Eustacio Alcalá Díaz was one of 20 environmental activists murdered in 2023. (@redsolidariaDH/Twitter)
An Indigenous environmental and lands rights activist has been murdered in the state of Michoacán, less than three months after the disappearance of two other local activists.
Local residents reported that Eustacio Alcalá Díaz was intercepted while driving a group of nuns from the town of San Juan Huitzontla to the Coalcaman-Aquila highway on April 1.
Alcalá Díaz was killed for his activism against mining activity in the region, according to locals and human rights advocates. (@CentroProdh/Twitter)
The attackers abducted Alcalá and left the nuns on the roadside.
“When they were intercepted, they were asked their names. When [the attackers] heard Eustathius’ [name], they said ‘we were looking for you.’ They took him away,” a local source told El País newspaper.
Two days later, Alcalá was found dead with multiple bullet wounds, according to the local prosecutor’s office.
Alcalá, 68, was a community leader in Huitzontla, a village with an Indigenous Nahua population in the highlands of Michoacán.
Huitzontla has resisted mining activity since 2012, when several local communities allied to drive out a criminal group mining illegally in their territory.
Six years later, the government granted six new concessions to two companies: Las Truchas, a subsidiary of ArcelorMittal, and Las Encinas, a subsidiary of the Ternium steel company.
In January 2022, the communities obtained an injunction against these mines, arguing that the concessions had been granted without community consultation and would “imply the material destruction of our territory and the use of [its] natural resources.”
The Economy Ministry asked for the decision to be reviewed.
On Jan.15, two local anti-mining activists –Ricardo Arturo Lagunes Gasca and Antonio Díaz Valencia – disappeared after attending a community meeting in Aquila, near Huitzontla. Their vehicle was later found with bullet holes in it. The two men have still not been found. The same month, a local cell of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) carried out an armed attack in Aquila. Local people also claim that one suspect in the disappearances is linked to the CJNG, which for years has waged a low-intensity war in the region against rival gang Cárteles Unidos.
Local people and human rights organizations believe the disappearances and Alcalá’s murder result from an alliance between criminal groups and mining companies, but admit they cannot prove it.
“In the community they are very worried,” Meyatzin Velasco, a lawyer for the human rights organization Centro Prodh, told El País newspaper. “For a long time, there has been a tense calm, but at the end of last year threats increased.”
“In the [Michoacán highlands], the disputed asset is mineral resources,” explained Claudia Ignacia Álvarez, of the Michoacán Human Rights Solidarity Network. “In Huitzontla it is known that there are iron and other minerals. We think this crime is related to mining, but we have no proof.”
Mexico is the deadliest country in the world for environmental activists, according to aGlobal Witness report released in September. 54 activists were murdered in 2021.
A Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson denied that fentanyl precursors were being exported from China, and called the fentanyl crisis one "made in the USA". (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China)
The Chinese government has flatly denied that illicit fentanyl is sent to Mexico from China, contradicting a claim made by President López Obrador earlier this week.
On Tuesday, López Obrador revealed that he wrote to Chinese President Xi Jinping to seek his support in the fight against the synthetic opioid responsible for a spike in drug overdoses in the United States.
U.S. Customs and Border Patrol has reported seizing 690 pounds of fentanyl (a bag pictured here on the left) so far in fiscal year 2023, from October 2022 through February. (@CBP/Twitter)
“According to the information available,” fentanyl is made in Asia and “sold freely” for export to Canada, the United States and Mexico,” he wrote.
López Obrador told Xi that any information China can provide about who fentanyl is being sent to, the quantities being shipped, the vessels used to transport the drug and when and where shipments will arrive in Mexico from China would be “invaluable” as it would allow Mexican authorities to have “greater control” over the entry of illegal shipments of the opioid.
Asked about the Mexican president’s letter at a press briefing on Thursday, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning declared that “there is no such thing as illegal trafficking of fentanyl between China and Mexico.”
According to an official English-language transcript of the press conference, Mao said that “China has not been notified by Mexico on the seizure of scheduled fentanyl precursors from China.”
López Obrador discussed fentanyl trafficking at his morning press conference on Tuesday. (Gob MX)
She also said that China and Mexico “have a smooth channel of counternarcotics cooperation and the competent authorities of the two countries maintain sound communication.”
China has played a “responsible” role in responding to the global drug problem, and is “ready to enhance international counternarcotics law enforcement cooperation under the UN conventions on drug control” and “strengthen bilateral counternarcotics cooperation with other countries including Mexico,” Mao said.
She lashed out at the United States, saying that the problem of fentanyl abuse is “completely made in the USA.”
“The U.S. needs to face up to its own problems [and] take more substantial measures to strengthen domestic regulation and reduce demand,” Mao said.
“… China firmly supports Mexico in defending independence and autonomy and opposing foreign interference, and calls on [the] relevant country to stop hegemonic practices against Mexico. At the same time, we hope the Mexican side will also take stronger counternarcotics actions.”
The Mexican government has been criticized by some U.S. Republican Party lawmakers for not doing enough to stop shipments of illegal fentanyl reaching the United States, where there were over 100,000 overdose deaths in 2022. Senator Lindsey Graham, Representative Dan Crenshaw and others have called for the United States military to be used in Mexico against cartels that traffic fentanyl and other narcotics.
López Obrador has categorically rejected that proposal, but has sought to appease some U.S. lawmakers. He said Tuesday he sent the letter to Xi at the behest of a bipartisan delegation of U.S. lawmakers who visited Mexico last month.
The president and other federal officials have recently emphasized the government’s commitment to combating the trafficking of fentanyl, with Foreign Affairs Minister Marcelo Ebrard asserting Tuesday that Mexico “is the country that does the most against fentanyl.”
He accused Senator Graham of lying about Mexico’s role in the U.S. fentanyl crisis.
According to the United States government, “illicit fentanyl, fentanyl analogues, other synthetic opioids, and their immediate precursors are primarily produced overseas in countries with large pharmaceutical and chemical industries, particularly China.”
“Illicit synthetic opioids are typically shipped through international mail or express consignment carriers directly to the United States or shipped to transnational criminal organizations in Mexico and Canada for later distribution,” the Department of State said in a 2019 report.
López Obrador has acknowledged that fentanyl pills are pressed in clandestine laboratories in Mexico, but has repeatedly stressed that the precursor chemicals are not manufactured in the country.
“There is a lot of disintegration of families, there is a lot of individualism, there is a lack of love, of brotherhood, of hugs and embraces,” López Obrador said while referring to the fentanyl problem in the U.S.
“That is why … [U.S. officials] should be dedicating funds to address the causes [of the problem],” he said.
Entrada Group has over 20 years of experience supporting companies as they move manufacturing operations to Mexico. (Courtesy)
Nearshoring and Mexico. You’ve almost certainly read or heard the two words in close proximity to each other as the growing economic trend and the North American nation of some 130 million people have been the focus of a spate of recent reports by media outlets including The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and The Globe and Mail.
Tesla’s recent announcement that it would build a “gigafactory” near Monterrey is just one example of the nearshoring (or relocation) phenomenon currently unfolding – and gaining momentum – in regions such as northern Mexico and the Bajío, an industrial hub that encompasses parts of several states including Guanajuato, Querétaro and Jalisco.
Entrada Group’s “campus” located in Fresnillo, Zacatecas. (Courtesy)
Billions of dollars in investment is flowing into Mexico as more and more foreign manufacturing companies choose to set up in the country, or expand their existing Mexican operations, in order to take advantage of a range of benefits, not least of which is location, location, location.
Mexico’s proximity to the United States – the world’s largest economy and principal market for countless companies – and Canada, and its open trading relationship with its northern neighbors thanks to the USMCA free trade pact are just two factors that make the country an attractive place to invest.
According to U.S. based Entrada Group – a company with more than 20 years’ experience guiding international manufacturers in establishing and running their own operations in Mexico – and other stakeholders, including the Mexican government, there are many other reasons why manufacturing in Mexico makes sense.
Near the top of a list compiled by Entrada executive JohnPaul McDaris is competitive operating costs.
Automotive manufacturing has been steadily expanding in Mexico. (Courtesy)
“If you’re looking for the most competitive operating costs in North America, Mexico is the obvious answer. Depending on the region of Mexico, hourly direct labor, which is a major contributor to operating costs, can be as low as US $3-8 per hour (fully burdened), or 20-35% lower than similar costs in the U.S.,” he says, adding that labor costs in some regions of Mexico are on par with some regions in China, if not lower.
A motivated workforce on the United States’ doorstep
McDaris, Entrada’s director of business development, notes that “Mexico’s workforce is young and wants to work in manufacturing” and that the country is “well connected to, and easily accessed from, the U.S. by land, rail, sea and air.”
Those two factors also translate into economic advantages for companies with manufacturing operations in Mexico, as high productivity and comparatively low shipping costs to get goods to market also benefit the bottom line.
Entrada Group’s business director describes the Mexican workforce as young and motivated to work in manufacturing. (Courtesy)
For obvious reasons, shipping goods to the United States or Canada from China – which many foreign manufacturers are moving away from due to a range of challenges and concerns – or other Asian countries takes much longer and is significantly more expensive.
In addition, the ability to produce closer to their consumer market offers greater flexibility, insight and control for U.S. and Canadian companies, according to McDaris.
“With production in Mexico, companies can cut production lag time and be more responsive to changes in consumer tastes or seasonality, as well as reduce delivery costs,” he says.
“Also, Mexico is ultra-convenient for maintenance, support or engineering visits from the U.S. or Canada. If a machine goes down or a replacement part is needed, an engineer can be in Mexico for repairs the next day. That isn’t possible with Asia.”
McDaris also observes that products made in Mexico qualify for low or zero-tariff status in the United states and Canada, as long as rules of origin guidelines are met. He says that a move to Mexico does not necessarily mean that a company should shut down its operations in China if it already has a presence in that country.
“In fact, by using both countries in tandem, manufacturers are better positioned to offer more for their clients and further mitigate risk,” McDaris says.
“… From a strategic operational perspective, Mexico offers a great hedge against any issues a manufacturer may face with a facility in China. No matter the issue on the horizon in China – whether rising landed costs, U.S. tariffs, or extended delivery times due to rising demand – short or long-term issues can quickly be mitigated by a facility in Mexico.”
Currency advantages for manufacturers in Mexico
The favorable exchange rate is yet another advantage for manufacturers in Mexico that purchase in U.S. dollars. While the Mexican peso has performed somewhat better recently, it has steadily lost value over decades, creating a situation that is both predictable and beneficial to overseas-based manufacturers that choose to operate in Mexico.
The devaluation of the peso and the different manufacturing “models” available to companies thinking about making the move to Mexico will be among the topics discussed in upcoming articles in this nearshoring series.
Entrada, which counts companies from North America and Europe among its clients, has manufacturing campuses in Guanajuato and Zacatecas, and can facilitate the entire process of setting up and operating in Mexico.
The president expressed a desire to increase regional trade integration at the virtual summit on Wednesday. (Lopezobrador.org.mx)
Mexico and 10 other Western Hemisphere countries have agreed to work together to fight inflation and strengthen regional integration and trade.
The agreement comes after President López Obrador hosted a virtual meeting on Wednesday attended by the leaders of Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Cuba and Honduras as well as the vice president of Venezuela and Colombia’s trade minister.
Attendees from nations across the Western Hemisphere joined the president virtually to discuss how to promote trade and combat poverty in the region. (Screenshot/lopezobrador.org.mx)
Saint Vicent and the Grenadines, whose prime minister is the president pro tempore of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), is also party to the agreement.
In a statement issued after the virtual summit, the 11 countries said they were determined to “urgently and jointly confront inflationary pressures on the basic food basket, intermediate goods and services that negatively affect” people’s finances.
They noted that the global supply of food including grains has been negatively affected by a range of factors including the slow recovery of supply chains after the coronavirus pandemic, climate change and “the application of unilateral coercive measures contrary to international law” – namely Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Inflation has caused the cost of basic goods to rise significantly in Mexico – as well as the rest of the region. (thelastcarmusai/Wikimedia)
The 11 countries whose officials met “at the initiative of Mexico” agreed to seven points that were outlined in their joint statement.
They said they would “advance in the definition of trade facilities, as well as logistic, financial and other measures” in order to “allow the exchange of basic food basket products and intermediate goods to take place under better conditions.”
The priority, the first point added, is to lower the costs of such products “for the poorest and most vulnerable” people.
López Obrador advocated the removal of tariffs on some foodstuffs and other basic products so that they can reach consumers “at a better price.”
The president expressed a desire to increase regional trade integration. (Lopezobrador.org.mx)
“… If we don’t control inflation, we won’t be able to improve people’s purchasing power,” he told his international colleagues.
According to Mexican government sources cited by the newspaper El País, Mexico is interested in importing food products such as beef from Argentina and chicken from Brazil. Mexico’s current trade with Latin American countries is dwarfed by its commercial exchange with the United States, which is easily its largest trade partner and market for agricultural products.
Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva asserted that combating hunger requires “determination and political will.”
López Obrador’s initiative adds impetus to “the [anti-poverty] commitments we’ve assumed in the CELAC context,” he said at Wednesday’s virtual meeting.
The 11 nations agreed to create a “technical working group” made up of government representatives from each country to determine the specific “regional cooperation measures” they would undertake to improve trading conditions for basic products and supplies such as chemical and organic fertilizers.
Their third point of agreement stated that “the technical working group will have the authority to establish a plan of action that will allow … the adoption of trade facilitation measures to address the high prices of basic consumption products and [agricultural] inputs.”
According to the fourth point, the group will “carry out a feasibility analysis and actions that will result in … more agile and effective access to products, …food … and inputs through the advancement of better logistical conditions and … the development of a framework for the removal of obstacles [such as tariffs] and harmonization of sanitary and phytosanitary regulations.”
The group will recommend “measures to improve the efficiency of the entry and exit of products through ports and borders” as well as “the exchange of intermediate inputs, machinery and technology for the benefit of agricultural productivity,” the fifth point said.
The 11 nations also said they would “promote measures to facilitate access to international credit and increase multilateral financing for agricultural, agro-industrial, and infrastructure projects for the transportation of goods.”
Finally, they said they would “coordinate efforts with producers, buyers, transporters and logistics operators from the private sector and other economic actors to follow up on the agreements of this summit and its results.”
High-ranking officials from the 11 countries will meet in Cancún on May 6 and 7 at a summit at which representatives of business and agriculture organizations will also be in attendance.
The intergovernmental group – which calls itself the Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean Countries Against Inflation – invited other Western Hemisphere countries to “join this initiative in order to contribute to the integral well-being” of the region.
Annual headline inflation peaked at 8.7% in Mexico last August and September, but declined in late 2022 before spiking again in January.
Data published by the national statistics agency INEGI on Wednesday showed that the headline rate had fallen during a second consecutive month, and the Bank of México – which raised its benchmark interest rate to a record high of 11.25% last week – expects inflation to continue to decline through 2023 and 2024.
President Lopez Obrador and Iberdrola CEO Ignacio Galán have had their differences in the past over the president's energy policies. In 2020, Galán threatened to stop Iberdrola from investing anymore in Mexico. (Cuartoscuro)
The federal government has reached an agreement with Spanish energy company Iberdrola to purchase 13 of its power plants in Mexico for approximately US $6 billion.
Also participating in the meeting was Finance Minister Rogelio Ramirez and CFE head Manuel Bartlett. (Cuartoscuro)
President López Obrador on Tuesday hailed the deal as a “new nationalization of the electricity industry,” noting that it will allow the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE), which will operate the plants, to increase its share of the electricity market from just under 40% to 55.5%.
The agreement involves the purchase of 12 combined-cycle plants in six states — Baja California, Durango, Nuevo León, San Luis Potosí, Sinaloa and Tamaulipas — and a wind farm in Oaxaca.
Their combined electricity generation capacity is 8,539 megawatts (MW), with almost 99% of that amount coming from the 12 combined-cycle plants. The 13 plants represent almost four-fifths of Iberdrola’s installed capacity in Mexico. The Bilbao-based firm, a major player in the global renewables sector, is the largest private participant in Mexico’s electricity industry.
López Obrador, who says he is determined to rescue the CFE from what he describes as years of neglect, announced the purchase agreement in a video message posted to his social media accounts on Tuesday afternoon.
The Spanish company will continue to operate in the country but with a focus on the renewable energy market. (Depositphotos.com)
“We’re completing a very important deal to benefit the people of Mexico,” he said from the National Palace during a meeting with Iberdrola representatives, including CEO José Ignacio Sánchez Galán, best known as Ignacio Galán.
López Obrador – who has repeatedly held Iberdrola up as an example of what he calls unscrupulous foreign firms that have “looted” Mexico — acknowledged that his government and the company have had their “differences” but asserted that dialogue can resolve “everything.”
Finance Minister Rogelio Ramírez, who was also at the meeting, described the deal as “historic” and explained that the majority of the money for the transaction will come from the government’s National Infrastructure Fund (Fonadin).
Public debt won’t increase because Fonadin “is outside the public balance and is a vehicle capable of accessing the market to refinance this transaction,” he said.
“At the Finance Ministry we’re going to supervise this entire process. In the next five months the transaction will be completed,” Ramírez said, adding that additional details will be announced soon.
He noted that CFE’s share of the electricity market in Mexico’s northeast will increase from 7% to 45% as a result of the deal and asserted that the state-owned company’s electricity generation costs will decline.
Twelve of the Iberdrola plants being sold are combined cycle generation plants like this one. (Iberdrola)
The Finance Ministry (SHCP) said in a statement that the “average remaining lifespan” of the Iberdrola plants the government is purchasing is 18 years, but noted that the period could be increased to 28 years. It said that the government was paying Iberdrola the market price of US $696,000 per MW.
The agreement with the Spanish firm “strengthens the participation of the nation in the generation of electricity in order to comply with the responsibility of guaranteeing the supply of energy and price stability for Mexicans,” the SHCP said.
“… The government of Mexico is grateful for the flexibility and good will of … Iberdrola and recognizes the importance of dialogue to reach agreements that benefit the country and people.”
Iberdrola, which has had a presence in Mexico for over two decades but faced a range of obstacles in recent years including disconnections, nonrenewal of permits and fines, said in a statement that the agreed value for the sale is approximately $6 billion but noted that the price “may be modified based on the closing date of the transaction and other adjustments.”
The company said it had signed a memorandum of understanding related to the sale with Mexico Infrastructure Partners FF, a private company that is managing the government’s purchase.
Galán, who threatened in 2020 to stop investing in Mexico due to a lack of clarity about energy sector policies for foreign companies, said Tuesday that “Iberdrola is grateful for the support and flexibility shown by the Mexican government in reaching this agreement, and considers Mexico a strategic country with potential for growth and expansion, where it will show its support … by developing renewable capacity.”
Iberdrola has had a presence in Mexico for more than two decades. Here, CEO Ignacio Galán,, left, shakes hands with then president Felipe Calderón at the COP 16 environmental summit in Cancún in 2010. (Cuartoscuro)
He also said he believed Iberdrola was entering a “new phase” of relations with the Mexican government.
The company noted that it “continues to be the main private generator of renewable energy in Mexico” and expressed its “commitment to Mexico with the aim of leading the country’s energy transition.”
It published a document entitled “The New Iberdrola Mexico,” which says that the deal reached with the Mexican government “fits within” the company’s 2023-25 strategy. Mexico remains a “core market” but one where the company will have “a greener mix and a focus on private customers,” Iberdrola said, noting that it expects revenue of US $400 million in 2023 from its Mexico operations.
Most of the 13 plants the company is selling are required to supply electricity to the CFE.
In remarks made during López Obrador’s video message, Galán said that Iberdola’s “desire” was to continue collaborating with Mexico “in the way the government of Mexico wants.”
He stressed that the company is committed to complying with Mexico’s energy policies, which are currently the subject of a challenge under the USMCA free trade pact because the United States and Canada believe they unfairly favor the CFE and state oil company Pemex over private companies.
One of the plants included in the deal was the La Venta III wind farm in Oaxaca. (Government of Oaxaca)
Speaking again after Galán’s comments, López Obrador said that the CFE could have a 65% share of the electricity market by the end of his six-year term in 2024 as the company is building new generation facilities and rehabilitating hydropower plants.
Achieving such a share would represent “the definitive rescue” of the CFE, “guarantee the permanent supply of electricity” as demand grows and ensure that power prices don’t rise, he said.
“… Without exaggerating, this deal means … the rescue of the Federal Electricity Commission and a new nationalization of the electricity industry,” López Obrador said.
“… We believe that it’s very important that our country maintain public companies, like the Federal Electricity Commission and Petróleos Mexicanos [Pemex]. We shouldn’t opt for privatization in social and strategic activities,” he said.
Mexican-Swedish couple Guillermo and Frida Obregón have started a digital taco delivery restaurant in Scania, Sweden. (Courtesy)
Move over, Swedish meatballs, the tinga is here.
In this profile we sit down (virtually) with Frida and Guillermo Obregón, the Mexican-Swedish couple bringing a whole new level of authenticity, sustainability and warmth to Sweden’s beloved “Taco Friday”. This is a treasured 30 year-old tradition, known as Fredagsmys (“cozy Fridays”), when families stay in, watch TV, and enjoy Tex-Mex-style tacos.
A taco dinner from Nixta. (Courtesy)
With their mission to bring true Mexican spirit, flavors, and traditions to Swedish palates, Frida and Guillermo, alongside their two young children, are breaking the mold.
Their digital restaurant, Nixta (named after the corn flour-making process of nixtamalización), prepares and delivers authentic Mexican tacos to people’s homes in the province of Scania. Will they succeed in winning over the hearts – and stomachs – of the Swedish people?
Where did the idea of setting up a Mexican taco company in Sweden come from?
Guillermo: I’ve been in the food service industry for over 20 years, and food has always been a passion of mine. Last year, I was working on a delivery-only food concept in Sweden that evolved into delivering Mexican food. Being from Mexico City, the taco capital of the world, and coming from a family that made fresh tortillas daily, it was something close to my heart. When I learned about the Swedish tradition of “Taco Friday,” I saw an opportunity to introduce Swedes to the authentic taste of Mexican tacos and the incredible culinary and cultural rituals that go along with them. To be honest, I’m still trying to get my head around the ‘Swedish taco’ that’s so beloved here, because it’s not the typical taco that I’m used to. It’s not even a Tex-Mex taco, it’s something very unique to their Friday tradition and tastes.
Not Swedish tacos. (Depositphotos)
Frida: As a Swede, I grew up with the tradition of “Taco Friday,” which is a bit different from the Mexican tacos we know and love. It’s been around for about 30 years, and being Swedish, the tradition hasn’t changed much. Their taco is more like a burrito, with minced beef, flour or hard-shelled tortillas, a shop-bought spice mix and toppings rarely served with tacos outside of Scandinavia, like cucumber, yogurt and peanuts. I have memories of eating them from as early as four years old. We wanted to infuse the warmth and fun spirit of Mexican culture into the Swedish culinary scene, and bring a touch of excitement to this predictable Friday night routine.
What do you think Mexican culinary culture could bring to Swedish culture?
Frida: I’ve always thought that food is a way of bringing people together, and Mexican meals are lively, filled with conversation and laughter. When we came to Sweden, we wanted to share that same sense of warmth and community through our food. Our aim is to make our food accessible, fun, and easy to bring the family together.
Guillermo: Mexican cuisine is known for its bold flavors and spices, which we believe can add some excitement and variety to the more subtle flavors of Swedish food. We hope to create a more inclusive environment around food and make lasting memories around the dinner table.
Have the Swedes been warming up to your authentic Mexican tacos?
Guillermo: Well, at first I thought it would be easy. There was already a desire and a long-loved tradition in place for “Mexican” food, so I imagined we’d just give them a taste of delicious authentic Mexican food and they’d go for it. But I was wrong! Not everyone seems ready to make changes to this tradition and surprise their taste buds quite yet. We’re trying to respect the beloved Swedish “Taco Friday”, while giving them a taste of authentic Mexican cuisine, where tacos originated, and a glimpse into the rich culinary culture of Mexico.
Frida: It’s been a fun challenge. Some people even told us to call our tacos something else, as they’re not the tacos they’re used to! But most people love the nuanced flavors that come with the many different spices of Mexican food. Our cochinita pibil and carnitas have done well, and we are working to adjust the salsas to Swedish palates.
Can you tell us a little about your backgrounds – how did you meet?
Frida: I’m Swedish and come from a long line of farmers. I left just before my 16th birthday, as my parents moved to the US for work. And then I met Guillermo at university in the UK, where we were both studying Master’s degrees in sustainability. We worked in London together for a bit and bonded over good food. But as you may know, the food in the UK isn’t always as tasty as that in Mexico, so Guillermo sealed the deal after he took me to the Pacific coast and introduced me to Mexican mariscos and clamatos….after that, my life was changed forever.
Guillermo and Frida (Courtesy)
Guillermo: I was born and raised in Mexico City and I always wanted to show Frida where I came from, knowing she’d love Mexican food and its fun, carefree culture. So, we left England for Mexico, got married on the Pacific Coast, then lived in Mexico City for a few years, and moved to San Miguel de Allende to start a family.
And why did you decide to move to Sweden?
Frida: It was always in the back of my mind to return to Sweden someday. After spending much of my life in other countries, including Mexico, I wanted to share my Swedish heritage with Guillermo and our kids. I wanted them to experience the culture firsthand, to live it and to understand the differences and appreciate them, to grasp why I am the way I am. The pandemic really accelerated our decision-making process. It wasn’t an easy decision to leave the life we’d built in Mexico, but it felt like the right time to take the leap.
Guillermo: The pandemic really forced us to take a step back and reevaluate our priorities. We had a successful business selling gourmet popcorn, popcorn machines and consulting for the cinema industry, but when that industry disappeared overnight, we realized we needed to make a change – it made us realize how outside circumstances can change everything and trigger new opportunities. We didn’t want to be tied down to anything in Mexico, so we sold our gelato and popcorn businesses and started looking for a way to move to Sweden.
What were some of the cultural differences and challenges you faced when settling into your new home?
Frida: For me, the biggest difference was the need to establish a routine quickly. Swedish society is very focused on being productive and finding work as soon as possible. We definitely felt the social pressure to quickly get our kids into school and to actively search for work.
The city of Malmö in the Scania province. (Wikimedia Commons)
Guillermo: Yes, the pressure to find work was definitely something we noticed. In Sweden, there’s a strong emphasis on individual responsibility and contributing to society. It was a big cultural shift for us coming from Mexico, where there’s more emphasis on family and community support.
Frida: Another cultural difference we noticed was the way Swedes have more social constraints than in Mexico – it’s not exactly a spontaneous country like Mexico, so we didn’t feel as free to do what we wanted to do, whenever we wanted to do it!
Have these differences made it a challenge to set up a food business in Sweden?
Guillermo and Frida have years of experience in the food industry. (Nixta)
Guillermo: The Swedish approach to cooking is very systematic, and they prefer to have the same meal certain days of the week – hence ‘Taco Fridays’. They find comfort in familiar dishes, which can be challenging for us since we specialize in Mexican cuisine, known for its spontaneity and variety. We believe that the positive aspect of Mexican cuisine is that it’s exciting, surprising, and diverse, whereas the Swedes prefer safe and comforting dishes.
Frida: When we started our digital restaurant, we knew that it would be a challenge to introduce authentic Mexican cuisine to Sweden. We had to find a balance between staying true to the core of Mexican cuisine while catering to Swedish tastes. We’ve learned that not everyone will appreciate the new flavors, levels of spiciness, and concepts that we bring, but we focus on finding the customers who are open and willing to try something new. We’re happy to see that some Swedish people are excited to evolve and change their traditional ‘Taco Fridays’ to become more authentic. Sourcing is also very important to us, and we use as much local produce as we can, as well as only local meats. We do import heirloom Mexican corn to make tortillas de maíz, however.
What are some of the highs and lows of living and working in Sweden compared to Mexico?
Guillermo: I never thought I would say this, but Sweden’s predictability and structure are actually a game-changer for me and my family. Growing up in Mexico, I always felt like we had to watch our backs, especially when we started a family. But here, I can breathe easy knowing that my kids can walk to school alone without any worries. It’s a real gift.
Frida: I couldn’t agree more. Having this kind of safety and predictability is something I never knew I needed until I experienced it. But at the same time, I do miss the surprise and magic of Mexican culture. The spontaneous parties, the vibrant colors, and the sense of adventure that comes with not knowing what’s going to happen next. Sometimes I feel like Sweden’s structure can be a little too confining and restrictive, but I guess that’s the trade-off for feeling safe and secure.
So, what’s next for you and your family?
Frida: A trip back to Mexico this summer to lie in a hammock on the beach, sipping a cold michelada and eating delicious Mexican seafood and tacos – purely for market research!
A painting depicting the defense of the port of Veracruz in 1914 from U.S. invasion. (Mexican National Archives)
So while visiting Tampico recently, a tour guide brought up “The Tampico Affair.” As a U.S. citizen, I smiled sheepishly, but he good-naturedly responded, “That was a long time ago.”
The events of April 1914 that he was referring to, when the United States invaded its southern neighbor, was Mexico’s fourth foreign invasion experienced in less than a century, 60 years after the U.S. invaded the port of Veracruz in March of 1847.
An American warship bombards the port of Veracruz, Mexico, in the 1914 invasion. (Universite de Caen Basse Normandie)
In 1914, Mexico was in the middle of the Mexican Revolution, and the U.S. was not neutral. Victoriano Huerta had seized power as a dictator, but his hold was tenuous. Forces under Venustiano Carranza were marching east to take the rich international oil port of Tampico. The U.S., looking to protect its citizens and interests there, backed Huerta at first, hoping he would bring stability.
But their stance on Huerta changed with incoming president Woodrow Wilson. Although Wilson had a reputation for pacifism, he would prove to be anything but in Mexico.
The U.S. invasion began with the Tampico Affair on April 9, 1914: the U.S. had several warships off the city’s riverside port to protect Americans working in the oil industry there, and their relationship with Huerta’s troops until then had been cordial. But these troops got nervous as Carranza closed in, and they restricted an area of the port where U.S. sailors had come to buy fuel.
When nine of the military men came for a routine purchase, they were arrested.
Civilians readying to defend Veracruz with arms given them by General Gustavo Maass of Victoriano Huerta’s army, who had been ordered to retreat inland and not defend the port. (Mexican National Archives)
Local commander Colonel Ramón Hinojosa realized the gravity of this situation and reported it to his superior, General Morelos Zaragoza. All nine Americans were immediately ordered released, and diplomatic efforts were begun to appease the U.S.
It should have worked, but U.S. contingent commander Henry Mayo wanted more than an apology. Although both forces had previously performed ceremonial salutes to the other’s flags, Mayo demanded a 21-gun salute to the U.S. flag on Tampico soil as a concession — which, of course, the Mexicans refused.
The real problem was that Wilson sought to take advantage of the situation — and an incoming shipment of arms to the port of Veracruz — to try and get rid of Huerta. Wilson did ask Congress for permission to invade as the U.S. constitution requires, but he had already been shelling Veracruz for two days before he got it.
History books call the taking of the port the Battle of Veracruz. The original objectives were the port and the arms shipment.
Huerta’s army did not put up a fight. They were ordered to withdraw inland, as there were not enough of them to face the well-armed intruders. But before withdrawing, General Gustavo Maass handed out arms to the local population and even released prisoners to help residents form whatever defense they could.
The arms were of limited use given the small amount of ammunition handed out with them, and given the residents’ limited weapons knowledge. Despite this, locals (almost all civilians) did make life difficult for the invaders. Even those without arms threw stuff at them from balconies. Resistance was strongest at the local naval academy, where. Lt. José Azueta provided cover for retreating cadets, eventually losing his life to the cause.
President Woodrow Wilson addressing the U.S. Congress in 1912. (Library of Congress)
Despite the bravery shown, the U.S. took the port in 24 hours with fewer than 100 casualties. The Mexicans lost about 500, mostly civilians. The U.S. soon realized that it could not hold the port without holding the rest of the city, which it took the following day, beginning an occupation that lasted until November 23, 1914.
Although militarily successful, the invasion and occupation became problematic for the U.S. government. Despite the fact that he was hated, Huerta’s support immediately increased as anti-Americanism grew not only in Mexico but also in the rest of Latin America.
Americans still in Tampico were abandoned as warships moved to south to support the invasion, and these foreigners eventually had to be evacuated, penniless.
These aforementioned problems the U.S. faced, and sporadic resistance to the occupation, eventually brought the Americans to the bargaining table. As Carranza was gaining strength, the U.S. succeeded in getting Huerta to step down, but it never got its 21-gun salute. As soon as Carranza took power, he reneged on the rest of the agreement until he, too, was overthrown.
Despite Carranza’s failings, he is still credited by historian Lester Langley and others of “…keeping the gringos out of Mexico City.”
The invasion would have repercussions for both countries for decades to come. The resistance of the local population consisted of street and guerrilla fighting, something unknown to U.S. regulars at the time. This experience is considered a foreshadowing of the kind of warfare that U.S. soldiers would encounter later in Germany, Vietnam and even Iraq.
A wounded José Azueta in the hospital before he succumbed to his injuries. (Mexican National Archives)
Eager to sell the invasion to people at home, the U.S. bestowed an unprecedented Medals of Honor, but this caused scandal and reform to how this medal is awarded.
The problems didn’t absolutely convince Wilson to stay out of Mexico, however: he contemplated taking the Tampico oil fields and the ones in Tehuantepec in 1917, but Carranza ordered the fields destroyed if another invasion occurred.
In Mexico, a narrative of heroic resistance by the people against impossible odds began to take shape almost immediately. José Azueta and the fighting cadets became national heroes, with Azueta’s name still read as part of a ceremonial “roll call of honor” by Mexico’s armed forces. The naval academy was renamed the Heroic Naval Military School of Mexico for its resistance that day.
Meanwhile, the failure to fight meant that General Maass fell into obscurity, and this is one reason why Huerta is considered one of Mexican history’s villains.
The invasion kept Mexico neutral in WWI. Germany tried to take advantage of the rift with the Zimmerman Telegram, a secret proposal for Mexican support for the Kaiser in exchange for a later retaking of land from Texas to California. But Mexico declined.
More than 100 years later, the Mexican narrative of heroic civilian resistance remains important here: for the anniversary in 2014, newspapers like La Jornada criticized the government commemorations for not giving the local civilian resistance enough credit.
Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico over 20 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.
The high school research team are from Mazatlan, Sinaloa, but hope to take their invention across the world. (Prepa Vasconcelos/Facebook)
Mexico’s flag shone brightly at the International Festival of Engineering Science and Technology in Tunisia (I-FEST²) as students from the José Vasconcelos high school in Mazatlán, Sinaloa, won a gold medal for an innovative plastic substitute project.
Using residue from the local shrimp industry — Mazatlán is the top producer of aquaculture shrimp in the country — aspiring scientists Samantha Guadalupe Carrasco Tovar, Natalia Quetzalli Martínez González and Génesis Ayón Loza created a bioplastic with shrimp shells that can replace single-use plastic.
Génesis Ayón, one of the team behind the invention, shared photos of their medals on social media. (@geneayon/Twitter)
“We recovered the shrimp waste, meaning everything that we didn’t consume, and took it to the [high school] laboratory to create plastic,” Samantha told El Economista newspaper.
The project will take them next to another international competition in Romania.
To develop their idea, the 17 year-olds had to turn to the experts.
“We received guidance from chemists, engineers, doctors, and laboratory workers. We gathered a great team around us,” Génesis said.
The team was inspired by the abundance of shrimp in the Mazatlan region. (Shutterstock)
But it was their teacher and mentor, aquaculture biologist Judith Rebeca González, who accompanied the young women along the way.
“She has fully supported us at an academic and personal level. She’s the one who has always been at the forefront looking for [financial] support,” Natalia said.
After winning the National Sciences Expo 2022 in San Luis Potosí, the young women had to look for ways of covering travel expenses for the nine-day festival in Tunisia.
“We worked hard looking for sponsorships. [We did] raffles, fairs. There were many people who believed in us and helped us to attend this event,” Génesis said.
In hopes of industrializing the process, the young women have presented their project as a prototype to obtain a patent for their idea, Génesis explained.
The benefits would be numerous, Natalia said, pointing out that the material is fully biodegradable and acts as both a pesticide and fertilizer when placed in the ground. It doesn’t generate bacteria or provoke an allergic reaction. “It is environmentally friendly and a low-cost product,” she concluded.
Finally, Génesis added, they feel proud to be women breaking the mold of what society expects of them.
“We want to get out of the box society usually puts us in and overcome the roles and stereotypes that pigeonhole you.”
“Girls can also be in the sciences. Girls can also be good at math,” Natalia stressed.
The banks sought to reassure customers that their savings were not at risk. (Shutterstock)
Annual headline inflation declined to a 17-month low of 6.85% in March, while Mexico’s core rate also fell but remains above 8%.
As reported by the national statistics agency INEGI on Wednesday, the headline rate is 0.77 percentage points below the February reading of 7.62%.
Increases in the Bank of Mexico’s interest rate have helped to bring inflation down in 2023. (Wikipedia)
The headline rate, which has dropped more than one percentage point since January and almost two points since last year’s peak, is slightly below the 6.89% consensus forecast of economists surveyed by Citibanamex. It is still well above the central bank’s target of 3%, with a tolerance of one percentage point in either direction.
INEGI reported that the annual core inflation rate, which excludes volatile food and energy prices, was 8.09% in March, down from 8.29% in February. In contrast to the headline rate, the core rate is slightly above the consensus forecast of analysts polled by Citibanamex.
Alberto Ramos, head of Latin America economics at Goldman Sachs, said in a research note that “core inflation was impacted by the high readings in services, driven by the seasonal increase in airfares and tourism packages, and food services.”
INEGI data show that annual inflation for services was 5.71% in March, up from 5.55% in February.
The volatile price of food has driven inflation in recent months. (Alejandro Linares Garcia)
Inflation for processed food, beverages, and tobacco was 12.95%, whereas prices for fresh agricultural products, including fruit, vegetables, and meat, were 7.24% higher than a year prior. Energy prices, including those for fuel and electricity, rose just 0.16% on an annual basis.
Publication of the latest INEGI inflation data comes six days after members of the Bank of Mexico (Banxico) governing board voted unanimously to raise the central bank’s benchmark interest rate by 25 basis points to a record high of 11.25%. The bank has lifted its key rate by 725 basis points in the current tightening cycle, which began in June 2021, as it seeks to combat high inflation.
Andrés Abadia, chief Latin America economist at the economic research consultancy Pantheon Macroeconomics, wrote that the latest INEGI data allows Banxico to breathe a “sigh of relief” as it confirms inflation is continuing to decline. Abadia said he expects the downward trajectory to continue in the months ahead.
Zélika García talks about the evolution of the Mexican art scene, the impact of the pandemic and how this latest project has stretched her team's imagination. (Courtesy)
Over the last two decades, Zona Maco has evolved from an upstart Mexico City festival to the one of the world’s most important art fairs.
Founder Zélika García has teamed up with her son Kareem Reza to start a new project called Art Baja California (ABC) in Baja California Sur, which is taking place in La Paz, San Jose del Cabo, and Todos Santos from March 10 to April 23.
Zona Maco has produced a central area in Todos Santos called “El Patio” with installations from 40 artists spread over 7,000 square meters. “Lo Local” is a series of exhibitions happening in over 60 galleries, restaurants, and hotels. “El Cine” is a selection of short films and features screened on rotation in all three cities.
Zélika sat down with writer Marko Ayling to discuss her ongoing mission to put Mexican art on the world stage. This interview has been edited for clarity and length.
Zélika García
The idea for ABC (Art Baja California) came from how we adapted to the pandemic in 2021, when we couldn’t do Zona Maco in the convention center. To support local galleries and artists we created five routes around Mexico City – San Miguel Chapultepec, Polanco, Juarez, Condesa, and Roma – and we invited local Mexican galleries to participate.
It was a huge success – 90 spaces took part and everyone loved walking around the barrios. But we needed a central hub, so we created “Zona Maco Patio” in Casa Ortega, a Luis Barragán house with a huge garden where we hosted gatherings and talks every single day.
Then my son, Kareem Reza, moved to Baja during the pandemic and pitched co-founding a project there. At first, I said no. But the more I thought about it, the more I wanted to do it. I knew that a traditional art fair wouldn’t work in Baja. You don’t want to be inside a convention center – you want to walk around outside.
So we decided to replicate this idea of routes in La Paz, San Jose, and Todos Santos. We found a space in Santa Terra to host a new “Patio” and invited local curators and artists to participate in the design. Zona Maco built “El Patio”, but it’s just one part of Art Baja California.
Marko Ayling
Why spread ABC over multiple weeks and locations instead of just choosing a central place for a single week like Zona Maco?
ZG:
Baja is a very young art scene and it’s spread out around the region. Most local artists don’t have representation outside the area and galleries don’t do projects abroad. And a lot of foreign artists moved there during the pandemic and stayed. It feels like Zona Maco 20 years ago. It’s very fresh.
ABC makes exploring the scene more enriching because all three cities have totally different vibes. Over five weeks, locals can experience it at their leisure, tourists can visit during Semana Santa, and you can even come multiple times and have a different experience each time.
El Patio seen from above. (Courtesy)
That’s also why we created “Lo Local” as a way of inviting local galleries, hotels, and restaurants to participate in the festival by hosting art exhibitions, live music, and special events. This allows local artists to present their work, even if there are not so many established galleries in the area. Everybody can collaborate and visitors have a different experience in every place.
MA:
What makes each of the three cities unique?
ZG:
San José has more tourism, hotels, and a large international community – and naturally more buyers. Our goal is to encourage this community to visit La Paz and Todos Santos by cross-promoting events from all three cities in the galleries, hotels, and restaurants of San José.
Todos Santos is where most of the artists live, precisely because it is still difficult to get to. It’s more pueblo. You can walk the whole town in a single day. It’s very charming.
La Paz has a totally different feel. It’s the capital, it’s on the Sea of Cortéz, and it’s a small community with fewer resorts, more boutique hotels.
MA:
Baja Sur has some of the most exciting recent hotel openings in Mexico. How are design and tourism in Baja shaping the way you conceive of this fair?
ZG:
We’ve worked with the owners of Baja Club Hotel, El Ganzo, and Paradero for many years and they were some of the first to join the festival. All three helped us meet the other local galleries, hoteliers, and restaurants and helped us figure out what dates to do the festival.
We have to take advantage of Baja California’s proximity to the U.S. and its international tourism, but we need the local community’s support for this festival to work. Ultimately, our goal is to foster relationships and exchanges between local artists, galleries, collectors, the general public, and curators – and that’s already happening naturally.
A view from El Ganzo hotel in San José del Cabo, Baja California Sur (Facebook)
Many didn’t know each other existed, but they are already collaborating on future events and pop-ups together.
MA:
How has the Mexican art scene changed in the two decades since you founded Zona Maco?
ZG:
In 2004, Zona Maco started with around 40 galleries. 90% were Mexican, mostly young local artists. Now we have more international galleries – probably 50/50. And this evolution has helped local artists develop their careers. Local artists no longer have to go to Europe to be discovered and galleries that started in small apartments have grown into bigger, better spaces.
MA:
Recently there’s been so much controversy around foreigners moving to Mexico City and making it more expensive for everyone – artists included. Do you think foreign arrivals are hurting the art scene in Mexico?
ZG:
I think it’s helping. Sometimes this has to happen to grow. Rents are rising, but artists and galleries sell more art. This year Zona Maco had over 55 museum groups from abroad visit with their board members. Twenty years ago, those board members would have never known these artists or considered acquiring their work for international museums. Artists would just stay local forever. Not anymore.
MA:
What does success look like now after already having achieved so much with Zona Maco?
ZG:
I’m very proud of the amazing team behind Zona Maco and the galleries, local artists, museums, and collectors who make it possible. But if we stay the same, it becomes boring – and that would no longer be a success. So we need to keep thinking outside the box to make it better every year.
Curators of “El Patio” at Art Baja California. (Courtesy)
We have to use our imagination for ABC because we’re starting from scratch. For example, we were surprised by the high cost of shipping everything for “El Patio” to Todos Santos. So artists adapted and made their pieces in situ with local materials – which makes their work much more interesting and made our team sharper because it’s taken us out of our comfort zone.
And next year’s Zona Maco will be really special because it’s our 20th anniversary in February of 2024. We are planning some incredible events and we invite you all to celebrate with us.
Marko Ayling is a life-long traveler and the creator and host of Vagabrothers, one of the most trusted and popular travel shows on YouTube, with 1M+ subscribers worldwide. He now writes “The Missive” on Substack, a weekly dispatch of travel tales, reading recommendations, and curated cultural recommendations.
