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NYT: US is pressuring Mexico to allow US troops to fight cartels

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US soldiers look out over an arid valley
U.S. soldiers and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agents patrol the border with Mexico near Chula Vista, California. (Elijah Ingram/U.S. Army)

On the very first day of his second term as U.S. president, Donald Trump was asked whether he would consider “ordering U.S. special forces into Mexico” to “take out” drug cartels.

“Could happen. Stranger things have happened,” Trump responded.

In May last year, President Claudia Sheinbaum revealed that she had rejected an offer from Trump to send the U.S. Army into Mexico to combat cartels, while in November NBC News reported that the Trump administration had begun planning a “potential mission” on Mexican soil that would target cartels, including with drone strikes.

Now, The New York Times is reporting that the United States is “intensifying pressure” on Mexico “to allow U.S. military forces to conduct joint operations to dismantle fentanyl labs inside the country.”

Published on Thursday, the Times’ report quotes U.S. officials who spoke with the newspaper “on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomatic issues and military planning.”

Its publication comes two days after Sheinbaum spoke by telephone with Trump, a call she requested in light of the U.S. president’s declaration last Thursday that the United States would begin hitting cartels on land.

Angry Trump
The U.S. attack on Venezuela and President Trump’s subsequent threats of military intervention in Mexico have reawakened worries that the U.S. president’s talk could turn into action. (Gage Skidmore CC BY 2.0)

The Mexican president subsequently said that Trump told her that the United States could provide additional assistance to combat cartels if Mexico requested such help. Sheinbaum — a staunch defender of Mexican sovereignty and an ardent opponent of any kind of U.S. intervention in Mexico — told her counterpart that U.S. “boots on the ground” help wouldn’t be necessary.

The president — whose government has significantly ramped up the fight against organized crime over the past 15 months — also said on Monday that a U.S. military action in Mexico could be ruled out.

NYT: US officials want American forces to take part in Mexican Army raids

Citing its sources, the Times reported that “U.S. officials want American forces — either Special Operation troops or C.I.A. officers — to accompany Mexican soldiers on raids on suspected fentanyl labs” in Mexico.

Under the U.S. proposal, Mexican troops would lead the raids and make “key decisions,” while U.S. forces would support them, providing intelligence and advice, according to the Times’ reporting.

The newspaper noted that “such joint operations would be a significant expansion of the United States’ role in Mexico, and one that the Mexican government has so far adamantly opposed.”

The Times, again citing its U.S. government sources, wrote that the United States’ joint operations proposal “was first raised early last year and then largely dropped.”

Navy personnel in Culiacán
The U.S. has asked that its forces be allowed to participate in Mexican military action against cartels, a request that has so far been denied. (José Betanzos Zarate/Cuartoscuro.com)

“But the request was renewed after U.S. forces captured President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela on Jan. 3 and has involved the highest levels of government, including the White House, according to multiple officials.”

Given Sheinbaum’s staunch defense of Mexican sovereignty and her repeated assertions that U.S. forces won’t be allowed to come into Mexico to combat the country’s notorious drug cartels, it would appear extremely unlikely that she would consent to the Trump administration’s request, no matter how intense the pressure becomes.

In addition to the president’s personal opposition, the United States’ “proposal for joint operations also runs up against recent Mexican laws that restrict foreign troops on Mexican soil, including a constitutional amendment passed last year,” the Times wrote.

Sheinbaum frequently stresses that her administration is willing to collaborate and cooperate with the U.S. government on security issues, but will not accept subordination or any violation of Mexican sovereignty. Indeed security cooperation between Mexico and the United States is premised on “the principles of reciprocity, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, shared and differentiated responsibility, as well as mutual trust,” according to a joint statement issued in September.

Security Minister Omar García Harfuch told the Times last month that Mexico has “highly trained army units and special forces,” and in light of that dismissed the need for U.S. forces in Mexican territory.

“What we need is information,” he said.

Omar García Harfuch
Security Minister García Harfuch dismissed the idea that Mexico needs U.S. firepower, underlining the need for more intelligence sharing. (Victoria Valtierra/Cuartoscuro)

NYT: US advisers are already in military command posts in Mexico

While the Mexican government has not consented to joint operations in Mexico, Mexican officials this month “offered counter proposals,” including “increased information sharing and for the United States to play a greater role inside command centers,” the Times reported, citing “a person familiar with the matter.”

The newspaper wrote that “U.S. advisers are already in Mexican military command posts, according to American officials, sharing intelligence to help Mexican forces in their antidrug operations.”

The Times added that “Mexican officials are under pressure to reach an agreement, as some American officials would like to see the U.S. military or C.I.A. conduct drone strikes against suspected drug labs.”

“… But fentanyl labs are notoriously difficult to find and destroy,” the newspaper wrote, citing U.S. officials.

US Democrats introduce bill aimed at stopping unauthorized US military force in Mexico 

Democrats in the United States are standing up to Trump’s military intervention in Venezuela and potential unilateral action in Mexico.

On Wednesday, three Democratic Party lawmakers, Congressman Joaquin Castro, Congresswoman Sara Jacobs and Congressman Greg Stanton, introduced the “No Unauthorized War in Mexico Act” to the U.S. House of Representatives.

Congressman Joaquin Castro leans forward to speak into a microphone
U.S. Congressman Joaquin Castro, seen here at a December congressional hearing regarding relations with Mexico, was one of the legislators behind the proposal to prohibit a U.S. military incursion in Mexico. (CSPAN)

The legislation advocates a “prohibition on use of force in or against Mexico” unless the U.S. Congress has “declared war on Mexico” or “enacted specific statutory authorization for such use of military force after the date of the enactment of this Act.”

If enacted, the legislation would “prohibit taxpayer funds from being used for an unauthorized war in Mexico,” according to a statement issued by Castro.

“Launching the United States into another unnecessary — and unauthorized — war in Latin America is a destabilizing move that will come back to haunt the nation,” Castro said.

“My constituents in San Antonio don’t want the U.S. to spend billions in another war that risks destabilizing the region, mass migration, and human rights abuses. My legislation, the No Unauthorized War in Mexico Act, would protect our relationship with a close ally and prevent wasting taxpayer dollars on military force in Mexico,” he said.

While its extremely unlikely that the bill will be approved by the Republican-dominated lower house of Congress, it serves as a warning to, and rebuke of, the Trump administration, and adds to the public debate over its intentions in Mexico.

The introduction of the bill came five days after Castro, Stanton and 70 other House Democrats wrote to U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio to express their opposition to “the unauthorized use of military force in Venezuela and threats from the President and administration officials alluding to U.S. military action inside Mexico without Mexico’s consent and without congressional authorization.”

“… Unilateral military action against Mexico would be disastrous,” they wrote before pointing out that “Mexico is America’s number one trading partner and critically important security partner with whom we share longstanding familial and border connections.”

“Under President Claudia Sheinbaum, Mexico has dramatically increased its cooperation with the United States. Any unilateral military action would violate Mexico’s sovereignty, and tarnish the new era of cooperation that … Sheinbaum has ushered in.”

With reports from The New York Times, La Jornada and San Antonio Express News  

Veracruz student Valeria Palacios wins the World Education Medal

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Valeria Palacios
Only one student receives the medal each year out of a worldwide pool of candidates. Valeria Palacios is the first Mexican to be so honored, for which she has received congratulations from President Sheinbaum. (Valeria Palacios/Facebook)

Valeria Palacios Cruz, a 19-year-old student from Veracruz, has been selected as the winner of a 2025 World Education Medal.

She has been honored in the student category for using artificial intelligence to address environmental and social challenges in her community.

Valeria <palacios and creations
Palacios said the medal “reflects my belief that AI should be applied where it can create a real difference for people and the planet.” (Valeria Palacios/Facebook)

The international award, presented by technology giant HP and announced Tuesday in London, honors only three people each year — one global leader, one educator and one student — for using technology to achieve social impact and advance education.

Palacios, a student at Ceulver/TecNM University in Veracruz, is the first Mexican to win in any category. The formal ceremony will be held next Tuesday at the Education Leaders Forum in London.

Palacios develops projects that merge AI, robotics and drones to solve local environmental problems.

Her initiatives include Clean Water Drone, which removes floating waste; Drones for Reforestation, which plants seeds in damaged areas; and Project Manta Ray, a rescue drone used in emergency response.

She also created CONIA, a service robot designed to help older adults live independently by recognizing medications, reading printed materials and detecting medical emergencies.

“This [award] reflects my belief that AI should be applied where it can create a real difference for people and the planet,” Palacios said. “Thank you, HP, for recognizing the potential of young innovators in using AI for a positive social and environmental impact.”

President Claudia Sheinbaum congratulated Palacios at one of her morning press conferences this week, adding that she plans to meet her soon.

HP Global Director of Education Business and Strategy Mayank Dhingra said Palacios’ work “highlights how leveraging the latest technologies can pave the way for a brighter future in education, offering hope and progress to society.”

The other winners were Rebecca Winthrop, director of the Brookings Institution’s Center for Universal Education in Washington, D.C., in the leaders category, and Vineeta Garg, head of IT at SRDAV Public School in New Delhi, India, in the educators category. Approximately 130 countries participated in the competition.

Palacios’ award is the  latest in a string of global honors for Mexicans in the world of education.

In August, three Chihuahua teens won first place at 2025 World Robot Contest in China; in September, Mexican student Alejandro Aguilar won the 2025 James Dyson National Award for creating an app that uses AI to detect retinal diseases in under 30 seconds; and in December, Nelsy Saray Valenzuela Flores of Sinaloa was nominated for the GEMS Global Teacher Prize, one of the world’s most prestigious education awards.

In addition, high school students from Veracruz won the Zayed Prize for their marine conservation project, and an elementary school in Mexico City became the first Mexican institution to win the World’s Best School Prize for Community Collaboration, an international award from London-based T4 Education.

With reports from Aristegui Noticias and Diario de Xalapa

Chinese-made vehicles now make up nearly 1 in 5 cars sold in Mexico

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Chinese-made cars in Mexico include brands like BYD, Changan and MG as well as cars manufactured in China by Ford and General Motors. (Michael Fortsch/Unsplash)

Around one in five cars sold in Mexico in 2025 was made in China, according to data from the national statistics agency INEGI and industry groups.

Citing data from INEGI, the Electro Mobility Association and the Nuevo León Automotive Cluster (CLAUT), the Reforma newspaper reported on Thursday that 306,351 “Made in China” light vehicles were sold in Mexico last year, representing 19% of total sales.

The figure includes sales of vehicles made by Chinese automakers such as BYD, Changan, MG and GWM as well as sales of cars made in China by foreign companies such as General Motors and Ford.

Around 244,000 of the “Made in China” light vehicles sold in Mexico last year were Chinese-branded cars, according to the Mexican Association of Automotive Distributors (AMDA). That figure represents around 15% of total sales in 2025, which numbered over 1.6 million units according to AMDA.

Five years ago, sales of Chinese-branded vehicles accounted for less than 1% of total sales in Mexico, the El Economista newspaper reported. Mexico is now the world’s top importer of vehicles made in China.

The rapid increase in sales of Chinese cars, and the resultant impact on the Mexican auto industry, was a key reason why the federal government took the decision to increase tariffs on vehicles made in China. As of Jan. 1, such vehicles are subject to a 50% duty when entering Mexico, up from 20% in 2025.

‘Cars built in China don’t have a single part made in Mexico’ 

CLAUT director Manuel Montoya told Reforma that the significant market share of “Made in China” cars in Mexico is largely due to their attractive prices, which are possible thanks to low production costs in the East Asian economic powerhouse.

“The traditional brands [such as Ford and GM] that manufacture here and also in China have the option of bringing a quota of vehicles from there [to Mexico] at [Chinese] prices,” he said.

“… That’s why you have an SUV such as the Ford Territory with a super price [in Mexico] and that encourages people to buy,” Montoya said.

BYD electric vehicles have become popular in Mexico because of their affordability compared to other EVs. Around 85,000 BYDs were sold in Mexico last year, representing about one-third of all sales of Chinese-branded vehicles.

Montoya said that “Made in China” vehicles are selling “because they have very attractive prices and, in addition, they’re very well made.”

While many Mexican consumers are happy about having access to Chinese cars, the rise of the Chinese auto industry represents a threat to its Mexican counterpart.

“Cars built in China don’t have a single part made in Mexico,” noted Montoya.

“It affects us because the Mexican industry lives off production of vehicles made in North America. It really affects us, the United States and Canada,” he said.

Will higher tariffs impact sales of Chinese cars?

AMDA president Guillermo Rosales told El Economista that it is difficult to predict what impact the higher tariffs will have on sales of Chinese cars in Mexico.

Although the 50% duty took effect on Jan. 1, Rosales said he didn’t anticipate “significant changes” in sales of Chinese-made cars in the first half of the year.

“The year already started and we’re not seeing upward price changes,” he said.

Higher prices for Chinese vehicles could become apparent later in the year as dealerships take delivery of cars that entered the country after Jan. 1. However, Chinese automakers are known for having the capacity to absorb and offset tariff increases.

Still, the 50% tariff on vehicles from China and other countries with which Mexico doesn’t have a free trade agreement (such as India and South Korea) “is a measure and a public policy that balances the market,” according to Rogelio Garza, president of the Mexican Automotive Industry Association.

“… As the Economy Minister [Marcelo Ebrard] has said himself, [it creates a] level playing field in order to be able to compete in Mexico,” Garza said.

With reports from Reforma and El Economista  

Latin music legend Ricky Martin is returning to his ‘beloved Mexico’

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Ricky Martin performing
Beginning Feb. 21, Ricky Martin will be giving major concerts in La Paz, Querétaro, Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey, Chihuahua, León and Mérida. (Ricky Martin)

Puerto Rican superstar Ricky Martin will return to Mexico in March as part of his “Ricky Martin Live 2026” international tour, which will include seven cities across the country. 

On his social media, the song-and-dance man expressed that he is “so happy” to return to his “beloved Mexico” in March 2026. In that same message, he revealed he would perform in the cities of Querétaro, Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey, Chihuahua, León and Mérida.

Martin also announced that before the tour begins he would be performing at the La Paz Carnaval in Baja California Sur, on Feb. 21. 

Here are the dates and venues for the Mexican leg of the tour:

  • Querétaro – March 12, Querétaro Racetrack
  • Mexico City – March 14, Fray Nano Stadium
  • Guadalajara – March 18, Pan American Stadium
  • Monterrey – March 20, Walmart Park Stadium
  • Chihuahua – March 22, Monumental Stadium
  • León – March 24, Poliforum Esplanade
  • Mérida – March 28, Kukulkán Baseball Park

According to organizers, the show is expected to last an hour and a half and include a live band, backup dancer and large-format visuals. 

Tickets start at 690 pesos (US $38) and reach up to 4,990 pesos (US $279) depending on the city and section selected. Tickets are now available through funticket.mx and at official box offices.

Ricky Martin rose to fame with the Latin pop children’s group Menudo in the ’80s before launching his career as a solo artist, becoming one of the most influential figures of Latin music in the ’90s. 

His album “Vuelve” (1998) and the global success of the English-language album “Ricky Martin” (1999), with singles like “Livin’ la Vida Loca”, established him as one of the singers responsible for the so-called “Latin explosion.”

He has sold more than 70 million albums as a solo artist, and won numerous awards including two Grammy awards. 

With reports from Sin Embargo and Tribuna de México

GM plans to invest US $1B in its Mexico operations despite Trump’s comments

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GM México headquarters in Mexico City
GM México has more than a 12% overall market share and a whopping 78.8% market share in large SUVs, driven by sales of the Chevrolet Suburban, Chevrolet Tahoe and GMC Yukon. (General Motors)

General Motors announced on Wednesday a US $1 billion investment in its Mexican production operations over the next two years, underscoring the automaker’s long-term commitment to the country where its market share is higher than 12%. 

The announcement came soon after U.S. President Donald Trump seemingly expressed scorn for the Mexican automotive industry, calling  the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) “irrelevant” and asserting that the U.S. does not need cars manufactured in Mexico. 

Francisco GarzaCEO and president of General Motors México,
Francisco Garza (right), CEO and president of General Motors México, said the investment will allow the automaker to “continue working on future projects focused on domestic demand, reinforcing our long-term commitment to Mexico.”
(Moisés Pablo/Cuartoscuro.com)

GM President Mark Reuss countered by saying that the company’s supply chain remains integrated across the three countries involved in the USMCA, which is currently the subject of a formal review

In an official statement, Francisco Garza, president and CEO of GM México, said the automaker’s “solid results” in 2025 reaffirm its commitment to offering innovation, quality and value in every vehicle.

While anticipating a challenging year ahead, Garza said GM México “will adapt our strategy to respond to the evolving needs of our customers.” 

He added, “As part of this new strategy, and in line with the Mexican government’s efforts to strengthen the domestic market, we will invest US $1 billion over the next two years in our local manufacturing operations and continue working on future projects focused on domestic demand, reinforcing our long-term commitment to Mexico.” 

GM’s strategy aims to align with President Claudia Sheinbaum’s Plan México whose goal is to strengthen the domestic market by fomenting a strategy based on assembly and infrastructure tailored to the needs of the Mexican consumer.

The company did not identify specific manufacturing projects in Mexico, saying they will be announced later. 

Illustrating the solid results mentioned by Garza, in December alone GM México sales registered an increase of 11.2% compared to December 2024. 

The company also finds itself as the leader in key market segments:

  •  A 78.8% market share in large SUVs, driven by sales of the Chevrolet Suburban, Chevrolet Tahoe and GMC Yukon.
  • Its Chevrolet Tornado Van leads sales for small vans with a 52.7% market share.
  • Its large luxury SUVs — Cadillac Escalade, Cadillac Escalade IQ/IQL and GMC Hummer EV — boast  39% of market share.
  • Its compact pickups, led by the Chevrolet Montana, have a 38.5% market share.

GM is the largest manufacturer of combustion and electric vehicles in Mexico and is the main exporter. It sold 198,153 units in 2025, second only to Nissan (274,661 units sold).

With reports from El Economista, El Financiero and De Último Minuto

Accusations fly after an influencer unearths ancient Mixtec treasures in Oaxaca

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Two photos: On the left, a hand holds a tiny gold mask. On the right, townspeople gather around a table filled with dusty clay pots and vases
A small chunk of worked gold and dozens of ancient pots and vases were among objects extracted by the influencer Yaotzin Nell Mejía, also known as Señor Blue. (Señor Blue/Facebook)

A Facebook post about an archaeological find in the southern state of Oaxaca led to a simmering dispute and a flurry of accusations about how Mexico safeguards its heritage.

This past weekend, Señor Blue, a history and archaeology social media influencer, shared a video of the discovery of roughly 60 pre-Hispanic artifacts in San Pedro Jaltepetongo, a rural town in the mountains about 140 kilometers north of the state capital, Oaxaca city.

Pobladores encuentran un tesoro, y desatan muchas criticas en las redes.

The post was accompanied by photographs showing dozens of vases, pots and a piece of gold extracted from a well, prompting the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) to warn against irresponsible reporting.

INAH issued a statement urging citizens, journalists and content creators to “exercise due care when disseminating information about archaeological sites not open to the public,” lest they facilitate looting by revealing their location.

“It is everyone’s responsibility to care for and preserve our heritage for future generations,” the statement said, “and to avoid misinformation that … promotes looting and the destruction of the pre-Hispanic legacy of the people of Oaxaca and Mexico.”

As the story spread, some criticized the amateur excavation for destroying the archaeological context of the find, while others thanked Señor Blue for his offer of legal support to keep the artifacts in the local community.

In response to one social media comment that “If you have so much love for the past, … you should know this: it’s a serious mistake to dig pieces out of that hole,” Señor Blue wrote: “The most serious thing is when INAH removes everything, cleans it up and takes the items away, storing them in a warehouse, in the best of cases, or selling the pieces.”

Señor Blue claims to have infiltrated Facebook groups where pieces are offered for sale, saying some individuals even display INAH employee credentials to “authenticate” the pieces being sold. INAH did not respond to the allegations.

The influencer said the residents of San Pedro — who he’d worked with before — contacted him for fear that INAH would sell the artifacts on the black market.

He also defended his actions, arguing that the townspeople should have a say in what happens to the artifacts, citing the removal of treasures from the village of San Francisco Caxonos in Oaxaca’s Northern Sierra.

Archaeologists find a massive, 3,000-year-old map of the universe in Tabasco

An INAH dig there in the late 1990s uncovered six tombs with valuable Zapotec pieces — including a gold pectoral — from the Late Postclassic period (1300 to 1521 AD). The archaeologists removed all the pieces without informing the community, which, only years later, discovered the objects were housed in a Mexico City museum. They have since been returned and can be viewed at the local community museum.

“I prefer that people safeguard their local treasures,” Señor Blue wrote, “I hope INAH will provide them with a museum, but they will say there are no resources.”

INAH has confirmed that the collection of artifacts found in San Pedro — discovered after a local woman gathering epazote in the fields outside the town came across a hole in the ground — are part of a pre-Hispanic funerary context that corresponds to the Late Postclassic period and exhibits distinct characteristics of the Mixtec cultural tradition.

With reports from El País, Excelsior and El Universal

Why moving to Monterrey might just be your Mexican dream

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Monterrey
Monterrey is one of Mexico's largest cities, and also one of its most welcoming. (Unsplash/Steven Fernandez)

When you dream about living in Mexico, you may think of beach resort towns like Playa del Carmen or the historic cities of Mexico City and Guadalajara. But if you ask us at Mexico News Daily, there’s one city you may not have thought of that definitely deserves to be on that list: Monterrey in the northern state of Nuevo León.

Surrounded by the Sierra Madre mountains, the gleaming, modern industrial city of Monterrey is a place defined more by ambition and industry rather than mass tourism. The city made it into international news a few years ago when Elon Musk announced he would open a Tesla gigafactory there, a plan that has since been put on hold due to US tariffs. But there were plenty of reasons Musk was interested in expanding into Monterrey.

Monterrey is the business capital of Mexico

Monterrey
Monterrey is considered the business capital of Mexico. (Unsplash/David Liceaga)

The city calls itself “the business capital of Mexico,” and with good reason: it has a thriving aerospace, tech, biotech and automotive industry and several major companies are based there — along with a younger demographic of Mexicans who have moved there to take well-paying jobs at these companies. Driving this seemingly never-ending investment is Nuevo León’s affable young governor, Samuel García, who travels the world regularly to talk up Nuevo León as a base for Latin American expansion for U.S., Asian and European manufacturers and tech companies. 

Perhaps emblematic of Monterrey’s modern, ambitious vibe is the city’s Torre Obispado, the tallest skyscraper in all of Mexico. Not content with that status, Monterrey is also building the Torre Rise, which aims to become the tallest skyscraper in all of Latin America, featuring luxury condos, business offices, hotels, bars and restaurants.

Unlike Mexico’s older urban hubs, Monterrey doesn’t promote its history and tradition; its youthful vision is pointed firmly forward toward the future.

‘Dallas, but in Spanish’

The city’s economic success is partly due to its location near the U.S. border, which has also resulted in plenty of cross-pollination with the U.S., both economically and culturally. In Mexico, Monterrey has the reputation of being the most Americanized city in Mexico.

Culturally, it boasts a strong norteño identity, thanks to its proximity to Texas cities like Laredo and San Antonio, so it’s not unusual to see cowboy hats on Monterrey’s streets, and hear the norteño sounds of Los Tigres Del Norte and Ramón Ayala at parties. Many Monterrey natives have family in the U.S. and have spent extensive time there, which means a big demand for U.S.-style amenities and culture. The city’s young, well-educated population, if not fluent in English, tends to speak at least some. 

A group of American students at Tec de Monterrey in Monterrey, Mexico. They are sitting at an outdoor table that has a Mac laptop and a backpack. They are smiling.
Mexico’s Tec de Monterrey actively recruits English-speaking foreign students, with classes conducted in both Spanish and in English. (Tec de Monterrey)

Thanks to Monterrey’s highly Americanized environment, it can be an appealing option for well-educated, younger workers from the U.S., who know Spanish, whose English can be a boon for international companies looking for workers who are fluent in the business world’s lingua franca.

Monterrey’s reputation for high-ranking universities also attracts young foreigners from the U.S. and other countries seeking to earn a less-expensive but still well-regarded university degree in an environment with plenty of good jobs. An undergraduate degree from even one of Mexico’s most prestigious, and most expensive, private universities, the Tec de Monterrey, can cost well under US $20,000 a year, significantly cheaper than in the U.S. At the Autonomous University of Nuevo León, a public university, international students can pay as little as US $1,000 in yearly tuition. 

Mexican-American Kata Lucia, a Mexican American engineering student at Tec de Monterrey, sees the city as a good option for Mexican-American students who want to connect with their roots in an environment that doesn’t feel entirely foreign. 

“Although I like to call Monterrey ‘Dallas, but in Spanish’ due to how Americanized it is, I’ve really fallen in love with the feeling it gives me,” she said. “It’s like being home in Texas, but also being in the unknown at the same time.”

A welcoming environment

Other expats in Monterrey we interviewed pointed to the warm sense of community they encountered there. Andrea Zavala, a local radio announcer for Monterrey’s Classic 106.9 FM and former Spanish immersion teacher in Ohio, highlights how kind the Monterrey community is towards outsiders, particularly to those with kids in the school system.

Expats who’ve moved to Monterrey, especially from the U.S., say they find the city welcoming and even a bit like home. (Unsplash/Gabriel Tovar)

There’s a WhatsApp group for each of our kids’ classrooms. The parents and kids from each class even meet up to celebrate Christmas, Halloween and Mexico’s Independence Day. They use anything as an excuse to get together,” she said. 

Also, she said, she encountered a “lot of support from the start.”

“If your kids need a ride or help with homework, parents from the community are there with a sincere and helping hand.”

After the gentrification protests in Mexico City last summer, a would-be foreign migrant to Monterrey might wonder if outsiders will be welcome. But since Monterrey doesn’t have many tourists or many temporary foreign residents, foreigners who settle in Monterrey are viewed more as new members of the community.

“I truly like how friendly the people are. Being from the southeast U.S., there are many similarities in the [two] culture[s]: greeting strangers, smiling, and making eye contact,” said April Bounds, an American who moved to Monterrey with her family last September. “The wealth inequality is stark here, but it’s important to remember that there are generally kind, hardworking people who are trying to get by like the rest of us.”

There are, of course, some challenges, especially if you don’t have a great command of Spanish, says Steen Kirby, an American expat who has lived in Monterrey for almost two years. Adapting to Monterrey also means adapting to life in a major urban center and all that comes with it, including sitting in rush-hour traffic jams.

Tecate Pa’l Norte is one of Monterrey’s biggest annual music festivals, attracting major international acts. (Wikimedia Commons/Joo Murga)

But Kirby finds Monterrey to be a part of Mexico filled with unexpected gems. 

“There are companies like [outsourcers for] Tesla, Hyundai and Cemex here, so it makes for an interesting place to be in Mexico,” he says. “The skyscrapers and mountains also make for a wonderful backdrop to the city I call home.” 

Kirby also cites “the amenities and infrastructure in Monterrey, such as the fantastic malls and shopping plazas” and the phenomenal music scene Monterrey has compared to other parts of Mexico, with two major festivals a year — Tecate Pa’l Norte and Machaca Fest. These festivals draw artists like Karol G, J Balvin, 50 Cent, Blink 182, and Kings of Leon to the city as an easy stopover from southern U.S. cities. If you also include Festival San Lucas in the equation, a cultural event with more traditional noteño music, it makes for a year-round, music paradise for those who enjoy concerts. 

“But the biggest thing for me is how welcoming the norterños of Monterrey are towards people who are visibly not Mexican,” Kirby says. “I’ve lived in other parts of the north, like Tijuana, and felt less welcome there compared to being in Monterrey as a gringo.”

Stories like these demonstrate how foreigners can flourish in Monterrey, a rare middle ground between cultures where Americans, Mexicans, and virtually anyone who settles there can feel welcome. Maybe, with Monterrey set to host four World Cup games next June, others will start to fall in love with this unique gem in Mexico. 

What has been your experience in Monterrey? Let us know in the comments below.

Ian Ostroff is an indie author, journalist, and copywriter from Montreal, Canada. You can find his work in various outlets, including Map Happy and The Suburban. When he’s not writing, you can find Ian at the gym, a café, or anywhere within Mexico visiting family and friends.

Who was Isabel Moctezuma, the last Mexica princess?

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Tecuichpo Ixcaxochitzin was her original first name, which translates from ancient Náhuatl to "Divine Lady" and "Cotton Flower," respectively. (ProtoplasmaKid/Wikimedia Commons)

She was born amongst the royalty. In her blood, she bore the lineage of the highest kin in Mexico-Tenochtitlán, the imperial capital of the Mexica Empire. When the invaders from abroad took the city, however, her noble title meant nothing. Nor did her political career as a Tenochca leader: with the arrival of the Spanish colonizers, she lost everything. Not even her name survived.

Recent historiographical research by the Royal Academy of History, in Spain, has traced her profile back to the archives of Conquest documents, in which she is referred to as Isabel Moctezuma: the last Mexica princess who, despite having direct noble blood, was stripped of her power, her land and her identity upon being baptized in the Christian rite.

Doña Isabel Moctezuma Tecuichpo Ixquixóchitl: the empire’s ‘Cotton Flower’

Isabel Moctezuma
A Mexica princess and encomendera of the conquistadors, Isabel Moctezuma’s life was, at the very least, an example of colonial syncretism. (Public Domain)

Tecuichpo Ixcaxochitzin was her original name. According to the UNAM’s Institute of Historical Research, the Náhuatl name translates to “Divine Lady” and “Cotton Flower,” respectively. The —tzin suffix was an extremely reverential way of referring to the royal family — and even goddesses and gods. However, as part of the scorching process of Conquest, this record lost its validity in the territory that was once under Mexica rule. Although her birth name was changed to Isabel Moctezuma, this political figure has been revisited in film, theater and various historical novels.

She was the daughter of Moctezuma II and Empress Consort Teotlacho. For this reason, she was a powerful and respected woman from birth, around 1509. Among her descendants, it is known that Moctezuma Xocoyotzin had a particular fondness for his daughter Tecuichpo. While the city-state was free, they built a strong father-daughter relationship. Given that she was born to such influential figures, in the highest rank of the Mexica royalty, some authors consider her the last empress of Mexico-Tenochtitlán.

A change of sides

The imperial capital was under siege. When Moctezuma II was taken prisoner by the Spanish, Tecuichpo Ixcaxochitzin was the only one who visited him at Cortés’s headquarters.

After nights of torture, the emperor was very weak. He asked the Spanish general to take care of his three daughters, because the Mexica reign had come to an end. If he didn’t leave them in the care of the new rulers, a grim future awaited them. Cortés kept his word, and to protect them, he changed their names to Christian ones.

Now known as Isabel Moctezuma, she was a woman of many men. Ancient codices suggest she was married five times — twice to Mexica emperors and thrice to Spanish generals — and even had a bastard daughter with the invader Hernán Cortés, whom she refused to recognize as her own kin. So yes, harsh, but Doña Isabel Moctezuma knew what she wanted in life

Thus, a new chapter began in her life. Instead of being a lady among Mexica royalty, Tecuichpo assumed the identity of Isabel Moctezuma, in honor of her deceased father. She even took the name of the ruler of Castile across the sea. With the blessing of the colonizing priests, she completed the process of Catholic baptism and secured a few years of peace as a new member of the ruling group.

Conquest of Mexico
After the Conquest of Mexico, Isabel Moctezuma had an illegitimate child with Hernán Cortés. (Public Domain)

Her best man was Cortés himself. This was the first marriage recognized by the Spanish. However, before the invasion, she had already been married to Cuitláhuac, the lord of Iztapalapa. After the death of her first husband, the Spanish administrators cared little for her widowhood and arranged another political union with Cuauhtémoc, the last Mexica tlatoani (ruler).

Feathers and precious stones

Cuauhtémoc was accused of treason. Without further ado, the Spanish soldiers executed him in cold blood, after a night of torture. Thus, Isabel Moctezuma was widowed once again. A few months later, Cortés arranged her third marriage with one of his trusted representatives. By then, in 1528, Tecuichpo Ixquixóchitl had become pregnant with his daughter.

Although Cortés did recognize the child, for the former Mexica ruler, the birth of her first daughter always represented an inner conflict. They named her Leonor, and she adopted her biological father’s surname. Although they were in close contact, they lived in different places. While the general managed his conquests from his villa in Coyoacán, Leonor lived with her mother in the perpetual encomienda of Tlacopan.

Daughter of Cortés

Although she shared a home with her mother’s husband, the explorer Alonso de Grado, she never acknowledged him as her father. On the contrary, the young girl was very clear that she was Cortés’s daughter, and understood the social standing that this guaranteed her. At the same time, Tecuichpo Ixquixóchitl retained the respect of her former Mexica subjects, now subjugated by the Spanish armed forces.

Thus, until the end of her days, she earned the respect of the Spaniards for her skill in navigating their circles of power. Shortly after turning 40, however, the former Mexica leader died at her estate in Tlacopan. She was buried according to the traditions of her people, with precious stones and feathers crafted in Coyoacán. In her will, she granted freedom to the Mexica slaves who worked her land and allocated one-fifth of all her wealth to pay off the debts of her servants.

Andrea Fischer contributes to the features desk at Mexico News Daily. She has edited and written for National Geographic en Español and Muy Interesante México, and continues to be an advocate for anything that screams science. Or yoga. Or both.

Sheinbaum responds to scrutiny of Mexico’s monetary policy: Wednesday’s mañanera recapped

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Sheinbaum during mañanera Jan. 14, 2026
President Sheinbaum took a question on Wednesday about a paper released by the credit rating agency Moody's asserting that "a premature easing" of interest rates in Mexico "has eroded the central bank's credibility." (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)

President Claudia Sheinbaum faced questions on a range of topics at her Wednesday morning press conference, including the Bank of Mexico’s monetary policy, a report by The Wall Street Journal and Mexico’s representation at the upcoming World Economic Forum meeting in Switzerland.

She also responded to U.S. President Donald Trump’s assertion that the USMCA free trade pact provides “no real advantage” to the United States. (Read Mexico News Daily’s report on Trump’s remarks and Sheinbaum’s response here.)

Here is a recap of Sheinbaum’s Jan. 14 mañanera.

Sheinbaum praises Bank of Mexico governor, as Moody’s asserts that Mexico’s monetary policy has ‘lost credibility’

Asked about the importance of maintaining a “healthy distance” between the federal government and the Bank of Mexico (Banxico) and its formulation of monetary policy, Sheinbaum said that the autonomy of the central bank is “very important.”

She went on to praise Banxico governor Victoria Rodríguez, saying that she has done a “very good” job as governor of the central bank.

“She’s a very professional woman, very studious,” Sheinbaum said.

Victoria Rodríguez Ceja
Banxico governor Victoria Rodríguez Ceja. (Daniel Augusto/Cuartoscuro)

The president subsequently noted that Rodríguez, “with the support” of Banxico’s deputy governors, has been lowering the central bank’s benchmark interest rate.

Indeed, the bank’s board cut the key rate by 300 basis points in 2025, even though inflation remained well above Banxico’s 3% target throughout the year. The bank’s interest rate is currently set at 7%.

Sheinbaum’s remarks about Rodríguez and Banxico came two days after the economic research subsidiary of credit rating agency Moody’s released a paper asserting that “a premature easing” of interest rates in Mexico “has eroded the central bank’s credibility.”

“Building credibility requires a significant amount of time and effort, but losing it is relatively easy,” states the Moody’s Analytics document, authored by the company’s director for Latin America, Alfredo Coutiño.

“Unfortunately, Mexico’s monetary policy has lost credibility in recent years. Neither the market nor analysts believe that the current policy is effective in achieving the inflation target,” Coutiño wrote.

“… To achieve inflation convergence and, consequently, restore credibility, the central bank needs to manage monetary policy with a strong commitment to price stability. This means making a decisive shift: reversing monetary easing,” he wrote.

Sheinbaum: US has never pressured Mexico to arrest Morena politicians with suspected cartel ties 

A reporter asked the president about a Wall Street Journal report that, citing unnamed sources, said that high-level Mexican security officials “have held a series of private meetings since [Venezuelan President Nicolás] Maduro was deposed where they discussed the possibility of untenable demands from Trump beyond U.S. military action, including the potential arrests of politicians from Sheinbaum’s party the U.S. believes have cartel ties.”

Sheinbaum said that the idea of arresting Morena party politicians has “never” been raised by the U.S. government, not in security meetings between Mexican and U.S. officials nor in her numerous telephone conversations with Trump.

The governor of Baja California, Marina del Pilar Ávila, with her husband Carlos Torres, a politician and member of the ruling Morena party.
Baja California Gov. Marina del Pilar Ávila and her husband Carlos Torres both lost their U.S. visas in 2025. (@MarinadelPilar/X)

Last year, the president described reporting from Reuters that the Trump administration is pressuring Mexico to go after politicians with suspected narco ties as “completely false.”

On Wednesday morning, a reporter noted that it has been said that the U.S. government is pressuring Mexican authorities to investigate people such as Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya and former Tabasco governor Adán Augusto López Hernández, currently Morena’s leader in the Senate.

Sheinbaum said that only “some media outlets, and not the media” in general, “say that.”

“… The Wall Street Journal report, [although] I don’t know exactly what it said,  … has nothing to do with what was spoken about in [Monday’s] call [with Trump],” she said before reiterating that the detention of Morena party politicians has “never” been raised in talks with the U.S. government.

Environment minister to represent Mexico at WEF meeting 

Sheinbaum told reporters that Environment Minister Alicia Bárcena will represent the Mexican government at the World Economic Forum’s annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, later this month.

She said that Bárcena will speak about “development with justice” as well as the “Mexican model” and environmental issues at the meeting.

The environment minister has plenty of experience on the world stage, having served as foreign affairs minister between 2023 and 2024 and Mexico’s ambassador to Chile before that.

Bárcena also served as executive secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean between 2008 and 2022.

Sheinbaum said that Altagracia Gómez, head of the government’s Advisory Council for Regional Development and Relocation, will also attend the Jan. 19-23 WEF meeting in Davos, which will bring together political, business and civil society leaders from around the world.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

Opinion: Could Mexico make America great again? How the AI race changes the game

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data center inauguration in SAN MIGUEL DE ALLENDE
The Brazilian data center firm OData has inaugurated four data centers in Mexico in just three years. (X)

As we all try to figure out how to use some version of GPT to answer emails, Nano Banana to make our Google Slides look prettier and Grok to turn photos into videos — or answer questionable political questions on X — it’s easy to forget that the AI conversation tied to global power and national security is far more complex.

Beneath the memes, prompts and productivity hacks lies a serious geopolitical race. And in that space, the U.S.-Mexico relationship may be one of the most important — and underappreciated — dynamics shaping trade and economic policy in the years ahead.

At its core, AI leadership isn’t just about algorithms. It’s about hardware, energy, data, talent, resilience and national security.

Models don’t train themselves in the cloud — they require massive computing power, physical servers, advanced chips, secure supply chains and uninterrupted infrastructure. In that sense, AI looks a lot more like manufacturing than software. And that’s where North America — and especially Mexico — enters the picture. The USMCA’s digital trade framework is becoming a national security tool, not just a trade one — governing data flows, infrastructure and trust in ways that directly shape AI competitiveness (Inter-American Dialogue).

As tensions with China persist and export controls on advanced chips tighten, the United States faces a simple challenge: how to scale AI infrastructure fast, securely and close to home. This is a race where the digital world is moving more quickly than the physical one. AI leadership ultimately rests on semiconductors, and today roughly three-quarters of global chip manufacturing capacity remains concentrated in East Asia, with advanced production highly exposed to geopolitical risk (US-Mexico Foundation). (No need to revisit what happened during COVID).

 

One concrete example: Mexico is now home to major investments in AI server and “superchip” assembly. Nvidia’s next-generation GB200 servers are being assembled in Jalisco through Foxconn, alongside a growing ecosystem of suppliers relocating from Asia. These facilities aren’t designed for the Mexican market — they’re built to serve North American strategic needs. This is nearshoring not as a buzzword, but as an AI supply-chain strategy. To understand why infrastructure location matters so much, it helps to look at where the physical backbone of the digital economy actually lives.

AI doesn’t live in the cloud — it lives in data centers. And those data centers are highly concentrated geographically, making location, energy and connectivity strategic assets.

Hardware, however, is only half the story. AI also runs on data centers — lots of them. Mexico is rapidly becoming an extension of the North American digital backbone. Multibillion-dollar investments from Microsoft, AWS and others are turning cities like Querétaro into critical nodes for cloud and AI workloads. Enabled by USMCA digital trade rules, these data centers operate within compatible regulatory and privacy frameworks, allowing U.S. firms to expand capacity, improve latency and build redundancy without leaving the region.

This distributed infrastructure matters for resilience. AI systems can’t afford downtime.

In scenarios ranging from cyberattacks to natural disasters or energy stress, having computing capacity spread across the continent strengthens continuity. Mexico and Canada aren’t alternatives to the United States — they are fail-safes. And Mexico’s comparative advantage in this ecosystem isn’t about replicating advanced chip fabs, but about strengthening the assembly, testing, packaging and integration layers that make AI hardware scalable and resilient across North America (U.S.-Mexico Foundation). This isn’t happening by accident. Mexico’s next phase of industrial and digital policy is explicitly aligned with this opportunity.

CFE opens 269-MW combined cycle power plant in Querétaro to boost Bajío grid

 

Mexico’s industrial and digital infrastructure plans — including data centers, energy, and advanced manufacturing — are increasingly aligned with North America’s AI and nearshoring strategy.

Then there’s talent. AI leadership ultimately depends on people, not just machines. Mexico produces thousands of engineers and computer science graduates every year, many already embedded in North American firms and research ecosystems. Mexican universities graduate over 130,000 engineers annually across degree levels, along with nearly 3,000 master’s graduates in computer science or related fields — the highest number in Latin America. Talent mobility under the USMCA, combined with shared standards and regulatory coordination, accelerates innovation while keeping critical capabilities inside the region.

Seen through this lens, AI becomes a familiar story. Just like manufacturing, trade and energy, the United States doesn’t need to “do it all alone.” It needs a trusted, integrated regional system that lowers risk, increases scale and preserves strategic autonomy. Mexico is not a competitor in the AI race — it is an enabler.

(Just as a footnote, AI related to physical security enforcement, arms and potential war is a huuuge topic, of which I’m not capable of writing about, but keep that in mind as well.)

AI dominance won’t be decided by who writes the best prompt. It will be decided by who controls the full stack: chips, servers, energy, data, talent and trust. The upcoming 2026 USMCA review isn’t just a procedural milestone — it’s a narrow strategic window to lock in North America’s AI advantage before other models define the rules instead (Inter-American Dialogue).

In AI, just like in trade, the future isn’t about decoupling from your closest partners.
It’s about building with them.

Catch up on parts 1-4 of Could Mexico make America great again? here:

Pedro Casas Alatriste is the Executive Vice President and CEO of the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico (AmCham). Previously, he has been the Director of Research and Public Policy at the US-Mexico Foundation in Washington, D.C. and the Coordinator of International Affairs at the Business Coordinating Council (CCE). He has also served as a consultant to the Inter-American Development Bank.