Regardless of who wins the White House in November, USMCA issues, including Mexico’s position on labor, energy, and agriculture and Canada’s position on dairy, digital tax, and others, will certainly be points of contention for the next U.S. president.

Canada and Mexico presented a trade dispute against the United States for its strict interpretation of certain automotive rules of origin that was inconsistent with the USMCA. The panel agreed with Mexico and Canada and the U.S. is expected to remedy its position or face suspension of benefits by its North American partners. It is fundamental that all parties comply with the outcomes of USMCA dispute settlement mechanisms to maintain confidence in USMCA rules and provide predictability and certainty to traders and investors. Failure to do so could disincentivize other parties found in violation of the USMCA from adopting measures to reverse non-conformity measures, potentially undermining a sound implementation of the Agreement.

A Mexican farmer checks an ear of corn, representing the tension that GM corn policy has cause in Mexico-U.S. relations. — Mexico’s plan to phase out imports of GM corn and it’s national energy policy have triggered disagreements within the USMCA accord, as has the U.S.’ interpretation of automotive rules of origin. (Government of Mexico)

The review process could also serve as a unique opportunity for all three governments to address issues not included in the USMCA, like developing a digital regulation framework for artificial intelligence, cybersecurity [or] expanding the Environmental Chapter, among others. Deepening North America integration is essential to strengthen the region’s competitiveness vis-à-vis other global trading powers.

What are you most optimistic about in U.S.-Mexico relations in the next five years? What are you most concerned about?

The U.S.-Mexico relationship is unique to others around the world as it affects the daily lives of millions of people living on both sides of the border. The scope of bilateral relations between the United States and Mexico is broad and deep, bound by strong geographical, historical, cultural and commercial ties. Strengthening cooperation on all issues on the bilateral agenda, including migration, security, and trade, is essential for advancing the individual and mutual interests of both nations. The U.S. and Mexico are deeply intertwined, interconnected, and interdependent, and only through deeper and broader collaboration efforts will they be able to achieve a stronger bilateral relationship and a prosperous and competitive North America.

As in any relationship between neighbors, disagreements are bound to happen, but the next leaders of both countries will be responsible for working together to resolve their differences. Potential issues of concern, as previously mentioned, are resolving pending trade disputes and China’s investment in Mexico ahead of the 2026 USMCA review, the increasing flow of migrants into Mexico and the United States and rebuilding mutual trust between U.S. and Mexican security agencies.

Mexico News Daily

New direct flight connecting Los Angeles and La Paz to launch this fall

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MND Staff

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July 25, 2024

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An Alaska Airlines plane taking off over the Los Angeles city skyline — An Alaska Airlines plane leaving Los Angeles International Airport (LAX). The airlines will begin flights two days a week between LAX and La Paz International Airport starting in November. (Minh K Tran/Shutterstock)

Alaska Airlines is launching a new nonstop flight between La Paz International Airport (LAP) in the Mexican state of Baja California and Los Angeles International Airport (LAX) starting Nov. 20.

Flights will depart on Wednesdays and Saturdays from Los Angeles at 10:45 a.m. and land in La Paz at 2:12 p.m. The return flight will depart La Paz at 3:02 p.m. and land in Los Angeles at 4:41 pm.

The front entrance to the La Paz, Baja California, international airport, with cars parked in front of the entrance. — The newly announced flight route will be the only direct route offered by a U.S. carrier from a United States city to La Paz. (Fideicomiso de Turismo de La Paz)

Starting in 2025, the service will increase to three weekly flights on Mondays, Fridays and Saturdays.

The new route will make Alaska Airlines the only United States carrier offering direct flights from a U.S. city to La Paz.

“During the winter months, our guests search for warm-weather travel destinations,” Alaska Airlines said in a statement, adding that the new route “caters to that demand by offering our guests the perfect escape to sunny skies, a vibrant city experience and warm hospitality,”

The airline also announced this week the launch of a new direct route between LAX and the northern city of Monterrey, beginning in February.

Baja California Sur Governor Víctor Manuel Castro Cosío celebrated the news of the connection to Los Angeles saying the new flight would boost tourism to La Paz from the United States and other parts of the world.

The La Paz airport has had a busy year so far. According to a report by the Pacific Airport Group (GAP), the airport saw a 19% annual increase in passenger traffic in the first quarter of 2024, with a record number of 275,000 passengers.

“This achievement stems from two important efforts,” head of LAP Blanca Sarahí Castro Araiza said. “First, the consolidation of the city as a relevant tourist and business destination, and the significant investments that GAP is making [to the airport].”

La Paz is a popular destination as a gateway to the Gulf of California, which is home to one of the most biodiverse marine ecosystems in the world.

With reports from El Economista and BCS Noticias

The freedom seekers who fled the Trail of Tears for a better life in Mexico

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Sandra Gancz Kahan

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July 25, 2024

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cdi-cruz-hector-lopez-guerrero-2013_013 — A vibrant and resilient Black Seminole community continues in Coahuila, descended from families who fled the United States in the 1840s. (Gobierno de México)

In the arid landscapes of northern Mexico lies a community with a remarkable history. The Mascogos are descendants of warriors who fled slavery in the United States and found sanctuary in Mexico.

The story of the Mascogos begins in what is now the United States, when many enslaved Africans fled to Spanish Florida to escape slavery and live among the Seminole people. This alliance, based on mutual support and shared struggles, gave rise to mixed marriages that eventually produced the Black Seminoles. This unique community combined African and Native American cultural features.

The Seminole Wars

An 1858 depiction of a Black Seminole. (Wikimedia Commons)

The United States’ expansion and acquisition of Florida from Spain in 1821 brought renewed threats for the Black Seminoles. For years, the Black Seminoles and their allies fought valiantly against the U.S. government’s efforts to enslave them. They became known for their fierce resistance during the Seminole Wars between 1816 and 1858, the longest and most costly wars the United States ever fought against Native Americans.

The Indian Removal Act of 1830 demanded that the Seminoles and their Black allies move to Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma. Faced with relentless military campaigns and the destruction of their villages and crops, many were forced to surrender, while others sought alternative means to survive. The answer to where they could find a safe haven lay just to the south.

The route to peace and freedom

Faced with relentless persecution and the threat of re-enslavement, the Black Seminoles sought refuge beyond U.S. borders. In 1849, they set out on a treacherous journey across the vast and hostile Texas landscape, guided by the hope of finding freedom in Mexico, a nation that had abolished slavery 20 years earlier.

They crossed all of Texas to reach what they called the “river of freedom”: the Rio Grande. After months of hardship and uncertainty, the Black Seminoles finally reached the Sabinas River near Múzquiz, Coahuila.

El Nacimiento de los Negros

When the Black Seminoles reached Coahuila, they made a deal with the Mexican government for land in exchange for their military assistance. Mexico welcomed their help in protecting its northern border from the Lipan Apache and Comanche. The Black Seminoles, with their experience in warfare, were seen as valuable allies in securing Mexico’s north. In 1850, they established the community of El Nacimiento de los Negros.

In Mexico, the Black Seminoles came to be called Mascogos. One theory as to why has to do with how the locals may have understood and pronounced “Muscogee,” the term the Black Seminoles used to refer to their Creole English. The Mexican locals adapted this term to “Mascogos,” which became the name by which they are known today.

El Nacimiento de los Negros remains a vibrant and enduring community. Home to around 60 families, this village is where the Mascogos continue to thrive. The residents maintain their rich cultural heritage, celebrating traditions and customs passed down through generations. Despite the challenges they face, the Mascogos’ strong sense of community and cultural pride keeps El Nacimiento de los Negros a lively and significant place in Mexico’s diverse cultural landscape.

Keeping their culture alive

Every year, El Nacimiento de los Negros celebrates Juneteenth, also known as Freedom Day, which commemorates the proclamation of slavery’s abolition in Galveston, Texas in June 1865. The entire community comes together to organize and participate in the festivities. They are often joined by relatives and friends from the Black Seminole community in Brackettville, Texas. For the Mascogos, Juneteenth is a vibrant expression of their enduring community spirit.

Challenges and recognition

Today, the people of El Nacimiento de los Negros face challenges, but despite this, they have endured for generations. (Gobierno de México)

Despite their long-standing presence and contributions in Mexico, the Mascogos often face social and economic challenges. Their struggle for recognition and equal opportunities continues. Their appearance and unique cultural identity sometimes sets them apart in a society still learning to fully embrace its diverse heritage.

On August 9, 2019, the federal government’s official gazette published a reform to Article 2 of the Constitution which recognizes Afro-Mexican communities as part of Mexico’s pluricultural composition and grants them the same rights as Indigenous communities. This recognition was a significant milestone.

Recognition notwithstanding, economic opportunities are limited, and many community members struggle with poverty and lack of access to essential services. Efforts to preserve their cultural heritage are ongoing, with initiatives to teach the younger generation about their history, language and traditions.

Gertrudis Blues

The Mascogos are beautifully depicted in the documentary “Gertrudis Blues” by Patricia Carrillo. The film evocatively portrays ‘Mamá Getchu,’ an elderly woman known for her strength, clarity, and kindness. Through her story, the documentary captures the memories and traditions of El Nacimiento de los Negros. “Gertrudis Blues” has garnered 15 national and international awards, including a pre-nomination for an Oscar. The film highlights the imminent loss of Mascogo songs, with only a few women still remembering the lyrics and melodies passed down through generations.

The paradox of migration

The Mascogos’ journey to freedom in Mexico is a powerful narrative of hope. However, this story also highlights a striking paradox. While the Mascogos traveled south to escape slavery and find freedom in Mexico, today, thousands of people are making the reverse journey, crossing the Rio Grande in pursuit of opportunities and a better life in the United States.

This twist underscores the shifting dynamics of migration and the enduring quest for freedom and prosperity. The same river that once symbolized liberation for the Mascogos now represents a daunting barrier for many seeking to escape poverty, violence and instability in their home countries.

The Mascogos’ journey from slavery to freedom in Mexico is a significant chapter in the broader history of human rights and cultural diversity that embodies the complex nature of migration and the universal desire for a better life. The story of the Mascogos is a living example of the resilience and determination that continue to inspire us.

Sandra Gancz Kahan is a Mexican writer and translator based in San Miguel de Allende who specializes in mental health and humanitarian aid. She believes in the power of language to foster compassion and understanding across cultures. She can be reached at: [email protected]

Mexican auto parts industry unshaken by Tesla gigafactory news

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MND Staff

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July 25, 2024

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An Audi car body on a production line in a factory in Mexico — Car bodies at an Audi factory in San José Chiapa, Puebla. (Carlos Aranda/Unsplash)

The Mexican automotive industry is taking in stride the news that investment in Tesla’s planned factory in northern Mexico has been paused until after the U.S. presidential election.

During an earnings call on Tuesday, Tesla CEO Elon Musk said the electric vehicle manufacturer had “paused” its project in the state of Nuevo León. Construction of the gigafactory and investments from suppliers would have brought in more than US $15 billion, according to Governor Samuel García.

The National Auto Parts Industry (INA) and the Mexican Auto Dealers Association (AMDA) played down any idea of a crisis, asserting that the Mexican automotive sector is strong. Mexico is the world’s No. 4 auto parts producer and the No. 1 supplier of auto parts to the United States.

“The North American industry supply chain is not based on the eventuality of certain things happening,” INA said in a press release. “Mexico is just as fundamental for U.S. competitiveness as is the United States for us.”

INA reiterated its forecast for historic production levels this year, projecting annual production to exceed US $126 billion. U.S. government data shows that the value of exports of Mexican-made auto parts to the United States increased 9.4% annually in the first four months of 2024, reaching a record high of US $28.37 billion.

Regarding the electric vehicle sector, Mexico boasts more than 100 suppliers which export parts to companies including Tesla in California, Lucid Motors in Arizona and Rivian in Illinois.

Construction begins on infrastructure for Tesla factory in Nuevo León, Mexico. — CEO Elon Musk said Tesla would pause development of its Nuevo León factory, pictured, until after the U.S. election in November. (Samuel García/X)

AMDA president Guillermo Rosales was equally nonplussed, saying Mexico has no reason for alarm over the “pause” in the planned Tesla factory.

“This has more to do with the global electric vehicles market falling below projections made three years ago,” Rosales said. “In addition, with all the competition beginning to emerge from traditional auto manufactures and start-ups as well as Chinese firms, Tesla is seeing its market shrink.”

Rosales noted that there had been no investment beyond surveying and property acquisition on the part of Tesla and a few infrastructure projects completed by the state of Nuevo León.

“How can this be a setback if it didn’t even exist yet?” he said.

Metalsa auto parts manufacturing factory — Mexican auto parts industry leaders expressed that the pause on development of Tesla’s Nuevo León factory was a non-issue, given the importance of the Mexican auto parts industry. (Metalsa Mexico)

INA president Francisco González seconded Rosales’ observation. “The Tesla plant still is just that, a project,” adding that “companies based in North America — and in many other parts of the world — know Mexico is an auto parts supplier. And we continue to supply the domestic sector, too.”

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador dismissed Tesla’s decision as little more than politics and speculation. “This is not serious,” he said Wednesday, citing the U.S. presidential campaign and speculation that former U.S. President Donald Trump would impose tariffs on auto imports from Mexico if he wins in November.

López Obrador said such a move would be impractical since building automobiles entirely in the United States would result in vehicles that are too expensive for U.S. consumers.

“Let’s remember that [Trump] made these statements while campaigning, which usually means it’s just rhetoric,” he said. “But I’m sure Mr. Musk is very familiar with campaign speeches.”

“[Tesla] probably has another business plan,” he added. “Oftentimes these companies play the market. They make a public statement to boost their share price and then move forward with production plans.”

With reports from Fortuna, Forbes México, El Universal and Sin Embargo

Over 500 Chiapas residents flee cartel violence into Guatemala

By

MND Staff

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July 25, 2024

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A long line of Mexican men women and children from Chiapas marching on a highway, holding makeshift cloth signs saying they were forced by violence to flee into Guatemala — Residents of communities in the Chiapas municipalities of Frontera Comalapa and Motozintla de Mendoza who walked from their towns to the Guatemalan border state of Huehuetenango, according to the Guatemalan news agency Prensa Comunitaria Kilometro 169. (Prensa Comunitaria/Facebook)

Hundreds of Mexican families fleeing cartel violence in Mexico’s southern state of Chiapas have sought refuge across the border in Guatemala, Guatemalan President Bernardo Arévalo confirmed Wednesday.

Reports indicate that more than 500 men, women, children and elderly people crossed into Guatemala from Chiapas, settling in communities within the border state of Huehuetenango.

#Chiapas: Así se cruzan convoy de camionetas esta noche en la región de la Sierra y la Frontera. Reportan enfrentamientos en AMATENANGO DE LA FRONTERA. Familias enteras han quedado atrapados en el fuego cruzado. Esta noche es la pesadilla más larga en mucho tiempo que viven… pic.twitter.com/9EzmwS2Zja

— Isaín Mandujano (@isain) July 25, 2024

Footage posted by Mexican journalist Isaín Mandujano, reportedly showing a convoy of trucks manned by criminal groups in the Chiapas border region of Sierra Mariscal, just west of Guatemala, on Wednesday night. According to Mudujano, there had also been reports of drone attacks on the area. (Isaín Muandujano/X)

Major Ann Marie Argueta of Guatemala’s Ministry of National Defense said that approximately 180 displaced individuals are being sheltered in a community within the Guatemalan municipality of Cuilco.

Mexican refugees have arrived in at least two other communities, according to media reports. Their number totals approximately 580 people, according to Guatemala’s Executive Secretariat of the National Coordinator for Disaster Reduction (CONRED).

The agency and other institutions have been providing shelter, food, medicine and other care. At least one school was being used as a shelter.

The exodus comes as violent clashes between the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) continue unabated in Chiapas’ southern, mountainous areas. Locals say the latest round of violence between the two largest criminal gangs in Mexico, and their local offshoots, dates back approximately three years.

According to the digital media outlet Chiapas Paralelo, a criminal group arrived Tuesday in the Chiapas town of San José de los Pozos — located in the municipality of Amatenango de la Frontera. The group evicted all the town’s inhabitants.

They “had to flee with the little they had on them,” Chiapas Paralelo noted. “They left behind their looted houses, their backyard animals, their crops, and many of them could not even [take] their vehicles.”

Map of the Sierra Mariscal region of Chiapas, showing its municipalities. — The Sierra Mariscal region. (Chiapas Finance Ministry)

According to CONRED, the refugees then began the long walk to Cuilco, situated just over 30 kilometers from the Chiapas border. Some ended up in two other Cuilco villages — Perla Escondida and El Oaxaqueño.

Guatemala’s Human Rights Ombudsman’s office and its Army estimated the number of displaced Mexicans at around 300, but CONRED put the number at around 580.

“Unfortunately, we are presenting a risk situation for the Guatemalan population,” Huehuetenango Governor Elsa Hernández said. She called on Guatemala’s citizens, NGOs and other institutions to provide humanitarian support, adding, according to Chiapas Parelelo.

“Unfortunately, the Mexican authorities have not taken any action to protect their citizens,” Hernández added.

Mexican authorities had yet to officially comment on the displacement as of Thursday, leaving the exact number of refugees uncertain. However, the Mexican newspaper La Jornada reported Thursday that Chiapas state security ministry officials had told its reporters that they had received no reports of displaced individuals in that area.

President Arévalo, speaking on Wednesday at the opening of a hospital in another part of the country, emphasized the dire circumstances and violence driving the Mexican citizens’ displacements. Guatemala, he added, is mobilizing resources to provide assistance through its Ministry of Defense and through local authorities, as well as deploying its military to provide augmented security in the zone.

The situation in Chiapas has deteriorated significantly due to cartel disputes over drug trafficking routes, a situation that has exacerbated poverty and violence in Indigenous communities.

Underscoring the precarious conditions faced by the fleeing Mexican families, a 91-year-old diabetic woman died en route to Guatemala due to lack of medication, her fellow travelers told La Jornada. Luckier was the situation of a boy who had been recovering from a recent surgery in his Chiapas community: La Jornada reported that he was receiving postoperative care in Guatemala.

The exodus, while dramatic in its suddenness and in the number of refugees, marks a continuation of migration trends from southern Mexico into Guatemala since early 2024.

Recent incidents, including a public display of bodies in Chiapas, have highlighted the brutal tactics employed by the criminal organizations involved.

With reports from La Jornada, Infobae, Chiapas Paralelo and El Universal

Sheinbaum refutes Trump on cartels; casts doubt on Tesla’s real reasons for factory pause

By

MND Staff

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July 25, 2024

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Claudia Sheinbaum speaks at a press conference — Claudia Sheinbaum spoke to reporters about recent remarks by Donald Trump and Elon Musk. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum has rejected Donald Trump’s claim that Mexico is “petrified” of drug cartels.

At a press conference on Wednesday, Sheinbaum also said that it is “very unlikely” that the former United States president will impose tariffs on cars or other products made in Mexico if he returns to the White House next January.

Donald Trump in an interview — Trump said that U.S. military strikes against Mexican cartels are “absolutely” a possibility if he is elected. (Screen capture)

Trump said in an interview with Fox News that “Mexico is petrified of the cartels because they’ll take out a president in two minutes.” He also said that U.S. military strikes against Mexican cartels were “absolutely” still on the table.

Asked about the former remark, Sheinbaum said she didn’t agree with it.

“Mexico has made progress in reducing insecurity and we’re going to make more progress,” she said.

Sheinbaum said that under her leadership Mexico would continue to engage in high-level security dialogue with the United States, and that the two countries would “work together” on security issues such as drug and arms trafficking wherever they can.

“We’re going to do it, always defending [Mexico’s] sovereignty,” she said.

Sheinbaum dismisses Trump’s tariff threats

Trump said in March that he would impose a 100% tariff on cars manufactured in Mexico by Chinese companies, and asserted last week that the duty could go as high as 200%.

As things stand, Chinese companies make very few cars in Mexico, but large automakers such as BYD and Chery have plans to open plants here. Trump has also proposed imposing a 10% tariff on all products imported into the United States.

Sheinbaum, who will be sworn in as Mexico’s first female president on Oct. 1, said she considered U.S. tariffs on products made in Mexico “very unlikely.”

AMLO reads his letter to Donald Trump at a press conference — AMLO read out loud his letter to Donald Trump at his Wednesday morning press conference. (Lopezobrador.org.mx)

She noted that President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, in a letter he sent to Trump this week, pointed out that if tariffs were imposed on vehicles and auto parts made in Mexico, consumers in the United States would face higher prices when buying a car “because the cost of production in Mexico is lower than the cost of production in the United States for a variety of reasons.”

What Trump says on the campaign trail is one thing and what he will actually do if re-elected is another, Sheinbaum said.

The president-elect said that both the Republican Party candidate and Kamala Harris, who appears almost certain to be the Democratic Party’s nominee, both know the importance of the USMCA free trade pact to North America as a region.

Claudia Sheinbaum with U.S. and Mexican officials — Sheinbaum, seen here with U.S. Ambassador Ken Salazar (far right) and security advisor Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall in June, says she is confident of the trade relationship with the U.S., regardless of the outcome of the presidential election. (Claudia Sheinbaum/X)

She said said she is “convinced” that whoever wins the presidential election in the United States, “the trade relationship between Mexico, the U.S. and Canada will continue because it benefits North America.”

“It benefits the three nations, it benefits the people of the three countries,” she said.

Sheinbaum to review Tesla’s decision to ‘pause’ Mexico plant

Sheinabaum also responded to Tesla CEO Elon Musk’s statement on Tuesday that the electric vehicle manufacturer’s planned “gigafactory” project in Nuevo León is currently “paused” because of the possibility that Trump will impose tariffs on vehicles made in Mexico if he wins the Nov. 5 presidential election.

Tesla gigafactory rendering for Nuevo Leon, Mexico — Rendering of the planned Tesla gigafactory in Nuevo León, which the state’s governor has said would bring in over US $15 billion investment. (Tesla)

“We have to look at the issue of Tesla in Mexico. In reality, since the [gigafactory] announcement was made [in March 2023] until now there hasn’t been much progress,” she said.

“We have to look at whether the reason really is the [U.S.] election and what Trump said,” Sheinbaum said. “There could be other reasons,” she added.

López Obrador claimed Wednesday that Tesla “must have another business plan” if it is not planning to go ahead with the gigafactory project in Nuevo León.

“These companies often don’t produce but rather speculate; they make an announcement and do very well on the stock exchanges, the price of their shares goes up and production takes a back seat,” he said.

With reports from Expansión Política, Milenio and Bloomberg Línea

Mexico City’s best parks that aren’t Chapultepec

By

Bethany Platanella

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July 25, 2024

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Desierto de los leones park — Mexico City's parks are so much more than just Chapultepec. Find your new favorite urban escape on our list. (Gobierno de México)

Chapultepec Park has it all. At nearly double the size of New York’s Central Park, Chapultepec is home to nine museums, a zoo, a castle and a vibrant history dating far past Moctezuma and the Mexica. But what are Mexico City’s best parks that aren’t Chapultepec?

It’s also a major attraction to an average of 40,000 visitors a day. And sometimes you just don’t want to be around all those people. The good news is that in a city as big as Mexico City, there are alternatives that cater to everyone: meditators, hikers and Zumba experts alike. Enjoy this list of seven fantastic parks in Mexico City that aren’t Chapultepec.

Parque México

The leafy oasis in the center of La Condesa was constructed in 1927. Its oval shape is meant to evoke memories of the former horse race track it was built on. What the park currently lacks in horses is well made up for with a sizable population of neighborly dogs, nearly-domesticated squirrels and graceful swans floating around their manmade pond.

Size: 9 hectares

Hours open: 24 hours

Activities: Walk, run, bike, exercise at the outdoor gym, play at the playground, take a Zumba class, soak up some sun, learn how to properly wield a lightsaber.

Something unique: There is a designated zen zone for meditation and reading, with speakers playing soft music and hammock-style chairs.

Parque La Mexicana

Santa Fe’s answer to Chapultepec Park is studded by high rise apartment complexes that reflect off the lakes that serve much greater a purpose than aesthetics – they trap contaminants and dust particles as well as control temperature and humidity levels.

Size: 20 hectares, 8 currently under construction

Hours: 5:00 AM – 9:00 PM

Activities: Walking and biking paths, fountains, a skate park, sports fields, padel courts

Something unique: In addition to 17 dining establishments, there is an actual Costco onsite so you can stock up on paper towel rolls after a game of padel.

Parque Hundido

Parque Hundido translates to “sunken park” for a reason. The land it occupies in the Extremadura Insurgentes neighborhood of Benito Juárez was once rich in clay deposits which were extracted for a nearby brick factory, eventually forming a sinkhole. When Avenida Insurgentes was paved and the population swelled around the 1930s, the eyesore was transformed into a park for new, wealthy residents. It’s recognizable today for its giant working clock made of flowers.

Size: 100 square meters

Hours: 24 hours

Activities: Walking paths, an outdoor gym, children’s playground, an audiorama for outdoor concerts and movies

Something unique: There are 51 statue replicas carefully placed along pathways dedicated to Indigenous civilizations such as the Maya, Huastec, Zapotec and Olmec.

Viveros de Coyoacán

Get lost in an urban forest in the heart of colonial Coyacán. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

Mexican architect and environmentalist Miguel Ángel de Quevedo, also known as the Tree Apostle, dedicated a hectare of his own land for a plant nursery in 1901. By the 1930s, Viveros had become Coyoacán’s largest park. This verdant haven in the city’s south teems with towering trees and peaceful trails, as well as a healthy population of very friendly squirrels.

Size: 39 hectares

Hours open: 6:00 a.m. – 6:30 p.m.

Activities: Walk, run, bike, jump into a yoga class or fencing demo, have a picnic

Something unique: Hidden within the park are the ruins of a small chapel.

Parque Lincoln

This Polanco park is, as you may guess, named for U.S. President Abraham Lincoln, who famously opposed the invasion of Mexico between 1846 and 1848. Not a place to go jogging but certainly a place to enjoy the outdoors, Parque Lincoln is a quiet space which runs adjacent to some of Polanco’s trendiest restaurants and bars. Within its borders you can find sculptures, a botanical garden, an aviary and several ponds. There is an outdoor theater for live music concerts and festivals, notably the Polanco Jazz Festival in late November.

Size: 12 acres

Hours open: 24 hours

Activities: Strolling, relaxing on a bench, playing on a playground, shopping at the weekly tianguis

Something unique: On Sundays you can rent small motorized boats to race. While it’s meant for children, it always seems to be the fathers having all the fun.

Parque Nacional Los Dinamos

Los dinamos allows you to hike through the wilderness, all within the confines of the city. (Gobierno de la Ciudad de México)

If you want to do some real hiking or mountain biking, this is where you want to go. Explore more than 26 km of trails that cut through waterfalls, over the Magdalena River, past old factory ruins and up towering peaks that grant you snippets of Mexico City’s expanse. There are designated sections for camping if you want to brave an overnight among foxes and rabbits.

Size: 2,429 hectares

Hours open: 6:00 a.m. – 6:30 p.m.

Activities: Hiking, biking, rock climbing, rappelling, camping

Something unique: Climb up a wobbly ladder to Puerta del Cielo for great pictures and spectacular views.

Parque Nacional Desierto de los Leones

Desierto de los Leones is located on the westernmost edge of Mexico City and is home to nature trails and a convent, which was abandoned in the 19th century. (Sedema)

No, there are no lions. This national park in the borough of Magdalena Contreras, said to be named after the León family, is another alternative for serious hikers as well as history buffs. It’s home to miles and miles of trails that range from easy to challenging, some which lead to the beautifully-preserved Ex-Convento del Desierto de los Leones. The 17th-century Carmelite monastery features monks’ cells and a church.

Size: 1,800 hectares

Hours open: 6:00 a.m. – 5:30 p.m.

Activities: Hiking, biking, rock climbing, picnicking, horseback riding

Something unique: Find the famous secret garden set inside the walls of the ex-convent.

Bethany Platanella is a travel planner and lifestyle writer based in Mexico City. She lives for the dopamine hit that comes directly after booking a plane ticket, exploring local markets, practicing yoga and munching on fresh tortillas. Sign up to receive her Sunday Love Letters to your inbox, peruse her blog, or follow her on Instagram.

Guide to the unique world of Mexican candies

By

Ana Paula De la Torre

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July 25, 2024

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Mexican candies — Can you name all of these types of Mexican candy? No? Sounds like you need an explainer. (Paola García/Flickr)

The history of Mexican candy can be summed up in three words: honey, honey and more honey. In ancient Mexico, the population used honey extensively to create traditional sweets. The Nahua word “necuhtli” means honey, and early Mesoamericans had several types of it, including bee honey (miahua necuhtli), maguey nectar (menecuhtli) and aguamiel (iztac necuhtli) — many of which formed the basis for the first types of Mexican candy.

Honey has been a longstanding food source that added a mild flavor to prepared corn cobs and Mesoamerican preserves. Products made of corn and honey were offered to the gods and consumed during celebratory occasions. In ancient times, the Nahua people celebrated the birth of Huitzilopochtli with idols made of roasted and ground blue corn mixed with dark maguey honey.

Pepitorias, perhaps Mexico’s most colorful snack. (directoalpaladar.com.mx)

The renowned Florentine Codex, a manuscript created post-Conquest by Spanish missionary Bernardino de Sahagún and Indigenous Nahua collaborators also mentions the creation of a dough called tzoalli made from burst huauhtli (amaranth) seeds mixed with black maguey honey. This dough was used to make images of deities that were ritually consumed by the faithful in a form of theophagy. To this day, amaranth, a highly nutritious cereal native to Mesoamerica, is mixed with honey to make sweets like alegrías and the famous skulls for the Day of the Dead.

Sugar was introduced to Mexico by the Spanish during the 1520s, but it wasn’t until the 19th century that sugar cane became widely used across the country.

What makes Mexican candies different?

Mexican candies are notably influenced by two key ingredients of the region: chili and tamarind. Even candies meant for children in Mexico often incorporate chili. In fact, many of the top-selling candies in Mexico today would be considered spicy by foreign standards.

Tamarind, on the other hand, is a fruit known for its high content of vitamins B, C, and E, as well as fiber. Its distinctive flavor profile oscillates between spicy and sour, with a touch of sweetness. Mexican sweets often showcase these two unique ingredients.

A basic guide to traditional Mexican candies

Bolitas de tamarindo are about as traditional as Mexican candy can get. (Germán Torreblanca)

Let’s explore some traditional Mexican candies that have been enjoyed since colonial times and are still popular today, often found in traditional markets:

Alegrías: Made with toasted amaranth seeds and bound with sugar honey, this sweet is usually decorated with nuts or raisins.

Palanquetas: A bar made of peeled and shelled peanuts combined with piloncillo syrup and other grains like walnuts, amaranth and almonds. It was originally a sweet made from roasted and ground corn, mixed with honey to celebrate Papaquilizilhuitl, the Corn Festival.

Peanut palanquetas were originally created for a religious festival. (Adrián Cerón)

Pepitorias: Folded wafers of wheat or rice flour filled with melted piloncillo and pumpkin seeds, available in various colors.

Bolitas de tamarindo: These balls of tamarind paste are dusted with sugar. Some people make them with dulce de tamarindo, a mixture of tamarind, sugar and chili.

Borrachitos: First invented in Puebla, these creamy sweets are soaked in syrup and liquor like rum or tequila.

Cocadas: A chewy candy made with grated coconut, sugar and milk, cocada is often served in a scooped-out lime.

Dulce de leche: Also known as jamoncillo, this sweet is made with milk, sugar and chopped nuts.

Candied fruits: Fruits cooked with lime (similar to how corn nixtamal is prepared). Immersed in a lemon and water solution, they’re sweetened with sugar or piloncillo syrup to preserve them.

Commercial candies

Jamoncillo, better known as “dulce de leche,” is a type of milk fudge. (Macarrones/Flickr)

The world of Mexican candies is vast, and alongside traditional and artisanally produced confectionery are mass produced sweets you can get across the country and around the world.

Mazapán De La Rosa: Mazapán, known in English as marzipan, is a sweet made with sugar and almonds or peanuts. Mexico’s version uses the latter, and De La Rosa is without a doubt the best known mazapán in the country.

Pelón Pelo Rico: A tamarind and chili flavored squeeze candy, Pelo Rico is a favorite with children for the shapes it makes when it comes out of the bottle.

Pulparindo De la Rosa: Another De La Rosa product, Pulparindo is a spicy tamarind bar coated in salt and chili.

Vero Elotes: This corn cob-shaped lollipop is caramel flavored and coated with chili powder.

Duvalin: Similar to Dunkaroos, this creamy candy is available in hazelnut, strawberry and vanilla.

Tubs of Duvalin, a sweet dipping candy. (Ricolino)

These candies showcase the diverse and flavorful world of Mexican confectionery, combining traditional ingredients with unique flavors to create delightful treats enjoyed by people of all ages.

Which others would you add?

Ana Paula de la Torre is a Mexican journalist and collaborator for various outlets including Milenio, Animal Político, Vice, Newsweek en Español, Televisa and Mexico News Daily.

Are US military strikes against Mexican cartels on the table? Trump says ‘absolutely’

By

MND Staff

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July 25, 2024

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Donald Trump and J.D. Vance in an interview clip — Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and running mate J.D. Vance discussed Mexican cartels in an interview with Fox News on Tuesday. (Fox News/screen capture)

Former United States President Donald Trump has said he could use the U.S. military against Mexican cartels if he is re-elected as president on Nov. 5.

In an interview with Fox News, the Republican Party’s presidential candidate was asked whether “strikes” against Mexican cartels — which ship large quantities of narcotics including fentanyl to the U.S — were “still on the table.”

A clip from the interview of Republican Party nominee Donald Trump and vice presidential candidate J.D. Vance with Jesse Watters.

“Absolutely,” Trump responded.

Fox News host Jesse Watters, who interviewed the 45th president of the United States and his 2024 running mate J.D. Vance, rephrased his question, asking Trump whether he was prepared to use military force against “our biggest trading partner.”

“Absolutely. Mexico’s going to have to straighten it out really fast or the answer is absolutely,” Trump said.

“They’re killing 300,000 people a year with fentanyl coming in,” he said, offering a figure that is almost triple the number of estimated drug overdose deaths in the United States in 2023.

Trump said that “Mexico is going to be given a very short period of time to police their border” and if they don’t do the job effectively, his government will take action.

“I’m sure they’re going to do not well and then you’re going to see the action start,” he said.

Trump asserted that “Mexico is petrified of the cartels because they’ll take out a president in two minutes.”

“They’re petrified of the cartels. The cartels are running Mexico,” he said.

AMLO and Trump in the White House in 2021. (Archive)

The New York Times reported in late 2023 that Trump, while president, “talked privately about shooting missiles into Mexico to take out drug labs.”

The Times also said that “Republican lawmakers have drafted a broad authorization for the use of military force against cartels” and “pushed for designating Mexican cartels as foreign terrorist organizations.”

“… If Mr. Trump returns to the White House in 2025, he has vowed to push for the designations and to deploy Special Operations troops and naval forces to, as he put it, declare war on the cartels,” The Times said in October 2023.

Rolling Stone reported in May that “if he wins a second term in November, Donald Trump wants to covertly deploy American assassination squads into Mexico soon after he’s sworn into office again, according to three people who’ve discussed the matter with the former U.S. president.”

President López Obrador has categorically rejected the idea that the United States military could be used in Mexico. In 2019, he declined an offer from Trump to help Mexico combat organized crime after an attack on members of an extended Mormon family in northern Mexico that killed three women and six children.

Vance: Mexico in danger of becoming a “narco-state”

Senator Vance, unveiled as Trump’s vice president pick last week, defended the plan for United States forces to target Mexican cartels given the damage they inflict on the U.S.

“It’s funny that people accuse us of being bombastic for saying the cartels — we need to go after them. What about American citizens who are losing their lives by the tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, because we won’t do something serious about the cartels? That is what’s reckless,” he told Fox News.

“… I actually believe that the Mexican government, even though they couldn’t say that, want President Trump to be serious about the cartels because that poison [fentanyl] is destabilizing their country too. Fourteen billion dollars coming into the cartels, and that was a couple of years ago, it’s probably more today,” Vance said.

“They’re not going to be a real country anymore, they’re going to become a narco-state unless we get some control over this,” he asserted.

Mexico News Daily

Chinese investment in Mexico has risen fast, but still lags behind other FDI

By

MND Staff

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July 24, 2024

1

Mexican and Chinese business people at Hofusan Industrial Park — There has been a lot of attention on Chinese companies increasingly investing in manufacturing in Mexico in recent years. (Hofusan Industrial Park NL/X)

Chinese investment in Mexico has increased significantly in recent years, but the East Asian nation is still a long way off matching the outlays of countries such as the United States and Spain.

Economy Ministry (SE) data shows that Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mexico totaled US $2.073 billion between 2006 and March 2024. Just over 55% of that amount was invested in the country since 2020.

Chart showing annual flow of FDI from China to Mexico from 2000 — This chart shows the FDI in Mexico from China since 2000. (Data México/SE)

Chinese investment in Mexico peaked in 2022 at $569.7 million, a figure that accounts for 27% of the country’s total FDI in Mexico over the past 18 years.

The amount represented an increase of 335% compared to 2017, 845% compared to 2012, and a whopping 4,534% compared to 20 years earlier in 2002.

China was among the top 10 investors in Mexico in 2022, but its total investment was dwarfed by that of the United States, whose FDI in Mexico totaled $20.2 billion that year, according to the SE.

China was not among the top 10 investors in Mexico last year, with its FDI falling to $159 million, nor was it among the top 10 in the first quarter of 2024.

The top 10 countries of origin for foreign direct investment in Mexico in 2023 did not include China. (SE)

China’s total investment in Mexico between 2006 and the first quarter of 2024 represents just a small fraction of the FDI of countries such as the United States and Spain.

The Reforma newspaper reported Tuesday that the United States’ FDI in Mexico between 2006 and the first quarter of this year was just over $239 billion, while Spain’s outlay during the same period was just under $57.5 billion.

Why does the data matter?

There has been a lot of focus on Chinese investment in Mexico lately, with several media outlets, including the BBC and The Economist, reporting that Chinese companies are using Mexico as a “backdoor” to the United States as products made here can be exported tariff-free to the U.S.

Increasing attention is also being given to the increase in Chinese exports to Mexico, and the proliferation of Chinese-operated wholesale establishments in downtown Mexico City.

A street vendor sells Hello Kitty merchandise on the sidewalk — Local retailers in the historic center say they have been pushed out by Chinese businesses that sell cheap products to street vendors. (Cuartoscuro)

The data on Chinese investment in Mexico is important as it indicates that Chinese companies have not yet collectively established an overly significant presence in the Mexican economy, despite claims — or impressions — to the contrary. Companies from the United States, Canada, Spain, Germany and various other countries have invested much more in Mexico than Chinese firms.

Jorge Guajardo, a former Mexican ambassador to China and a close observer of Chinese investment in Mexico, said on X that the data showing much greater investment in Mexico by the U.S. and Spain than China provides “context for those who claim China is using Mexico as a manufacturing base to enter the U.S.”

Does the data reflect all Chinese FDI in Mexico?

As Mexico News Daily reported in late 2023, it appears that not all Chinese money that flows into Mexico is counted as such.

The reason, according to Enrique Dussel Peters, an economist and coordinator of the Center for Chinese-Mexican Studies (Cechimex) at the National Autonomous University, is that some Chinese investment comes into Mexico via United States subsidiaries of Chinese companies.

The FDI inflow is thus recorded as coming from the United States, when for all intents and purposes the money came from China.

According to Cechimex, Chinese investment in Mexico between 2001 and late 2022 totaled $17 billion, more than six times higher than the amount recorded by the SE between 1999 and March 2024.

China is not yet a top investor in Mexico, but it could be soon

While China is not yet close to matching the outlay of the top investor nations in Mexico, the situation could change — if Chinese companies act on their investment announcements.

According to the SE, Chinese companies made investment announcements totaling $13.19 billion last year. China was second in the “expected investment” rankings in 2023, behind only the United States.

Two Chinese companies, LGMG and Jetour, made announcements totaling $8 billion last year, or over 60% of the total expected FDI for China. As the $13 billion has only been announced, rather than invested, it has not yet shown up in the Economy Ministry’s FDI data.

BYD car in production — According to the Chinese company’s Mexico director, the proposed BYD EV plant would generate 10,000 jobs. (BYD México)

This year, leading electric vehicle manufacturer BYD is among the Chinese companies that have committed to invest in Mexico. It has not yet announced how much it intends to invest in a plant in Mexico or where it will be located, but the outlay on a facility that is slated to create 10,000 jobs would be significant.

If LGMG, Jetour, BYD and other companies go ahead with their announced projects — which is no certainty — China could shoot up the FDI rankings for Mexico in the near future.

One potential barrier to future Chinese investment in Mexico is Mexican government opposition to it.

While Mexico is currently welcoming Chinese investment, Finance Minister Rogelio Ramírez de la O said last Saturday that the government is “considering” changing its investment policy with regard to China. Without providing specific details, he suggested that Mexico could seek to prevent or limit Chinese investment in some sectors.

With reports from Reforma