Sheinbaum said on Monday that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a letter to U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ron Johnson demanding that the United States comply with the rules of Mexico's constitution and National Security Law. (Moisés Pablo/Cuartoscuro)
Sheinbaum’s mañanera in 60 seconds
🔫 Correspondents’ Dinner shooting: Sheinbaum condemned political violence and said Mexico was the first country to send Trump a solidarity message after Saturday’s shooting at the Washington Hilton.
🇺🇸 CIA raid fallout: After CIA officers allegedly joined a drug lab raid in Chihuahua without federal knowledge, the government of Mexico sent a protest note to U.S. Ambassador Ron Johnson in which it said it expects the participation to be a one-time exception.
⚖️ Anti-corruption pushback: Responding to a report of a U.S. anti-corruption campaign targeting Mexican officials, Sheinbaum pushed back: fighting corruption in Mexico is Mexico’s job, and Washington should focus on cleaning up its own house.
Today’s mañanera was also significant as Sheinbaum addressed issues related to the Mexico-U.S. relationship. As usual, the president presented a staunch defense of Mexican sovereignty. However, that sovereignty appears to have been violated this year by alleged U.S. involvement in security operations in northern Mexico without the knowledge of the Mexican government.
Sheinbaum responds to Correspondents’ Dinner shooting
Asked about the shooting on Saturday at the Washington Hilton Hotel while Trump was attending the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, Sheinbaum spoke out against politically-motivated violence.
“We must always oppose violence, especially political violence,” the president said.
“… Democracy is the way to resolve differences,” Sheinbaum added.
“So we can never support a violent act and that’s why we were the first country to put out a message of solidarity [with Trump],” she said.
Qué bueno que el presidente Trump y su esposa se encuentren bien, tras los recientes acontecimientos. Le enviamos nuestro respeto. La violencia no debe ser nunca el camino.
— Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo (@Claudiashein) April 26, 2026
“Essentially what we said [in the letter] is that we’re working with very good coordination [with the United States] based on the [security] understanding we reached,” she said.
Sheinbaum noted that the bilateral security understanding is premised on “respect for the sovereignty of both countries.”
“They agree with that. … So what we set out is that the federal government wasn’t aware of the participation of these people [in the operation in Chihuahua] and we hope it’s an exception,” she said.
“That from this time on … the rules of our constitution and the National Security Law are complied with,” Sheinbaum said.
She said that the U.S. government “agrees” that they need to comply with the Mexican Constitution and Mexican laws. Sheinbaum subsequently expressed confidence that U.S. participation in a security operation on Mexican soil won’t be repeated.
According to a report published by The Los Angeles Times last week, CIA operatives have joined authorities in Chihuahua in operations against drug targets on at least three occasions this year.
Sheinbaum has assigned most of the blame for the apparently secret, allegedly illegal security collaboration between Chihuahua and the United States to the Chihuahua government, although she also stressed that U.S. authorities have questions to answer.
Sheinbaum: Mexican authorities are responsible for the fight against corruption in Mexico
A reporter asked the president about a Los Angeles Times report published on Sunday under the headline “U.S. may soon target Mexican politicians in anti-corruption campaign.”
Citing “sources familiar with the bilateral relationship,” the L.A. Times reported that anti-corruption remarks made by Ambassador Johnson in Sinaloa last week “mark the launching … of a wide-ranging anti-corruption campaign by the Trump administration targeting Mexican officials suspected of having links to organized crime.”
Sheinbaum stressed that “the fight against corruption” in Mexico is the responsibility of the Mexican government, the Federal Attorney General’s Office and state Attorney General’s Offices.
She suggested that the U.S. government should concern itself with combating corruption in the United States.
“[Corruption] is not just a matter for Mexico,” Sheinbaum said.
By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)
April has been an eventful month in Guadalajara, as water, politics and voter discontent collide. (Fernando Carranza García/Cuartoscuro)
Major news this week in La Perla Tapatia includes continuing water challenges on the city’s east and south sides, a citizen petition to recall Guadalajara’s mayor, and a flurry of new rules for local drivers.
Water scarcity fraying daily life in eastern Guadalajara
SIAPA, Guadalajara’s municipal water authority, is struggling with several challenges that are affecting residents water supplies. (gob.mx)
Following the Semana Santa break, at least six schools located in eastern Guadalajara were forced to make attendance at in-person classes optional due to a lack of water in the school buildings and surrounding homes.
Residents of Oblatos, Santa Rosa, Santa Cecilia, San Onofre, Guadalajara Oriente, and San Vicente complained to local news outlets Canal 44 and Radio UdG that they had been living without water in their homes for days.
At the José Clemente Orozco elementary school, a lack of water prevented students and staff from attending to basic hygiene, such as flushing toilets and washing hands in bathrooms. While delivery service from water trucks had been requested, nearly a week had elapsed with no deliveries. Parents with children attending the affected schools were given the option of keeping their children at home until water service was restored.
Guadalajara’s public water utility (SIAPA) acknowledged the service cut was due to unplanned maintenance on a storage tank in the Oblatos neighborhood, which distributes water to various communities on the city’s east side. A deep cleaning of the tank is expected to improve water quality and pressure for area residents once completed.
Meanwhile, south of the city in El Salto, immediately east of Guadalajara’s international airport, residents blocked the El Verde–El Castillo highway for almost 12 hours last week to protest the lack of running water.
Residents there complained that for the past three years, they have received water service for just half an hour a day. They accused SIAPA of prioritizing supply to new housing developments over existing neighborhoods, with capacity insufficient to supply all areas simultaneously.
A push to recall Guadalajara’s mayor
Mayor Veronica Delgadillo García. (Veronica Delgadillo/Instagram)
In an effort to hold the ruling Citizens’ Movement (Movimiento Ciudadano) party responsible for the city’s mounting unsolved challenges, Guadalajara resident Hugo Lupercio filed a petition last week to recall Mayor Veronica Delgadillo García.
For now, the gesture is largely symbolic, as the state of Jalisco does not have the legal framework to proceed with recalling sitting elected officials via a citizen-led campaign. But that could change.
In conjunction with Lupercio’s petition, two state deputies affiliated with the opposition Morena party launched an initiative seeking to change state election rules. In addition, Erika Pérez García, the president of the Morena State Committee of Jalisco, came out in strong support of the petition.
“The course of Jalisco is not defined by a government, but by … a united, informed, and participatory populace. It is the only force capable of transforming what is not working and building the state it deserves,” Pérez García told local newspaper El Occidental.
It’s not difficult to understand how this campaign emerged at such a crucial time for Guadalajara. Pressure has been building for months as the city readies itself to welcome a multitude of international visitors for the four games it’s hosting as part of the 2026 FIFA World Cup.
Public discontent is running high over unfinished construction projects, worsening air quality, a widening measles outbreak, and numerous examples of government waste on impractical beautification projects tied to World Cup preparations.
These newer headaches have compounded longstanding frustrations over pothole-plagued streets, perpetual traffic jams on most major roads, rapidly rising living costs and the lack of progress in finding thousands of disappeared Jalisco residents.
But the straw that undoubtedly broke the camel’s back is the city’s ongoing and worsening water crisis, which defies easy or quick solutions and has triggered a wave of local protests in recent months.
Mayor Delgadillo, for her part, dismissed the recall effort as a little more than a political stunt.
New fines, requirements for Jalisco drivers with out-of-state plates
The new Jalisco license plates will be mandatory for all residents of the state. Visitors from outside of Jalisco will need to apply for a permit. (Government of Jalisco)
Jalisco’s state government is cracking down on vehicles with out-of-state license plates with a slew of new fines. The move, intended to crack down on local drivers circulating with illegal plates and visitors who fail to pay fines incurred in Jalisco, also has the potential to ensnare unsuspecting tourists from neighboring states.
The first change involves a new tax cooperation agreement with neighboring Guanajuato to ensure the collection of fines and outstanding debts.
This new agreement, which takes effect in May 2026, will initiate data sharing between the two states so that driving violations and fines incurred in Guadalajara by out-of-state drivers can be collected in Guanajuato, where drivers are registered. A similar arrangement is reportedly coming soon between Jalisco and Michoacán.
What else is changing for drivers with out-of-state plates:
Temporary Stay Permits are now mandatory. Vehicles with out-of-state license plates circulating in the Guadalajara Metropolitan Area must carry a “Temporary Stay Permit.”
The permit is free but has a maximum validity of 20 to 30 calendar days every six months. Exceeding the stay window or failing to comply with environmental verification rules carries fines ranging from 1,131 to 2,375 pesos. Vehicles with out-of-state license plates without a valid temporary permit could also be subject to impoundment.
License plate frames are prohibited. If vehicles use a license plate frame that obstructs the visibility of any element of the license plate, which are widely sold at area retailers, they are subject to hefty fines of up to 20,000 pesos.
Old license plate designs must be replaced. License plates with designs prior to 2019 (“Maguey”, “Gota”, “Minerva”) are no longer permitted. As of press time, it is unclear what type of fines will be applied in these cases.
MND Writer Dawn Stoner is reporting from Guadalajara.
MEXICO CITY — Following Heineken’s widely praised “Welcome Back, Paisano” campaign, Farmacias Similares announced Monday that it too will offer employment to Mexicans repatriated from the United States, through an expanded Dr. Simi costume performer programme it described as “a great opportunity for people who have proved their positive outlook, extreme endurance and willingness to do whatever it takes to succeed.”
The program, dubbed “Bienvenido a Casa, Paisano — Ahora Baila,” will place returning Mexicans in Dr. Simi foam costumes outside Farmacias Similares locations across the northern border region, where they will dance continuously for four-hour shifts to attract customers.
A potential victim of the scheme surveys a Dr. Simi suit. (Farmacías Similares/Instagram)
“These are people who crossed deserts, built cities, and survived the American immigration system,” said a Farmacias Similares spokesperson. “They are more than qualified to wear the costume.”
The costume, which weighs approximately 8 kilograms and maintains an internal temperature that employees describe as “challenging,” will be provided at no cost to the worker. The dancing style is unspecified but must, per company guidelines, be “joyful, continuous, and visible from the road.” Workers are permitted to stop dancing during earthquakes and during official government emergencies. They are not permitted to stop during rain.
The campaign’s creative brief describes deportation as “not an ending but a new choreography,” a line that the copywriter has since asked to have removed from their portfolio.
Farmacias Similares confirmed that Dr. Simi’s own extensive international experience — having been thrown at concert stages in at least fourteen countries — gives the mascot a unique credibility as a symbol of cross-border resilience. “Dr. Simi knows what it is to travel far from home and land somewhere unexpected,” the spokesperson said. “He relates to these people on a personal level.”
Phase One of the program will create 34 positions. There are approximately 160,000 repatriated Mexicans currently in the border region. Farmacias Similares said Phase Two was under development and would be announced “when the costumes are ready.”
A resident shares the rhythms of small town life in a Jalisco beach town. (Normando Mariscal/Unsplash)
Over the last 10 years, my wife Victoria and I have been residentes permanentes in Barra de Navidad, and we have had the quiet privilege of watching this small Jalisco town change in the way a shoreline changes. Not abruptly, not with drama, but grain by grain. One day, you notice a new building where a coconut tree once leaned, or a parking spot that used to exist only in theory but is now occupied by three vehicles and a golf cart that seems to believe it is also a vehicle.
The most obvious shifts are the construction projects. They rise slowly, like determined mushrooms after a rainstorm: new houses, renovations, clever attempts at turning yesterday’s fishing house into tomorrow’s boutique lodging. Along with the buildings arrive the seasonal migrations of our northern friends, the snowbirds who have wisely decided that ice on a windshield is a design flaw in the universe.
High season in Barra
Barra de Navidad, like other small Mexican towns, has become a preferred sanctuary, and to be fair, it is not difficult to understand why. A person who has spent several months staring at snowbanks the size of small livestock would naturally feel a kind of spiritual awakening upon encountering warm sand, fresh fish and a margarita that arrives without requiring a shovel. Thus arrives the high season.
High season in a small town is an interesting phenomenon. For roughly four to six months, Barra undergoes a seasonal costume change. The town that normally strolls becomes one that hustles. Streets that were once leisurely pathways become lightly competitive traffic corridors where pedestrians, cars, bicycles, dogs and the occasional rooster all negotiate their rights of passage with admirable diplomacy. The sidewalks, where they exist, become a philosophical exercise, as one must consider angles, timing and sometimes mild acrobatics. Navigating them can feel less like walking and more like participating in a slow-moving chess match with parked scooters.
Of course, the positive side is undeniable. The arrival of seasonal visitors brings a healthy infusion of capital into the town. Restaurants fill, tiendas sell more goods, fishing charters depart with cheerful regularity and many local families find their most productive months of the year unfolding before them.
This economic rhythm is important because during the summer months, the pace of commerce softens considerably. When the heat deepens and the rains arrive, the town exhales, and the cash registers do as well. High season helps balance that equation. One could say the town works hard for a few months so that it may relax for the rest of the year. Yet with prosperity comes a certain … density.
Those of us who have grown fond of the slower texture of life here notice the difference immediately: A simple walk down the street, which in the low season allows ample time for daydreaming, greeting neighbors and examining the philosophical posture of sleeping dogs, becomes a more structured activity. One must pay attention to traffic, music, conversations in three languages and the occasional enthusiastic golf cart that appears to be piloted by optimism rather than braking power.
Then there is the matter of sound.
The sound of the slow season
It looks quiet now, but wait until the high season. (Alfonso Hernández M./Mexico Ruta Mágica)
In the quieter months, Barra produces a gentle soundtrack. The ocean murmurs, a fishing boat motor coughs awake in the early morning, someone sweeps the street in front of the house and a distant radio hums politely in the background. High season, however, introduces what might best be described as a cultural symphony.
Music flows from restaurants, bars, passing cars and beach speakers. Rock competes with ranchera, salsa dances with country music and, somewhere, a Jimmy Buffett song bravely attempts to hold its ground. The result is a cheerful cacophony — not unpleasant exactly, but certainly ambitious.
In fairness, the seasonal visitors cannot be held solely responsible for the increased decibel levels. Our local residents are capable of producing impressive musical enthusiasm. The difference seems to be that during high season, restaurants and bars become a little more relaxed about the volume knobs when their northern guests are enjoying dinner or a round of drinks. It is as if the music itself senses an international audience and rises to the occasion.
Still, despite the bustle and the sonic enthusiasm, the town never completely loses its character. Barra remains at heart a fishing village with a deeply relaxed soul. Fishermen still head out before sunrise, neighbors still greet each other in the street and the lagoon still reflects the same evening light it always has.
A well-developed daydream
For my part, I confess to having a particular affection for the low season. When the snowbirds gradually migrate north again and the last Canadian charter disappears into the clear skies, the town then settles back into its natural rhythm. The streets breathe, the restaurants return to a conversational volume, and the sidewalks regain their spacious discovery. Walking becomes walking again rather than a small urban expedition.
In those quieter months, one can hear the subtle things that make a place like Barra special. The slap of water against the boats in the lagoon. The distant laughter of children somewhere down the street. The soft hum of a ceiling fan in an open doorway. Life slows to a tempo that encourages reflection, observation and the occasional well-developed daydream. And for those of us who enjoy such things, a peaceful fishing village returning to its normal rhythm is a rather wonderful place to be.
There is another small ritual that becomes more common during the high season: the simple pleasure of inviting a couple of friends over for food. Nothing elaborate, a pot of something simmering on the stove, a few chairs gathered around a table that has seen better days but still performs admirably and the quiet expectation that the evening will unfold at its own pace.
The circle widens
Life in Barra has its signature tempos, recognizable to residents, and also its iconic hues.
Often, after some lively exchange of stories, opinions and the occasional declaration that sounds much wiser after the second glass of wine, a leisurely activity appears. Sometimes it is a modest game of cards; on other afternoons, someone suggests Mexican Train, that great democratic equalizer where strategy, luck and mild stubbornness all play their roles.
These gatherings happen more frequently during the high season, because many of our friends return to town, and suddenly the circle widens again. Familiar faces reappear, greetings take longer and conversations pick up where they left off months earlier, as though they had only paused briefly while everyone went north to shovel snow or attend grandchildren’s recitals. Yet there is an interesting contrast within these visits.
For those of us who live here full-time, an evening together often carries a different tempo. We are not passing through the season; we are inhabiting it, and our days do not contain the same sense of urgency. There is no schedule of excursions to complete before spring arrives, no checklist of restaurants that must be visited before departure, no carefully arranged calendar where every afternoon seems to promise another gathering, another happy hour, another invitation.
Our friends who return each winter often arrive with social calendars that would impress a visiting diplomat: breakfast here, beach walk there, lunch with new friends, cocktails at sunset, dinner somewhere else entirely. One could become exhausted just reading the itinerary.
It is understandable, of course. When a person has only a few months in paradise, there is a natural desire to enjoy every moment. The town offers music, events, markets, dinners, dancing, charitable gatherings and enough invitations to keep even the most enthusiastic social butterfly airborne for weeks.
A gentle, unhurried rhythm
Still, I sometimes sense a subtle tension beneath all that activity. Not unpleasant exactly, but present. A kind of cheerful urgency that hovers in the air like the faint hum of a ceiling fan. Conversations can become slightly hurried, as if the next engagement is already waiting politely at the door, when that energy arrives at a dinner table. The atmosphere becomes slightly thinner, and one senses stories move along a bit more quickly. Creative wandering of the mind — the sort that leads to unexpected ideas or long, thoughtful silences — has a harder time finding a comfortable chair.
Perhaps some of this is simply my own perception, and may very well exist more in my head than in the room itself. After all, we tend to notice the rhythms that match our own temperament, and gently resist those that do not. Nevertheless, I do feel the difference.
Life proceeds at a stately, sedate pace in Barra during the slow season but picks up intensity during the high season. (Robert Santacroce)
For those of us who remain here throughout the year, the low-season gatherings possess a certain unhurried depth, allowing time to listen completely. A conversation may wander like a fisherman along the beach, pausing here and there without any need to arrive anywhere in particular. A game of Mexican Train can stretch comfortably into the evening without anyone glancing at a watch or remembering they must be across town in 20 minutes. The night simply unfolds.
In those moments, the small pleasures of community feel especially rich. A shared meal, a few good stories, the clack of dominoes on the table and the slow drift of conversation that occasionally leads somewhere surprising. It may not be a grand event, but in a quiet village, it is more than enough. And for my temperament at least, it suits the rhythm of life here perfectly.
Robert Santacroce is a contributor to Mexico News Daily.
In 1914, journalist Carlos M. Wood was shot and killed in Marfa, Texas, by Texas Rangers serving him a warrant. From the beginning, accounts accused the Rangers of murdering him. The Rangers at this time in history had a reputation among Mexicans in Texas for brutality and impunity. (Public Domain)
You almost certainly have never heard of the early-20th-century crusading newspaperman Carlos M. Wood, whose star-crossed, peripatetic life met an early end in 1914 at the hands of the Texas Rangers. But his story — which began in his birthplace of Matamoros, Tamaulipas, and ended in Marfa, Texas — was filled with controversy, conflict and even a historical mystery.
Wood’s story is that of a young man who, in the space of a decade, went from attending rallies for the Mexican conservative dictator Porfirio Díaz to using his border newspaper in Marfa, Texas, to call out local politicians, as well as the Texas Rangers, for bad behavior — particularly the Rangers, who had a local reputation among Mexicans in Texas at the time for brutality and impunity.
Texas Rangers like those in this 1896 photo, had a reputation for brutality and impunity among Mexicans living in Texas during this time. (Public Domain)
And, as a newly discovered report found in Mexico’s archives reveals, Wood may have paid the ultimate price for his words: He died in 1914 after being shot multiple times by Rangers who had been serving him with an arrest warrant — most likely for criminal libel. According to a report made at the time by one of the arresting officers, they shot Wood because he resisted arrest.
Testimony in the newly discovered Mexican report, however, suggests that Wood did not resist arrest but was rather stalked and assassinated by the Rangers sent to serve him the warrant.
Killed with ‘malicious premeditation’?
Last fall, a new and unexpected chapter unfolded in the mystery of Wood’s killing, thanks to the discovery of a 1914 report sitting unnoticed for over 100 years in Mexico’s Diplomatic History Collection in Mexico City.
Fernando Serrano, the Mexican consul in Marfa at the time, investigated Wood’s death. What he learned, according to his report to his superiors in Mexico, was that Wood had been stalked and assassinated by the Texas Rangers sent to serve the warrant, H.L. Roberson and Ira W. Cline.
According to Serrano’s report, Wood was “gravely wounded” by four bullets on June 22 and died hours later on June 23 at 4 a.m. More importantly, Serrano’s report included a damning, never previously published statement by Presidio County sheriff Milton B. Chastain against one of the Rangers involved in the shooting.
In his statement for Serrano’s report, Chastain, himself an ex-Ranger, told Serrano that the Rangers who had served the warrant — H.L. Roberson and Ira W. Cline — had killed Wood “with malicious premeditation.”
Who was Carlos M. Wood?
Virtually nothing is known of Carlos’ early life. He was born to a Mexican father and an American mother in Tamaulipas, thanks in part to a decision made many years before by his grandfather, David L. Wood — himself a Texas newspaperman of some note.
David emigrated in 1856 from Texas to Reynosa, Tamaulipas, out of concern for his family’s safety: His wife, Sophronia Primm, was biracial, and while miscegenation laws were not consistently enforced in Texas, the family felt vulnerable enough that it decamped to more egalitarian climes over the border in Mexico.
Carlos first appears in the historical record in Mexico City periodicals in September 1901, at age 26, identified as a member of the Guild of Lithographers, Printers and Book Binders, at a rally in Monterrey, Nuevo León. The rally Carlos attended supported then Mexican president Porfirio Díaz, suggesting that at this point, Wood’s politics were establishmentarian.
Wood launches El Relámpago
By May 1904, Carlos Morales Wood was in the United States, publishing a heartfelt ode to his mother, Laura, in the Santa Fe, New Mexico, publication La Voz del Pueblo (The Voice of the People). Two months later, now 175 miles north in Ratón, New Mexico, he launched a Spanish-language weekly, El Relámpago (The Lightning), now as Carlos M. Wood.
Surviving issues from the newspaper’s several-month run show Wood as a stalwart of the Progressive wing of the Republican party at the time, backing Theodore Roosevelt and still supporting Porfirio Díaz — Roosevelt and Díaz were cordial allies.
The news sections of El Relámpago paid sparse attention to local issues, such as New Mexico statehood, but inexplicably devoted much space to the Russo-Japanese War.A small story about defense funds being organized for a young Mexican facing a murder prosecution in Texas was a singular hint of social justice concerns.
The ‘jailbird’ journalist
A parade in Marfa, Texas, the town where Carlos M. Wood was shot by two Texas Rangers, in the 1920s. (Facebook)
Wood abandoned El Relámpagothat fall, and for the next decade led a star-crossed life full of movement. He was affiliated in one capacity or another with at least seven southwestern newspapers, including several in New Mexico: La Voz del Pueblo(1904) and La Unión Social (1914?) in Santa Fe;El Relámpago in Raton (1904); and El Independiente(1904-1906) in Las Vegas, New Mexico. He also had connections to three other publications in Colorado and Texas, and perhaps a few more.
Wood’s life was star-crossed in that he was jailed for adultery in Colorado and New Mexico, as well as for sneaking into the home of a married woman he was wooing and for assaulting an angry reader.
His transgressions drew occasional brickbats from his Spanish-language press rivals. One called him a “jailbird,” and another referred to him in a headline as “the junior hack writer in disgrace.”
A new newspaper — and an arrest warrant — in Texas
By 1914, Wood had gone to Valentine in Jeff Davis County, Texas, far from his New Mexico and Colorado haunts. In 1910, Jeff Davis County hosted 1,678 people and 74,961 cattle, a 1-to-44 ratio. Wood installed himself as the publisher-editor of La Pátria Mexicana, a Valentine newspaper run off on a borrowed press in nearby Marfa.
By this time, the Mexican Revolution was in full steam, bringing border raids, cattle rustling, banditry, Texas Ranger retaliations and refugee diasporas along the Rio Grande, a few scant miles from Marfa.At this point, it seems that Wood’s social justice sentiments had been aroused.
Soon after founding La Pátria Mexicana, Wood found himself the subject of an arrest warrant, possibly for criminal libel — a vague but handy cudgel used by thin-skinned local authorities before First Amendment guarantees were extended to the southern states. The Texas Rangers, the state’s law enforcement arm, was given the job of serving the warrant and arresting Wood.
The legendary Mexican Revolutionary Pancho Villa. The Mexican Revolution and widespread banditry were the excuse for many killings of Mexicans. (Public Domain)
It would lead to his death.
The official account of the shooting
Arresting officer H.L. Roberson’s report of Wood’s shooting for the Rangers was matter-of-fact.
“June 22 (1914): Scouted from Marfa to Valentine with warrant for the arrest of Carlos Morales Wood. Trailed him back to Marfa. While resisting arrest, he was killed by Cline and myself.”
It should be noted that “resisting arrest” was a widely used euphemism of the day, excusing a range of behavior by authorities, including murder. It’s also worth noting that by the time Roberson and Cline served the warrant, Roberson already had a notoriously violent reputation: He was said to have killed 38 men, a number certainly exaggerated, but one to which we might assume Wood would offer no demur.
A smear campaign and forgotten accounts
The newspapers, including reactionary elements of the Spanish-language press, blamed Wood’s death on Wood himself — for having incited “prejudice among the Mexicans against the American people in general and the Rangers in particular.”
These newspapers also said that Wood’s La Pátria Mexicana newspaper had accused the Rangers, as well as soldiers and Americans in Texas, of being “cutthroats and thieves.” They also said Wood had “attacked roughshod” a politician in an editorial article. The press also haphazardly located the death scene, claiming that Carlos was shot either while entering his house, in front of the Palace Drugstore, or at the door of the local post office.
Marfa, Texas, following a fire in 1920. Wood was shot near the Busy Bee Store, pictured here, in 1914. (Public Domain)
The judicial inquiry was brief, uneventful and unclear to history; possibly it was no more than a grand jury no-bill.
For a century, the story of Wood’s death was a largely forgotten bit of local Texas history. Years later, borderland folklorist Joyce E. Means did, however, collect two accounts of Wood’s shooting.
Resident Mance Bomar told Means, “They (the Rangers) saw (Wood) go by Winn’s Busy Bee Confection and past Mack’s drugstore … He was shot nine times and didn’t have time to shoot back. I just wondered what his name was.”
Bomar also said that Wood had been printing things Roberson and Cline didn’t like.
“They told him to stop or they’d kill him. He didn’t stop,” he said.
Another account that Means recorded said Wood “came to the post office to get his mail. They may have told him to surrender in English. The man didn’t even have a pocketknife.”
Ambushed on the street?
However, Serrano’s recently rediscovered report now provides much more context for Wood’s arrest and more details about the incident.
Wood was shot by two Texas Rangers, who, despite their badges, reportedly fired from behind the cover of a car, according to one witness. (eBay)
“With some of his friends,” said one statement Serrano took from an unnamed eyewitness, “Morales was walking along the sidewalk opposite the Post Office and told them to wait for him there, as he was going to pick up his mail. After he left and headed to where his friends were halfway down the street, he was called by the Rangers, and then Morales backed up and headed to the place where the voice had come from.
“Immediately, the Rangers, from behind a car, fired shots at him, and as Morales fell, he dropped his pistol.”
An irresponsible rabble rouser or warrior for justice?
Local rancher Riley Robert Smith told Serrano that Wood had been distributing literature “calculated to excite the Mexican people of Pilares to rise up against officials, that is, the State Rangers, and [to] produce an illegal tumult.”
Serrano also reported that Wood’s newspaper had “severely attacked the Texas Rangers for the murder of Lino Baeze, a young Mexican outlaw accused — some say wrongly — of the 1913 ambush and killing of customs Inspector Jack Howard while Howard had been part of a posse escorting Chico Cano, a much-wanted rustler and brigand of fortune alternately in the service of Mexican insurrectionist Pancho Villa and Mexican presidents Francisco Madero and Venustiano Carranza, but mostly allied with himself.
Baeze was fatally shot on an island in the Rio Grande in early April 1914 while being pursued by Texas Cattle Raisers’ Association Chief Inspector John R. Banister, Presidio County Sheriff Milton Chastain and others.
‘An individual with a bad record who should be feared’
It’s worth noting that the Texas Rangers, officially founded in 1835, were for decades more irregular paramilitary than law enforcement, often serving at the whim of politicians, and did not become a professional police force until the 1930s.
A Texas Rangers headquarters in the 1950s. The Rangers only became a professionalized police force in the 1930s, despite having existed since the 19th century. (Public Domain)
Ranger violence against Hispanics is thought to have peaked in the 1910s, the decade of the Mexican Revolution and the Bandit Wars, known as “La Matanza.” During that bloody period, the number of Hispanics killed by vigilantes, local law enforcement and the Rangers is estimated at between 300 and several thousand.
“If a Mexican were to testify against the Rangers,” Serrano lamented in his report, “his statement would have no weight, and he would undoubtedly expose himself to death at the hands of the Rangers.”
Serrano also singled out Cline as an especially problematic figure.
“I also wish to inform you,” Serrano’s report said, ”that the Ranger, Ira Cline, according to confidential information provided, is an individual with a bad record and should be feared.”
The fate of the men who shot Wood
As Serrano alluded, Cline was not a known choirboy. Apparently, neither was Roberson: In January 1915, a year after Wood’s death, Roberson — then working as foreman of the T. O. Ranch in Chihuahua — fatally shot a popular rancher during a stockyard squabble in Sierra Blanca, Texas. In the fray, an errant bullet also killed Walter Sitter, a 19-year-old cowboy in Roberson’s employ.
Roberson weathered several trials, with progressively more agreeable verdicts: murder, manslaughter and acquittal. He was never tried for the teenager’s death.
Ira W. Cline, one of the Rangers who shot Wood, lived out much of the remainder of his life in El Paso, shown here in 1910. (Public Domain)
Roberson himself died of gunshot wounds in 1923, after he was shot and killed in the lobby of a hotel in Seminole, Texas, by two ranchers facing a grand jury investigation for cattle poaching. Roberson was scheduled to testify in the court case the next day.
Both men pleaded self-defense, claiming that Roberson had been threatening them, a not-implausible notion. During their trial, Roberson’s killing of Wood and others, along with a perhaps apocryphal anecdote of him having shot a Black railroad conductor and tossing his body off a train, were offered by the defense as evidence of Roberson’s homicidal inclinations. Nevertheless, both men were convicted and imprisoned for Roberson’s murder.
Cline lived longer than Roberson — he would eventually become Presidio County sheriff after the man who had accused Cline of murdering Wood, Milton B. Chastain, died in a fall off a windmill on his ranch in 1917 — but Cline’s police career had its bumps.
While serving as deputy constable in El Paso, Texas, in 1927, he and two colleagues were accused of plotting to kidnap “Mexican revolutionaries and shanghai them into Mexico,” where presumably they would be shot.He was not prosecuted. The following year, Cline was prosecuted on multiple charges of extorting money from El Paso sex workers, but he was acquitted.
Cline died in El Paso in 1965, at 82, the last link in a several-decade cycle of mayhem, murder and tragedy.
This article was adapted from the previously published article: “David L. Wood and Carlos Morales Wood: History Repeats Itself, First as Tragedy and Again as Tragedy,” Daniel Buck, Wild West History Association (WWHA) Saddlebag Newsletter, April 2026.
Daniel Buck is a member of the WWHA Journal editorial board.
In a delicious departure, this month’s edition of Mexico Well-Read explores "Dinner At Frida's: 90 Authentic Mexican Recipes Inspired by the Life and Art of Frida" (Prestel 2024) by Gabriela Castellanos (pictured here) and Hubertus Schüler. (Bridgezurich)
This is the fourth installment of our Mexico Well-Read series. To catch up on the first three entries, click here, here and here.
It may raise an eyebrow or two among regular readers of this column to find a cookbook under review this month rather than the usual work of literary fiction. There are no unreliable narrators or morally ambiguous protagonists this time, no labyrinthine plots or elliptical timelines. And yet “Dinner At Frida’s: 90 Authentic Mexican Recipes Inspired by the Life and Art of Frida,” by Gabriela Castellanos and Hubertus Schüler,demonstrates with considerable charm that a cookbook, like any good book, can have a point of view, a sense of place and a strong narrative voice that carries the reader through.
Chef Gabriela Castellanos asks an intriguing question: What would it have been like to sit down to dinner with Frida Kahlo at her Casa Azul residence? Castellanos curates a selection of recipes inspired by the culinary traditions of Kahlo’s household, while photographer Hubertus Schüler provides accompanying images that are rich, saturated and faintly dreamlike, as though the dishes themselves had passed through Kahlo’s imaginative lens.
The premise of “Dinner at Frida’s” is irresistible: What might it have been like to dine at Kahlo’s table? (Prestel Publishing)
Recipes that tell stories
“Dinner at Frida’s” draws deeply from the atmosphere of Casa Azul — now a museum but reanimated in the book as a vibrant domestic space. Castellanos, who was born and raised in Oaxaca, does not attempt the impossible task of reconstructing exact menus but instead offers a plausible, affectionate portrait of the kinds of meals that might have graced Kahlo’s table — rooted in regional traditions, attentive to seasonality and unabashedly celebratory.
Brief headnotes situate each dish within a web of associations: historical anecdotes, geographic origins and tantalizing glimpses of Kahlo’s own tastes and habits. Once one has read through several recipes and notes, a portrait begins to emerge of Kahlo as the woman who entertained, who nourished and who gathered people around her table — she welcomed guests from all walks of life, including Leon Trotsky, the Rockefellers and Orson Welles. Certain patterns become clear that also situate the food within the broader Mexican culinary tradition: the importance of particular ingredients, the rhythms of seasonal cooking and the way flavors build and balance over time.
At its core, this is a practical cookbook, and Castellanos writes with clarity, avoiding the florid excess that sometimes mars contemporary food writing. She favors straightforward instructions that make even the more complex dishes feel approachable. Whether it’s a rich mole, a celebratory chile en nogada or a simple breakfast dish, each recipe is designed to be actually cooked, not just admired. There is an implicit trust in the reader; one is not merely following directions but participating in a shared tradition, enjoying a conversation between past and present.
The visual language of food
Schüler’s photographs feel tactile, immediate and faintly, comfortingly, imperfect; surfaces bear the marks of use. There’s a clear nod to Kahlo’s aesthetic — bold colors, strong textures and a sense that beauty can be found in ordinary objects. A bowl of sauce becomes an exercise in chiaroscuro while a cluster of fruit suggests a still life that Kahlo herself might have painted. And a plate of food is never just a plate of food; it sits within a larger scene that might include a worn wooden table or a traditional textile.
These details matter. They remind us that food does not exist in isolation; it is always embedded in a network of meanings, ritual and history. The recipes do double duty: they are instructions, yes, but also small windows into a way of life.
Food, memory and community
There is an irresistible pleasure in the book’s premise: the idea of dining with Kahlo, sharing in her hospitality and glimpsing her domestic world. Kahlo’s life has, of course, been endlessly interpreted, romanticized and commodified, but Castellanos takes care to strike a careful, respectful balance, resulting in a thoughtful exploration of Mexican cuisine.
What, then, does it mean to review a cookbook in a space typically reserved for literary fiction? It is acknowledged that narrative takes many forms. In “Dinner at Frida’s,” the story unfolds in courses rather than chapters; it is not linear but cumulative, built through repetition, variation and sensory detail.
Hubertus Schüler’s photographs evoke Kahlo’s own visual vocabulary, echoing her fascination with texture, color and the interplay between the sensual and symbolic. (Prestel Publishing)
There is, moreover, a distinctly Mexican sensibility at work here — a recognition that food is inseparable from identity, memory and community. The most memorable stories are often the ones you share, plate by plate, with family and friends. Buen provecho!
Ann Marie Jackson is a book editor and the award-winning author of “The Broken Hummingbird.” She lives in San Miguel de Allende and can be reached through her website: annmariejacksonauthor.com.
The Teotihuacán Archaeological Zone reopened on Wednesday, following an armed attack carried out by a man from the Pyramid of the Moon that left two people dead, including the attacker. (Rogelio Morales/Cuartoscuro)
The week of April 20 in Mexico was consequential on both the domestic and foreign fronts. A car crash in a Chihuahua ravine turned into a full-blown diplomatic crisis when the victims turned out to be CIA officers operating without federal authorization. Then came a shooting at one of the world’s most visited archaeological sites. Woven in between were major trade talks, investment announcements, a UN visit and a new ambassador nomination — all of it against the backdrop of a government determined to project both sovereignty and stability.
Didn’t have time to catch this week’s top stories? Here’s what you missed.
CIA drama rocks Chihuahua — and Mexico-US relations
The week’s defining story began with tragedy: a vehicle carrying U.S. Embassy staff and two senior Chihuahua officials plunged into a ravine early Sunday, killing all four. It quickly exploded into a diplomatic firestorm when both The Washington Post and The New York Times reported that the two American officials were CIA officers embedded with Chihuahua’s state investigation agency as part of an expanded counter-narcotics mission in the western hemisphere.
At Monday’s mañanera, Sheinbaum said her government had no knowledge of the joint operation and was asking both the Chihuahua government and U.S. authorities for information about their security collaboration. By Tuesday, with the CIA angle confirmed by major U.S. outlets, she ordered federal prosecutors to open a formal investigation. “We’re investigating what these people were doing and what agency they were from,” she said at her press conference. “So far, the information we have is that they were working jointly [with Chihuahua authorities] … So the whole investigation has to be done by the Federal Attorney General’s Office to see if the constitution or the National Security Law was violated.”
Sheinbaum was pointed on the constitutional question. “A Mexican state is not legally permitted to ‘directly’ enter into a security agreement with a U.S. government agency,” she stressed — such arrangements must be authorized at the federal level. She also made clear that joint security operations with the United States are not permitted within Mexican territory, adding that if the investigation confirmed a joint operation had taken place, Mexico would send a formal protest note to Washington and request that such collaboration not be repeated.
The Governor of Chihuahua Maru Campos initially told President Sheinbaum that the army agents who led the counter-cartel operation did not know that U.S. officials were also participating. (Presidencia/Cuartoscuro)
“Of course the government of the United States, the ambassador, should have informed federal authorities,” Sheinbaum said on Thursday. “But the main failure lies with the state government, which requested this collaboration. And that’s against the Constitution and the National Security Law,” the president said.
In a rare crime at one of Mexico’s most popular archaeological sites, a gunman opened fire on visitors at the Teotihuacán pyramids on Monday, shooting from a platform partway up the Pyramid of the Moon before turning the gun on himself. A 32-year-old Canadian woman was killed, and at least 13 people were hospitalized — seven from gunshot wounds, others from falls sustained during the panic. Victims included nationals from Colombia, Russia, Brazil, the Netherlands and the United States, as well as a six-year-old Colombian boy.
The gunman was identified as Julio César Jasso Ramírez, 27, originally from Tlapa, Guerrero, who had arrived at the site by Uber. He was shot in the leg by the National Guard before killing himself, and investigators say the GN’s rapid response likely prevented more deaths. Authorities recovered a pistol, a knife and 52 unused cartridges, along with what they described as literature and manuscripts linked to violent events in the United States in April 1999 — likely in reference to the Columbine High School massacre, which occurred on the same calendar date 27 years earlier. Video from the scene captured Jasso making threatening remarks specifically targeting European tourists.
At Tuesday’s mañanera, México state Attorney General José Luis Cervantes said authorities believe Jasso had visited Teotihuacán multiple times beforehand to plan the attack, pointing to a calculated, copycat profile. He declined to frame a specific motive, instead pointing to what he called a “psychopathic profile” and a documented mental illness. Separately, reports indicated Jasso had Nazi sympathies and that he had chosen the date deliberately. Sheinbaum called the attack unprecedented at an archaeological site in Mexico and stressed that it bore no relationship to organized crime. She also noted, with the FIFA World Cup opening in Mexico City in just over seven weeks, that security for the tournament remains “guaranteed.”
New security rules at archaeological sites
Teotihuacán reopened Wednesday with a reinforced protocol, though the Pyramid of the Moon — where the shooting began — remains closed to the public. Broader changes are being rolled out across Mexico’s archaeological zone network:
Increased National Guard presence: National Guard personnel have been deployed at Teotihuacán, and at Oaxaca’s main sites — Monte Albán, Mitla, Yagul and Atzompa — where visitors’ bags are now being inspected upon entry. (For now, National Guard officers at those Oaxacan sites are not permitted to carry weapons inside the grounds themselves.)
Backpack ban at Chichén Itzá: Mexico’s most-visited site has temporarily prohibited visitors from bringing backpacks onto the grounds. The site’s director said the ban would remain in effect for at least the near term.
Broader nationwide protocol: The government announced it would reinforce its inspection protocol for INAH-managed zones across the country — a significant logistical undertaking given the scale of Mexico’s cultural heritage network, which includes hundreds of sites.
USMCA talks advance, May 25 date set
On the trade front, Monday’s visit to Mexico City by U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer — who met with Sheinbaum at the National Palace alongside Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard and Finance Minister Édgar Amador Zamora — marked a concrete step forward in the USMCA review process.
Sheinbaum chaired a meeting at the National Palace attended by Greer, U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ron Johnson, Mexican Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard, Finance Minister Édgar Amador Zamora and other officials. (Presidencia)
New investment announcements
Logistics company Bulkmatic announced a US $600 million plan to develop multimodal fuel storage terminals across Mexico over the next decade — a notable commitment given that Mexico currently holds barely three days’ worth of fuel reserves, against an international standard of 90 days.
Separately, a delegation from Querétaro attending Germany’s Hannover Messe trade fair secured US $133 million in combined investment pledges from several German companies, led by Siemens AG, which alone committed 1.3 billion pesos to expand its manufacturing footprint in the state, supporting 300 new jobs.
With Mexico-U.S. relations under strain, Sheinbaum used Thursday’s mañanera to announce she is nominating Roberto Lazzeri, the current director of two Mexican development banks, as the country’s next ambassador to Washington.
The appointment still requires U.S. acceptance and ratification by the Mexican Senate. Lazzeri is considered well-positioned to engage on USMCA trade issues, and the timing of his nomination — amid the Chihuahua CIA crisis — underscores the importance both governments are placing on keeping diplomatic channels functional.
More fuel theft networks dismantled, with arrests reaching Argentina
Mexico’s Security Cabinet announced this week that it had dismantled a criminal network that was smuggling up to 1.5 million liters of fuel per week into Mexico’s supply chain. More than 20 raids across Hidalgo, México state, Chihuahua and Mexico City led to 14 arrests, including alleged ringleader Mauricio Gamboa — known as “El Burras” — who was apprehended with links to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel.
A related international operation netted a key suspect in Argentina. The network, which operated since mid-2023 through a sophisticated scheme combining maritime, rail and land transport, is estimated to have smuggled 564 million liters of fuel worth over 23 billion pesos (about US $1.3 billion). Security Minister Omar García Harfuch said authorities also took down 40 front companies that had been forging petro-invoices to legitimize the operation.
With over 132,000 people currently listed as missing in Mexico, Türk urged the government to strengthen search mechanisms and forensic identification processes, while praising recent institutional efforts. He also addressed impunity, journalist protection, organized crime and pretrial detention. Sheinbaum — who had sharply rejected an earlier UN committee report that characterized enforced disappearances as crimes against humanity — described her own meeting with Türk as productive, though the two were notably careful in how they characterized their areas of agreement.
Sheinbaum’s Barcelona trip delivers austere optics
The week opened with a small, but recurring talking point in Mexico: Sheinbaum had flown economy class to Barcelona, where she attended a leaders’ summit. Back at her Monday mañanera, she was asked about it and leaned in, saying she and her team are “normal people” who don’t claim special privileges.
The two-day trip also had substantive outcomes: Sheinbaum said Foreign Affairs Minister Roberto Velasco is finalizing a May visit by European officials to Mexico City to formally sign the modernized Mexico-EU trade agreement.
MND ESPI: Inaugural expat safety index
Mexico News Daily published the results of its inaugural Expat Safety Perceptions Index (ESPI™) this week: a new quarterly poll measuring how safe foreign residents actually feel in their daily lives in Mexico, distinct from national crime statistics and surveys.
With 773 respondents across 29 of Mexico’s 32 states, the Q1 2026 MND ESPI score came in at 88.97 out of 100.
Foreign residents also reported, on average, feeling safer in Mexico than in the places they most recently lived in their home countries. The survey is designed to become a benchmark that tracks perceptions over time, offering a data-based counterweight to the gap between media narratives and lived expat experience.
Good news roundup
🚲 Mexico City is getting a new north-south bike route, expanding the capital’s growing cycling infrastructure.
The CIA affair in Chihuahua is far from over. Federal prosecutors are still determining whether Mexico’s constitution or National Security Law was violated, and what consequences — if any — Chihuahua’s state government will face.
The precedent is murky: no Mexican state has previously been sanctioned for entering into an unauthorized security arrangement with a foreign intelligence agency, so whatever path Sheinbaum’s government chooses will itself set new ground. Sheinbaum has long declined U.S. offers — including from President Trump — to send military or intelligence personnel into Mexico. By pointing to state officials rather than the U.S. federal government as the problem, she sought to manage the bilateral relationship while still defending Mexico’s sovereignty — but it will be interesting to see how the president holds that balance as the investigation deepens.
On the security and tourism front, the Teotihuacán shooting has put Mexico’s archaeological sites under a spotlight that will only intensify as the FIFA World Cup approaches. With the tournament’s opening match in Mexico City now less than two months away, the speed and thoroughness of security upgrades at Teotihuacán and other major sites will be scrutinized by international visitors, foreign governments and the global press.
Mexico News Daily
This story contains summaries of original Mexico News Daily articles. The summaries were generated by Claude, then revised and fact-checked by a Mexico News Daily staff editor.
Banksy is a world famous street artist whose identity remains unknown. However, it is known he painted this mural in Chiapas in 2001. (Banksy Unofficial)
It’s not every day that the world’s most famous — or infamous — street artist hops across the pond from the United Kingdom to spend time in the jungles of Chiapas, a region of Mexico most known for its coffee production, revolutionary movements and Maya ruins.
Even rarer is when that artist is doing it as part of a community-centered football club with a sociopolitical goal to unite oppressed communities around the world.
“Love is in the Air,” a 2003 Banksy stencil mural in the West Bank, territory that is claimed by both Israel and Palestine. Banksy has repeatedly traveled to troubled locations around the world and done public art, often with social justice themes. (Sotheby’s)
When Banksy became a footballer
I’m talking about Banksy — the faceless graffiti guerrilla whose globally renowned work once sold for more than US $25 million — and the time he came to southern Mexico as a goalkeeper and member of Bristol’s Easton Cowboys and Cowgirls Sports and Social Club (nowadays known as the Easton Cowfolk).
In 1992, the team was formally organized from a ragtag pick-up team to an actual club by a group of punk rockers and anarchists to represent the working-class aspirations of amateur footballers. Over the years, the team’s reputation as a vehicle for civic engagement and social betterment allowed them to travel to struggling parts of the world — Palestine, South Central Los Angeles and Mexico — to unite disparate communities through sports.
Enter Banksy, who cut his teeth around Bristol’s underground graffiti circuit as a teenager, and whose use of street art stencils with anti-establishment messaging eventually gained him notoriety as a mysterious, universally sought-after artist. Banksy signed up with the Easton Cowboys as the team’s goalie.
What Banksy left behind in Chiapas
Banksy’s “Resistencia” mural in Chiapas. (Internet)
In 2001, Chiapas was in the international spotlight for its Indigenous mobilization to demand social justice and human rights, led by the militarized Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Banksy made the trek with the Easton Cowboys to Chiapas’ mountainous communities to lend his support, both on and off the pitch.
A few years prior, in the late 1990s, the Acteal massacre had occurred, in which 45 Indigenous people in Chiapas were murdered by a pro-government paramilitary group. This had reignited the EZLN, which had previously signed a peace treaty with the Mexican government.
The BBC reported that Banksy had helped the football club with its charity fundraising for Chiapas, creating a painting that was raffled off to raise money for water projects there.
There are also vintage photos of the street art that Banksy left around the state, including a mural that declared “resistencia” and that featured armed soldiers being confronted by the local community. Its message encouraged community members to stay informed and knowledgeable.
Another mural, perhaps even more iconic, portrayed masked EZLN members in mid-air while unleashing a chilena, or bicycle kick. It was framed by the text, “A la libertad por el fútbol.” (To freedom through football).
Other remnants of Banksy’s time in Chiapas can be found in a few of his stencils — one shows a group of EZLN freedom fighters armed with AK-47s and playing football. Another shows a mariachi gripping his guitar like a weapon and playing music that is symbolized by bombs being dropped (i.e., music as a form of combating oppression).
Banksy’s legacy in Chiapas
Banksy also left this stencil in Chiapas, along with a larger mural. (Banksy Unofficial)
It’s unclear whether these relics remain visible in Chiapas or if they have been painted over. One thing is certain, though: Chiapas has since transformed into a hotspot for street art, with Condé Nast Traveler documenting the parts of Chiapas that are veritable outdoor museums.
Sadly, Chiapas is facing just as many social issues and environmental concerns as when Banksy originally visited over two decades ago. In the past year, the state has experienced a severe water crisis — despite being a naturally abundant and largely tropical region, but clean-water access has been a problem in the state for a lot longer. Protesters have repeatedly confronted corporations in the state — most notably, Coca-Cola — over their levels of water consumption, which have impacted populated areas like San Cristóbal de las Casas.
Paradoxically, Chiapas supplies around 30% of Mexico’s water. According to the We Are Water Foundation and designated by the National Water Commission (Conagua), Chiapas “possesses one of the 10 largest groundwater reserves in the world.” Yet, Chiapas struggles with water access and neglect. The federal statistics agency INEGI’s 2020 Population and Housing Census revealed that nearly 700,000 Chiapas residents regularly don’t have access to safe drinking water in acceptable quantities.
One street artist can’t fix those issues, of course, and it’s unlikely that Banksy will return to Mexico to protest — or participate in a football match — in support of Chiapas’ people and causes. But the time he played a small role in fighting for Chiapas’ residents through soccer and graffiti will certainly be remembered as one of Mexico’s most unlikely events.
Alan Chazaro is the author of “This Is Not a Frank Ocean Cover Album,” “Piñata Theory” and “Notes From the Eastern Span of the Bay Bridge” (Ghost City Press, 2021). He is a graduate of June Jordan’s Poetry for the People program at UC Berkeley and a former Lawrence Ferlinghetti Fellow at the University of San Francisco. His writing can be found in GQ, NPR, The Guardian, L.A. Times and more. Originally from the San Francisco Bay Area, he is currently based in Veracruz.