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More rain, less water: Why the water crisis in Mexico is getting harder to solve

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Drought and water crisis in Mexico
The country has entered a pattern of long periods of drought punctuated by intense rainfall, and it's a troubling warning for the water crisis in Mexico, experts say. (Tec de Monterrey)

After a year of unusually abundant rainfall, Mexico’s much-reported water crisis appeared to ease. Reservoirs rebounded. Drought maps shrank. The immediate pressure lifted in cities like Mexico City and Guadalajara.

Now, with out-of-season rains falling across parts of the country, a new question is emerging: Is this relief — or a warning sign of a climate system growing more erratic? Scientists say the answer is more complicated — and more concerning.

Longer droughts, briefer deluges

The Valle de Bravo dam, with a full reservoir behind it
The Valle de Bravo reservoir, part of the Cutzamala system that provides water to Mexico City, is near capacity for now. (Crisanta Espinosa Aguilar/Cuartoscuro)

At the end of March, just 7.4% of Mexico was classified as being in drought, down from 40% in January 2024, according to the National Meteorological Service. But this whiplash between drought and deluge is not a sign of recovery, experts say.

It’s a warning.

New research into Mexico’s long-term climate patterns suggests the country is entering a more volatile water era: longer, more intense droughts punctuated by short bursts of heavy rainfall — events that often fail to replenish water systems.

At the same time, groundwater — Mexico’s most critical reserve — is being depleted faster than it can recover, while rising temperatures accelerate evaporation. Meanwhile, rapid urban expansion is disrupting the natural water cycle.

Even in years of good rain, the underlying trajectory is clear: Mexico is getting drier.

Lessons from the past: A paleoclimatologist takes the long view

National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) paleoclimatologist Priyadarsi Roy studies how rainfall and drought have shaped Mexico over tens of thousands of years. What that long view reveals, he says, is not stability, but contrast.

“Mexico has a very heterogeneous climatic system,” he said, with arid regions in the north and humid zones in the south — a pattern that has persisted for millennia.

Drought, too, is nothing new. Historical records show prolonged dry periods in the 1950s and again in the 1990s. 

But in the last two decades, Roy said, something about Mexico’s climate has suddenly changed.

“Since the last 20 years, droughts have been much more persistent and much more intense,” he said.

The implications are not simply theoretical: During Mexico’s drought in the 1990s, migration from Mexico to the United States doubled. Looking ahead, Roy and others’ projections suggest millions could be displaced by water scarcity in the coming decades.

“Possibly up to 6 million people … will migrate because water resources will be depleted,” Roy said.

A close-up shot shows a person adjusting an irrigation line in a field to reduce agricultural water waste
When water is not available, people migrate to places where it is. (Shutterstock)

The pattern has repeated over millennia. Ancient Mesoamerican cities — including major urban centers — were abandoned during prolonged droughts.

Roy points to Cantona, a city in present-day Puebla that once supported tens of thousands of people before being abandoned when water supplies failed. The pattern repeats across much of Mesoamerica, where entire networks of cities declined during repeated dry periods.

“People left everything and moved to a region where there was water available,” he said.

Shifting storm patterns and rising temperatures: A ‘lethal combination’

Climate change is not just intensifying storms — it is reshaping where they go.

Roy was among the investigators in a study that points to a growing “alberca caliente,” or hot pool, stretching across the Atlantic — a band of water above roughly 28.5°C that has expanded with global warming.

As it grows, storms are increasingly forming farther out at sea and tracking northward, toward the United States and skipping Mexico, or else dissipating in the Atlantic before reaching Mexico. While this means fewer hurricanes are making landfall in Mexico, it also means that the large amounts of rainfall on the periphery of hurricane systems are bypassing Mexico as well — and not replenishing the water sources in those areas.

“Those precipitation systems are not coming to Mexico anymore,” Roy said. “So Mexico is getting drier.”

The consequences are compounded by rising temperatures, which cause water to evaporate more quickly — even when rain does fall.

“We are having less precipitation … and the precipitation that we are getting … is getting dried out,” Roy said.

The combination — fewer storms reaching land and faster water loss — is, in Roy’s words, “a lethal combination.”

A water-management system out of sync with Mexico’s reality

Paradoxically, even when rain does arrive, much of it is lost.

Mexico’s water supply depends heavily on slow processes like infiltration and aquifer recharge — systems that require steady, moderate rainfall over time. But increasingly, precipitation is arriving in short, intense bursts.

Cracks run through the dirt in a dried-out reservoir, representing intense drought in northwest Mexico, water crisis in Mexico
Effects of exceptional drought include widespread crop and pasture losses and shortages of water in reservoirs, streams and wells creating water emergencies, according to the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Association. (Cuartoscuro)

When rain falls too quickly, it runs off instead of soaking into the ground — contributing to flooding without replenishing depleted reserves.

In cities, that loss is amplified.

“In Guadalajara, up to 60% of the rainwater is lost,” said University of Guadalajara water expert Arturo Gleason, who has spent decades studying urban water systems in Mexico and abroad.

The problem, he argues, is not just climate. It is how Mexico manages water.

For decades, Mexico’s response to water scarcity has been to build more infrastructure — dams, aqueducts and pumping systems designed to bring water from farther away.

“That school of thought — the ‘mega-project’ — continues to permeate, even to this day,” Gleason said.

But that model is increasingly mismatched with today’s climate reality.

Across northern and central Mexico, groundwater has become the backbone of the water supply. But rising temperatures, reduced vegetation and shifting rainfall patterns are limiting water recharge — even as demand continues to grow.

At the same time, the systems that deliver water are aging and underfunded.

“The pipes and equipment … are operating beyond their useful life,” Gleason said. “It is becoming increasingly difficult to provide good quality (water) and adequate volume.”

Even where water exists, it is becoming harder to deliver — and harder to trust as safe for use.

The role of urban expansion

The problem is also being intensified by how cities are built, said Gleason.

2 people with rain umbrellas, water crisis in Mexico
Fewer hurricanes may sound like a good thing, but Mexico is also getting less of the rainfall associated with these systems. (Andrea Murcia/Cuartoscuro)

Deforestation and the spread of concrete that have come with urban expansion in Mexico are disrupting the natural water cycle.

“The moment you deforest … and cover the ground with concrete, you change the local climate,” Gleason said.

With urban expansion, vegetation that once helped retain moisture and promote rainfall has been removed. Soil that once absorbed water is sealed beneath pavement. The result is a paradox seen across Mexico: Cities suffer intense flooding during storms but struggle with water shortages the rest of the year.

What a different model could look like

For Gleason, the solution is not simply a technical one implemented by experts — it needs to be systemic and cultural, involving citizens.

Over decades of research and advocacy, he has promoted a different approach — one that works with the natural water cycle rather than against it.

That means capturing rain where it falls — in homes, neighborhoods and, critically, in green spaces designed to allow water to infiltrate and recharge aquifers. 

It means restoring vegetation, protecting recharge zones at the local level and reducing impermeable surfaces that cut rainwater off from the soil that would absorb it.

And it means rethinking the role of citizens.

“It’s not the system for the sake of the system,” he said. “It’s generating a culture of water management.”

Rainwater harvesting systems, he argues, should not be isolated government programs, but part of a broader transformation — one that engages the citizenry through education, incentives and long-term maintenance.

Lessons from elsewhere

Gleason’s work has taken him abroad, where he has seen alternative models in action.

In Germany, he studied systems designed not to consume rainwater but to retain it — keeping it within urban landscapes to reduce runoff and protect water quality.

aquifer illustration, water crisis in Mexico
Aquifers work best with regular, moderate rainfall. When rainfall comes in short, intense bursts, much of it is lost due to runoff. (Public Domain)

Cities there map their territory in detail, determining where water should be absorbed, stored or redirected — and requiring developers to incorporate those systems into new construction.

In Australia, cities like Melbourne have gone further, adopting what are known as “water-sensitive urban design” strategies — integrating water management into every layer of urban planning.

These systems treat rainfall not as a nuisance to be drained away but as a resource to be captured, stored and reused.

In Mexico, this sort of progress is uneven. Monterrey, for example, has made significant advances in wastewater treatment and reuse, achieving near-total treatment of its wastewater — a rare benchmark nationally.

But such examples remain the exception.

Why solutions fall short

Even where solutions exist, scaling them remains a challenge.

Programs like rainwater harvesting have expanded in cities like Guadalajara. But Gleason says they often lack the long-term vision needed to succeed. Systems are installed — but not maintained. Citizens are given tools — but not the training or incentives to use them effectively.

“It’s a lifestyle,” he said of rainwater harvesting. “And that hasn’t been built.”

Without a cultural shift, he argues, the responsibility for water remains externalized — something managed by utilities rather than shared across society.

A narrowing window for action

If current trends continue, the consequences across Mexico could be severe.

“I think it’s a widespread shortage,” Gleason said. “It’s not just the volume — it’s the quality.”

As water sources become increasingly contaminated and infrastructure struggles to keep up, cities may face rising health risks, higher costs and deepening inequality in access to safe water.

Water protests in Guadalajara, water crisis in Mexico
A resident of the Nogalera colonia in Guadalajara holds up a bottle of sediment-filled water she collected from her faucet. (Tracy L. Barnett)

“We are entering chaotic scenarios,” he said — a warning that echoes recent street protests in Guadalajara over water shortages and contaminated, foul-smelling tap water.

At the same time, the window for action is shrinking.

“We are now entering a reduction phase,” he said — a stage where options become more limited and solutions more costly,” he explained.

What must come next

Still, neither Roy nor Gleason sees the future as predetermined. But both point to the same conclusion: the current trajectory is unsustainable.

The path forward will require more than infrastructure, they say.

It will require restoring ecosystems, modernizing systems and fundamentally rethinking how water is valued — not as an unlimited resource to be extracted, but as a finite cycle to be protected.

And it will require something more difficult still: a shift in public consciousness — from consumption to stewardship. Because the question Mexico now faces is no longer simply whether it has enough water, but whether it can adapt — quickly enough — to the reality of having less.

Tracy L. Barnett is a Guadalajara-based freelance writer and the founder of The Esperanza Project.

Mexican economy contracts 0.8% in the first quarter of the year

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A greenhouse worker inspects tomato plants in Zacatecas.
A decline in the primary sector, which includes industries like agriculture and fishing, was one factor driving Mexico's first quarter economic contraction. Pictured: A greenhouse worker inspects tomato plants in Zacatecas. (Adolfo Vladimir / Cuartoscuro.com)

The Mexican economy contracted 0.8% in the first quarter of 2026 compared to the previous three-month period, according to seasonally-adjusted preliminary data published on Thursday by the national statistics agency INEGI.

Compared to the first quarter of 2025, GDP increased 0.2% in seasonally-adjusted terms between January and March and 0.1% in original terms.

The quarter-over-quarter contraction was the worst result for the Mexican economy in any first quarter since 2020. In addition, the contraction was the largest sequential decline for any quarter since Q4 in 2024.

The 0.8% contraction came after 0.9% quarter-over-quarter growth in the last three months of 2025. Mexico’s annual growth rate in 2025 was 0.8%.

All 3 economic sectors declined from Q4 2025 

INEGI data shows that the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors all contracted in the first quarter of 2026 compared to the final quarter of last year.

The primary sector, which includes agriculture and fishing, recorded the biggest decline, slumping 1.4% compared to the final three months of 2025.

The secondary sector, which includes manufacturing and construction, contracted 1.1%, while the tertiary or services sector declined 0.6%.

Gabriela Siller, director of economic analysis at Mexican bank Banco Base, wrote on social media that the factors that caused the decline in GDP in the first quarter of the year are “internal.”

In a separate post, she wrote:

“Mexico is in an economic stagnation trap due to:

For his part, Andrés Abadía, chief Latin America economist at U.K.-based Pantheon Macroeconomics, said that “lower consumption, lower investment of capital and still restrictive financial conditions” are all affecting economic activity in Mexico.

The quarter-over-quarter contraction occurred despite Mexico’s export revenue increasing 17.9% annually in the first three months of 2026. Tourism numbers have also been positive with international arrivals up more than 8% in January and February.

The sequential contraction is a blow for the federal government, which is aiming to grow the Mexican economy and attract more investment within the framework of its ambitious Plan México initiative.

However, President Claudia Sheinbaum has argued that economic growth should not be the sole measure of well-being in Mexico, where more than 13 million people exited poverty between 2018 and 2024 due to factors including increases to the minimum wage and the federal government’s welfare and social programs.

Mexico’s export revenue shot up 27.7% in March

Primary and secondary sectors also declined in annual terms

The primary sector contracted 0.1% in the first quarter compared to the same period of last year, according to INEGI’s preliminary data.

The secondary sector also contracted, declining 1.1% compared to the first quarter of 2025.

The tertiary sector bucked the trend, expanding 0.9% annually in the first quarter of 2026.

Mexico’s economic outlook 

Abadía said it’s “probable” that economic activity will pick up in the second quarter of 2026, “supported by a series of temporary favorable factors,” such as the FIFA men’s World Cup, which Mexico will co-host with the United States and Canada.

The tournament will take place in June and July, and millions of tourists are expected to come to Mexico during the period, helping boost GDP.

Abadía also said that construction activity and end-of-year sales could help boost economic activity in Mexico later in 2026. Pantheon Macroeconomics is forecasting that the Mexican economy will grow 1.2% this year.

Siller noted that Banco Base is now forecasting that Mexico’s GDP will grow 1% this year.

“This implies that per capita GDP will continue being lower than in 2018,” she wrote on X.

Citing Banco Base forecasts, Siller also noted that it is anticipated that Mexico’s economy will grow at half the pace of the U.S. economy this year.

With reports from El Economista and Reforma

With new investors on board, Citigroup advances its disinvestment from Banamex

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Citibank
With the most recent sale, and another smaller one expected shortly, Citibank will have reached this year's goal of 49% divestiture in the long process of exiting its ownership role in the historic Mexican bank Banamex. (Facebook)

Citigroup announced Wednesday it has closed the sale of 22.6% of Banamex, finalizing most of the 24% equity sale it announced in February. 

The tranche was sold to a group of national and international institutional investors and family offices, including Blackstone, General Atlantic and Afore Sura, among others. 

Manuel Romo and Frenando hico
Manuel Romo, shown here with Banamex majority shareholder and Chairman of the Board Fernando Chico Pardo in March, has stepped down as the bank’s director general. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro.com)

In a written statement, the U.S.-based financial services corporation said the purchase had received all the necessary authorizations from the competition regulator in Mexico, and expects the sale of the remaining 1.4% stake to be completed in the coming months through a public offering on the stock market.

“We are pleased to finalize these investments from a group of renowned investors, whose engagement signals their confidence in Banamex’s strategic vision and promising growth trajectory, as well as the strength of Mexico’s financial sector,” head of Citi International Ernesto Torres Cantú said.

In February, Citi announced that the sale of 24% of Banamex was agreed upon for 43 billion pesos (US $2.5 billion). Once the sale is completed, Citi will have sold 49% of the total shares of Banamex, including the 25% that Mexican mogul Fernando Chico Pardo bought last year.

Chico’s transaction meant that a key stake in Banamex returned to Mexican ownership.

Citi has reiterated that the full divestment of Banamex remains a strategic priority. But beyond the outstanding 1.4%, it anticipates no further sales this year so the current group of investors can focus on value creation. 

“We take great pride in these partners’ commitment to Mexico and its outlook, in addition to their confidence in our management of Banamex,” said Chico, now the majority shareholder and chairman of the board of Banamex. 

Banamex also announced last week that Manuel Romo would be stepping down as general manager to be replaced by Edgardo del Rincón, who previously served as the director of Banbajío. Del Rincón is expected to take over in May.

Banamex (full name Banco Nacional de México) is one of the oldest and most important financial institutions in Mexico. Founded in 1884, it is the fourth largest financial group in the country, with 13 million active clients. 

 With reports from El País

Mexico in Numbers: The border state powering Mexico’s export boom

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Cargo trailers bearing goods for export line up to cross into the United States at the Otay Mesa crossing in Tijuana. (Omar Martínez / Cuartoscuro.com)

Mexico had a record year for exports in 2025, shipping products abroad worth US $664.83 billion, an annual increase of 7.6%.

Goods were made in factories across Mexico, fresh produce was grown on farms all over the country and oil was pumped from the Gulf of Mexico and onshore fields.

But, of Mexico’s 32 federal entities, which generated the most export revenue last year?

Which state increased their export revenue by the largest percentage between 2024 and 2025?

Let’s delve into the numbers, as published by the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI).

Mexico’s top 5 export states 

  1. Chihuahua —  Mexico’s largest state by area — was easily Mexico’s top export state in 2025, shipping goods abroad worth US $109.5 billion. The northern border state is a hub for factories and one of Mexico’s top agricultural producers.
  2. Coahuila, a northern border state east of Chihuahua that is also a manufacturing hub, was Mexico’s second biggest exporter in 2025. The state’s exports totaled $65.5 billion.
  3. Nuevo León, a northern border state east of Coahuila, ranked third with exports worth $59.06 billion in 2025.
  4. Baja California, which borders the U.S. State of California, was Mexico’s fourth biggest exporter in 2025, with revenue totaling $56.62 billion.
  5. Jalisco ranked fifth with exports worth $52.57 billion in 2025. It is the only state in the top five that doesn’t border the United States.

The other end of the export ladder 

In case you were wondering which states generate the least export revenue, here’s the list of the bottom 5 in 2025.

  • The Caribbean coast, tourism-oriented state of Quintana Roo ranked last out of Mexico’s 32 federal entities for export revenue in 2025. Earnings totaled just $19.51 million.
  • Second last for export earnings in 2025 was the Pacific coast state of Nayarit, with $355.36 million.
  • Ranking third last in 2025 was Baja California Sur, with export revenue of $396.71 million.
  • In fourth last position was Guerrero, with export earnings of $921.25 million.
  • Rounding out the bottom five states for export earnings last year was the southern state of Chiapas, with revenue of $1.31 billion.

The top states for export gains

A graphic shows the top 5 mexican states in terms of growth in exports between 2024 and 2025

The states which increased their export earnings by the largest percentages in 2025 were:

  1. Jalisco: 66.2% increase to $52.57 billion.
  2. Chihuahua: 45.1% increase to $109.5 billion.
  3. Colima: 27.8% increase to $1.95 billion.
  4. Zacatecas: 22.6% increase to $4.93 billion.
  5. Yucatán: 21% increase to $2.56 billion.

Export earnings increased in 16 of Mexico’s federal entities in 2025 and declined in 16.

Mexico News Daily 

Mexico City will offer free World Cup fan festivals across all 16 boroughs

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brugada et al
In announcing 18 fan festival sites for the duration of the World Cup, along with "the world's longest wave" along the Paseo de la Reforma on May 30, Mexico City Mayor Clara Brugada continues her efforts to make her city's hosting of World Cup games one big and entertaining cultural extravaganza. (@ClaraBrugadaM/Facebook)

Mexico City Mayor Clara Brugada on Wednesday announced plans to establish 18 free fan festivals during the upcoming World Cup, saying “the capital will be like one big grandstand.”

There will be at least one designated fan fest in each of the city’s 16 boroughs, in addition to the FIFA-sponsored venue in the Zócalo, the main public square in the heart of the Historic Center.

“We don’t view the World Cup as being limited to the matches taking place inside the stadium,” Brugada said. “It’s lived in the streets where communities play, on the neighborhood pitch, in the market, in the public square … because when the pelota comes home, passion overflows in our streets.

Brugada’s reference was to the slogan her administration is using to promote the tournament — “Pelota Vuelve a Casa” (“The ball is coming home”) — as she presented the information about the festivals.

In addition to free broadcasts of the matches (seven venues will screen all 104 games, while the remaining 11 will feature Mexico’s games and selected matches), festival sites will feature cultural programming, sporting activities and gastronomic offerings. 

Brugada said each site will include big screens, as well as concerts, public art, family entertainment, traditional games and workshops. There will also be food carts and products from local and Indigenous communities, as well as special events such as expos devoted to corn and ice ⁠cream.

Although the goal is to extend the World Cup atmosphere beyond the stadiums, Brugada made clear that alcohol sales will be prohibited at the Fan Zones, which she justified by saying “the aim is to promote safe and family-friendly spaces.”

This announcement continues Brugada’s focus on popular events, which some say comes at the expense of needed infrastructure and security work. It even earned her a scolding from President Claudia Shienbaum earlier this month.

During a meeting with Sheinbaum on March 30, FIFA president Gianni Infantino expressed concern over unfinished infrastructure projects in the vicinity of Estadio Azteca, which will host five matches. The media has also made much of the scramble to finish an ambitious renovation of the capital’s subway before the tournament kicks off on June 11.

As a result, Sheinbaum reprimanded Brugada and announced the federal government was taking a bigger role in order to manage risks and ensure preparations in Mexico City meet FIFA standards.

With reports from Reuters, Medio Tiempo, La Jornada and Infobae

How driverless semi-trailers are starting to change Mexico-US border trade

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A Scania cargo tractor trailer
Self-driving cargo trucks in Texas are starting to be used to move goods into Mexico. Meanwhile, Mexican companies like Scania are working to develop their own driverless models. (Scania)

Driverless trucks, which are already operating along key Mexico-U.S. border crossings in Texas, could soon be deployed in other areas along the border, thanks to new regulations recently announced by the California Department of Motor Vehicles.

The new rules authorize manufacturers to test and commercially deploy autonomous heavy-duty trucks on state highways.

The move opens the door to the mass deployment of autonomous freight vehicles in the largest and most influential market in the U.S., with direct implications for the future of the sector in Mexico.

In Texas, driverless trucks operate on highways connecting Laredo, El Paso, Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston, and even ferry goods across the border into Mexico. 

While trade between Mexico and the U.S. has reached historic levels, this new variable is poised to have a significant impact on cross-border exchange, altering the speed, cost and logistics of Mexican foreign trade.

And coming at a time when the transportation industry is confronting a shortage of operators in both Mexico and the U.S., automation is fast becoming the favored solution.

One country is winning the US-China trade war: Mexico

The Swedish startup Einride, for example, already operates fully autonomous electric trucks without a cab (no steering wheel or driver’s space) in Texas.

Yet the adoption of autonomous driving technology in Mexico is still years behind U.S. regulations, suggesting the technological gap will initially affect the Mexican industry’s competitiveness in the North American corridor.

While companies in the U.S. are ratcheting up production plans (it is expected that there could be thousands of driverless trucks on the road by 2027), Mexico is battling to catch up.

On Mexico’s side, Cargo truck producer Scania México is developing autonomous vehicles for the Mexican market, and is currently testing its vehicles on public roads in Europe using safety drivers.

Also, Daimler Truck México and Trayecto have launched an electro-mobility ecosystem using the eCascadia, a state-of-the-art electric tractor-trailer capable of autonomous-ready features.

Although neither is ready to put their vehicles on the market in the short-term, it is hoped that the nearshoring boom and the expansion of cross-border pilot programs will stimulate rapid growth.

Other complementary projects are underway. Green Corridors — a Texas-based company — is planning a 265-kilometer elevated “guideway” for autonomous freight shuttles between Laredo and Monterrey that has a 2031 inauguration target date.

A 2025 Polaris Market Research study projected that Mexico’s autonomous trucks market would grow from US $651.8 million last year to more than US $1.55 billion by 2034.

With reports from El Financiero, Transporte.mx and IMARC Group

Zoo animals beat the Mexico City heat with personalized popsicles

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gorilla with popsicle
The animals' paletas are just as icy and refreshing as popsicles for humans, but they're made of ingredients found in their natural diets. (Sedema/Facebook)

With Mexico City mired in a heat wave for the past week, zoo animals have been joining residents in cooling off with paletas — custom-made popsicles, in this case frozen around their favorite foods.

The Mexico City Environment Ministry (Sedema) said this week that its Wildlife Conservation Centers across the capital have been handing out ice pops tailored to each species as temperatures climbed.

giraffe licking on icy treat
The icy treats serve a purpose: Extreme heat can cause panting, weakness and, in severe cases, organ damage in wildlife. (Sedena)

The daytime highs have been roughly in the range of 29 to 32 Celsius (between the mid-80s to about 90 degrees Fahrenheit) — roughly 2 to 5 degrees Celsius above April averages for Mexico City.

The heat wave in CDMX began April 25 under a strong high‑pressure system that trapped heat over central Mexico. Temperatures are forecast to ease starting Thursday before dipping somewhat more in early May.

Sedema said this week that the icy snacks are part of special feeding programs to keep animals hydrated and cool during the hot season. The pops are made with ingredients that fit each animal’s nutritional needs.

“Specially prepared for them, they are part of their diet and a delicious way to stay hydrated,” the agency noted on social media.

Images shared by Sedema show giraffes, chimpanzees, patas monkeys and a bobcat licking and pawing at the frozen blocks, which double as enrichment toys.

By freezing food in large chunks, keepers encourage animals to lick, bite and play with the ice — a tactic known as environmental enrichment, which keeps them active and reduces heat stress.

Officials say extreme heat can cause panting, weakness and, in severe cases, organ damage in wildlife if they cannot shed heat fast enough.

The popsicle strategy echoes similar programs in other parts of Mexico, including El Centenario Zoo in Mérida, Yucatán.

There, biologists have used popsicles made with meat, fruit and seeds to help big cats, primates and birds endure spring temperatures that can top 40 degrees Celsius. 

The treats are part of a broader “Paletón” program that aims to hydrate animals and give them new textures and flavors to explore. Biologists said about 60% of the zoo’s over 600 animals received popsicles in 2024 as part of that program.

Health authorities are urging residents to take a cue from the animals’ behavior by staying in the shade, avoiding direct sun from 11 a.m. to 4 p.m., drinking water frequently, and never leaving children, older adults or pets in parked cars.

While Thursday afternoon was expected to be another hot, hazy one in CDMX, meteorologists expect the worst of the heat wave to break as April gives way to May.

With reports from El Universal, Récord and TV Azteca

US indictment of Sinaloan governor lacks proof, Sheinbaum says: Thursday’s mañanera recapped

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President Sheinbaum at her morning press conference
Sheinbaum promised to defend Mexican sovereignty in light of new charges against high-up Sinaloa politicians, saying her administration wouldn't permit "any foreign government to decide the future of the people of Mexico."(Mario Jasso / Cuartoscuro.com)

Sheinbaum’s mañanera in 60 seconds

  • ⚖️ Rocha indictment: ‘Where’s the proof?’ Sheinbaum questioned the U.S. drug trafficking charges against Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya, demanding “conclusive evidence” and calling the indictment’s key exhibit — a handwritten list of bribe amounts — little more than a sheet of paper with names and figures.

  • 🇲🇽 Sovereignty over extradition: The president ruled nothing in or out on Rocha’s potential extradition, insisting any action must follow Mexican law and the Constitution. She warned that her government won’t allow “any foreign government to decide the future of the people of Mexico.”

  • 🤔 Political motives alleged: Sheinbaum stopped short of flatly accusing Washington of bad faith, but asked: “If the proof isn’t there, what is the motivation?” She also highlighted that U.S. authorities have never previously sought an extradition order for a sitting Mexican governor.

  • 📞 Presidential call to Rocha: Sheinbaum confirmed she spoke with the governor after the indictment dropped, telling him: “If there is nothing [illegal], there is nothing to fear.” She said that no one, not a regular citizen nor a governor, can be arrested without proof.

Why today’s mañanera matters

As expected, the key focus of President Sheinbaum’s Thursday morning press conference was the Wednesday revelation that Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya and nine other current and former Sinaloa-based officials are accused of drug trafficking and related weapons offenses in the United States. U.S. prosecutors accuse the 10 defendants — including a Morena party senator and the mayor of Culiacán — of colluding with the Sinaloa Cartel, especially the “Los Chapitos” faction led by sons of convicted drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán.

Sheinbaum began her press conference by reading out a statement detailing her government’s position regarding the accusations.

Sheinbaum refuses to hand over Sinaloa Gov. Rocha without ‘irrefutable’ evidence

She said that her government won’t provide cover for anyone who has committed a crime, but asserted that without “clear proof” the objective of the U.S. charges is “political.”

The president and Rocha belong to the same political movement — the “Fourth Transformation” project, which was founded by former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador and is supported by the ruling Morena party. Thus, the accusations against the governor are damaging for the president as well.

Indeed, Rocha himself asserted on Wednesday that “this attack” from U.S. authorities “isn’t solely against me, but also against the movement of the Fourth Transformation, its emblematic leaders and the Mexican women and men who represent that cause.” He “categorically” denied the charges against him.

During today’s mañanera, Sheinbaum returned to the same line on various occasions, asserting time and time again that there is no hard proof against Rocha and his co-defendants. Still, a U.S. indictment carries weight, and this one in particular is a major headache and challenge for the president. Its unsealing comes at a time when the Mexico-U.S. relationship is already strained due to the CIA’s alleged participation in a drug lab raid in Chihuahua without the knowledge or approval of the Mexican government.

Sheinbaum asserts there is a lack of ‘proof’ in US indictment

Asked what “value” her government is giving to the U.S. accusations against Rocha, Sheinbaum responded that “any” accusation has to be supported by “conclusive evidence.”

“We have to ask for the proof,” she said.

“… When we say proof, … [we mean] proof, not just what a person says. There has to be conclusive evidence in accordance with Mexican legislation,” Sheinbaum said, referring to the standard that must be met in order for a person to be arrested.

She subsequently displayed and referred to a superseding indictment that the U.S. Justice Department published online on Wednesday, which sets out the charges against Rocha and the nine other defendants.

“This is the proof,” Sheinbaum said, referring to a handwritten list of amounts in pesos that Sinaloa-based law enforcement officials allegedly received in bribes from the “Los Chapitos” faction of the Sinaloa Cartel.

“… It’s striking, don’t you think? This is the only document that they put in this text as a document of proof,” she said.

“Juanito, 30,000 pesos,” Sheinbaum said, reading from the document included in the indictment. “… It’s a sheet of paper,” she added.

Sheinbuam shares a screen showing the U.S. indictment against Rocha Moya at her Thursday press conference.
President Sheinbaum dismissed evidence presented in the U.S. indictment against Sinaloa Gov. Rubén Rocha Moya as insufficient to justify his arrest. (Mario Jasso / Cuartoscuro.com)

Sheinbaum: ‘We don’t protect anyone’

Sheinbaum asserted that her government doesn’t protect anyone who has committed a crime.

However, she stressed that “there has to be proof” and “documents” that prove a person’s guilt in order for authorities to take action against him or her.

Referring to the U.S. accusations against Rocha and the other defendants, Sheinbaum said:

“If that proof is not there, the question is what is the motivation?”

Asked whether she saw “electoral overtones” in the U.S. accusations, Sheinbaum responded:

“We’re going to wait. … This had never happened before. Never in history had a [U.S.] prosecutor’s office or the U.S. Department of Justice requested an extradition order for a sitting governor or sitting mayor or sitting senator. So what has to be done? … We have to adhere to the law, the Constitution, the treaties, but always under Mexican law. So first the Federal Attorney General’s Office has to ask for the proof. What proof do they have? Because so far there is a document [detailing] what some witnesses say, witnesses whose identities we don’t know.”

Sheinbaum: ‘We’re not going to allow any foreign government to decide the future of the people of Mexico’

Sheinbaum declared that her administration won’t allow “any foreign government to decide the future of the people of Mexico.”

“Article 39 of the Constitution is very clear — sovereignty comes from the people,” she said.

Sheinbaum said that there are “two issues” at play with respect to the U.S. accusations.

One is “defense of sovereignty” and the other is “the rule of law,” she said.

“But the rule of law has to mean proof” against those accused, Sheinbaum said.

Sheinbaum says she is not aware of any accusations against other politicians 

Asked whether she had any knowledge of pending U.S. accusations against Mexican officials not named in the indictment unsealed on Wednesday, Sheinbaum said she did not.

“Until now, the U.S. government, through its embassy, has not provided information additional to this,” she said.

Sheinbaum: ‘What would other countries think’ if Mexico investigated their politicians?

Turning her attention to the topic of “interference,” Sheinbaum created a hypothetical situation.

If the Federal Attorney General’s Office “was investigating [foreign] governors, mayors and senators, … what would other countries think?” she asked.

“… What would the people of a country think if the Federal Attorney General’s Office did an investigation and presented an extradition order for a sitting governor of that country?”

Will Rocha be extradited to the US?  

A reporter asked the president whether she would consider the extradition of Rocha to the United States or whether she could rule out such an eventuality.

“First and foremost, it’s about proof,” Sheinbaum said.

“… The Attorney General’s Office has to act based on our legislation and our jurisdiction,” she said.

Sheinbaum comments on her conversation with Rocha  

Sheinbaum said that she spoke to Rocha on Wednesday after the U.S. Justice Department announced the charges against him.

“I said to him what I say here. If there is nothing [illegal], there is nothing to fear, nothing,” she said.

“There has to be proof. Put yourself in the place of a citizen who doesn’t have an elected position. An arrest without proof? No, right? It’s the same for a governor. In addition there would have to a be a desafuero [removal of political immunity] if any proof against him were to be found,” Sheinbaum said.

Sheinbaum asserts she would act in ‘exactly’ the same way if the US requested the extradition of an opposition governor 

Sheinbaum told reporters that she would act “exactly the same way” if U.S. authorities were seeking the extradition of a PRI, PAN or Citizens Movement Party governor to face charges in the United States.

“Imagine if an extradition request or a provisional arrest request arrived without any proof for a governor of another party. Because they’re from another party am I going to act differently? No,” the president said.

“It’s up to me to defend the Constitution, the laws and sovereignty. The law is for everyone,” Sheinbaum said.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

Opinion: Sheinbaum’s political gambit reshapes Mexico in her own image

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President Claudia Sheinbaum celebrates her election
Eighteen months after her election as president of Mexico, Claudia Sheinbaum is making key appointments to consolidate her power. (Directorio Legislativo)

Eighteen months into her presidency, Claudia Sheinbaum is no longer building on the foundation left by her predecessor. She is laying her own. A wave of appointments inside the Morena party, inside the president’s cabinet and at the country’s key diplomatic posts signals a leader moving with increasing confidence and speed to consolidate power on her own terms.

Far from a routine administrative shuffle, what we are witnessing is a recalibration of Mexican politics — one that combines continuity in rhetoric with a very different logic of power.

Moving the pieces inside Morena

Chess board
Sheinbaum is making chess-like moves to strengthen her hold on Morena ahead of an upcoming party election and the 2027 midterms. (Aaaatu/Wikimedia Commons)

For much of the past year, the question hanging over Sheinbaum was whether she could lead Morena or merely represent it. The answer, delivered in a flurry of moves in April 2026, is unambiguous.

Luisa María Alcalde: From party leader to presidential lawyer

Perhaps no move better encapsulates Sheinbaum’s strategy than what happened with Luisa María Alcalde, who was serving as Morena’s national party president — a role she had held since September 2024 and was not due to leave until 2027.

In late April 2026, Sheinbaum invited Alcalde to take over the presidential legal department, a post vacated when Esthela Damián announced her departure to pursue political ambitions in the state of Guerrero. Alcalde reportedly asked for time to think it over before accepting and announcing her resignation from the party’s leadership.

The significance of Alcalde’s probable acceptance of the role is twofold. First, it would place a loyalist in one of the most sensitive legal posts in the executive branch, the office that handles all legal strategy for the president. Second, it would leave the party’s leadership open to Sheinbaum’s influence without her directly appointing anyone — an arm’s-length maneuver that nonetheless carries a clear presidential imprint.

Ariadna Montiel, Mexico's current social welfare minister, is rumored to be Morena's next national leader.
Ariadna Montiel, Mexico’s current social welfare minister, is rumored to be Morena’s next national leader. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

Morena’s National Congress has been called for May 3 to elect a new leader. The name circulating most prominently as a potential successor is Ariadna Montiel, the current social welfare minister. Current party statutes require any candidate to resign from public office before being elected.

Andy López Beltrán —AMLO’s son steps aside

The other major internal movement involves Andrés Manuel López Beltrán, known as “Andy” — the son of the former president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador and a prominent figure in Morena’s organizing structure. He held the role of organization secretary, one of the party’s most operationally powerful positions, making him a natural symbol of the AMLO generation’s continued influence within the movement.

Andres Manuel Lopez Beltran
Andrés Manuel López Beltrán, son of ex-President López Obrador, is being reassigned to campaign work in Coahuila. (Rogelio Morales/Cuartoscuro)

In a move read by analysts as the clearest sign yet of Sheinbaum’s desire to de-Lopezobradorize the party machinery, López Beltrán was reassigned from that central role to lead territorial campaign work in Coahuila ahead of the upcoming local elections. The reassignment is both a demotion from the national seat of party power and a political risk: Coahuila is one of Morena’s most challenging electoral territories.

As political analyst Alejo Sánchez Cano wrote in El Financiero, these moves are “part of a broader strategy of presidential power consolidation,” signaling that Sheinbaum is building a party structure in which her leadership is unquestionable ahead of the 2027 midterm elections, when the full Chamber of Deputies and numerous governorships will be up for grabs.

Citlalli Hernández — From minister to electoral operator

Citlalli Hernández, who had been serving as Minister of Women since the start of the administration, left her cabinet post to take on a role in Morena’s National Elections Commission. Her new assignment puts her in charge of coordinating the party’s electoral strategy heading into 2027.

Hernández, a communications graduate, former senator and former Morena secretary-general, is a well-established political operator. Moving her from cabinet to party electoral command tells us something important about Sheinbaum’s priorities: the president is treating 2027 as a consolidation moment and wants a trusted figure running the ground game.

What this means for Morena

Where AMLO governed through the charisma and ideological force of a founding leader, Sheinbaum is constructing something more institutional — and more presidential. She is not just the head of government; she is becoming the undisputed axis of the ruling movement, a dual command structure that, in Mexican political tradition, translates into enormous governing capacity.

The risk, as several analysts have noted, is proportional to the power being consolidated: if Morena performs poorly in the midterm and local elections, the responsibility will land squarely on Sheinbaum’s shoulders.

Moving the pieces in the cabinet and abroad

Roberto Velasco — The new face of Mexican diplomacy

The highest-profile cabinet change of recent weeks was the departure of Juan Ramón de la Fuente from the Foreign Affairs Ministry. De la Fuente, 75, had been a towering presence in Mexico’s diplomatic establishment — he served as Mexico’s permanent representative to the United Nations under AMLO before joining Sheinbaum’s team. But a back surgery in late 2025 required further recovery, and in April 2026, he formally resigned.

Roberto Celasco abril 2026
Roberto Velasco Álvarez is now Mexico’s top diplomat, taking over from Ramón de la Fuente as foreign relations minister during an especially critical period in U.S.-Mexico relations. (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)

To replace him, Sheinbaum turned not to another established elder statesman but to Roberto Velasco Álvarez, 38, who had been serving as Undersecretary for North America — the man overseeing the country’s most strategically vital bilateral relationship. Velasco has a law degree, a master’s in public policy from the University of Chicago and a career built almost entirely inside the Foreign Affairs Ministry.

The appointment reads as a deliberate generational and strategic shift. With the renegotiation of the USMCA looming, Sheinbaum chose not a traditional diplomat but a younger, technically sophisticated operator who knows the North America desk from the inside and has already spent years navigating the Trump administration’s pressures

Roberto Lazzeri — The technocrat Washington needs to know

In a move that did not originate in the Foreign Affairs Ministry but carries equal diplomatic weight, Sheinbaum confirmed on April 23 that she is proposing Roberto Lazzeri Montaño as the new Mexican ambassador to the United States, replacing Esteban Moctezuma Barragán, who has held the post since 2021 under both AMLO and Sheinbaum.

Lazzeri, 42, is not a diplomat in any traditional sense. He is an economist who built his career almost entirely inside the Finance Ministry, where he served as director-general of public debt and chief of staff to then-secretary Rogelio Ramírez de la O. Most recently, Sheinbaum appointed him director-general of Nacional Financiera (Nafin) and Bancomext — the country’s main development bank and its foreign trade bank — where, by her own account, he modernized credit programs and launched a new technology innovation fund in a very short time.

His credentials for the post in Washington, however, go beyond banking. Lazzeri played a key role last year when the U.S. Treasury moved to sanction three Mexican financial institutions for alleged money laundering tied to drug cartels. He helped negotiate two extensions of those prohibitions, allowing the firms to reduce their exposure to designated entities in an orderly manner. He also participated in the 2023 government acquisition of Iberdrola’s power plants — a US $6 billion operation that required sustained engagement with U.S. counterparts. And just days before the announcement was reported by Bloomberg, he took part in meetings at the National Palace between U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and senior Mexican officials.

National Financiera and Bancomext Director Roberto Lazzeri
President Sheinbaum has tapped National Financiera and Bancomext Director Roberto Lazzeri to be Mexico’s next ambassador to the United States, pending Senate and U.S. approval. (Bancomext)

The timing of the proposal is not coincidental. As analysts consulted by Expansión noted, the two most sensitive fronts of the USMCA’s review are the rules of origin and the anti-money-laundering pressure related to cartels designated by the Trump administration as foreign terrorist organizations. Lazzeri has direct experience on both fronts.

Sheinbaum was candid about the logic: “The main issue with the United States right now is the commercial one,” she said, adding that Lazzeri has “a very good relationship with the Mexican government and also with counterparts in the United States.”

The nomination still requires the U.S. government’s formal agreement and subsequent ratification by the Mexican Senate before it becomes official.

Ernestina Godoy — From presidential lawyer to top prosecutor

In late 2025, Ernestina Godoy left her role as presidential legal counsel to become Attorney General, replacing Alejandro Gertz Manero — another AMLO-era figure — after his surprise resignation. The Senate ratified Godoy with 97 votes. Her appointment placed a close Sheinbaum ally at the head of Mexico’s top prosecutorial authority.

Her departure from the Legal Counsel post triggered a chain reaction: Esthela Damián moved from the Security Ministry to fill Godoy’s old role, and now Luisa Alcalde moves in as Damián departs for Guerrero politics.

The bigger picture: What la política is telling us

Sheinbaum has now replaced or reassigned enough key figures that the cabinet, the party and the diplomatic corps are being rebuilt in her image rather than inherited from her predecessor. The pattern has several defining characteristics.

President Claudia Sheinbaum at the podium of her morning press conference
President Sheinbaum’s new appointments make it clear she is reshaping the government in her own image. (Carlos Ramos Mamahua / Presidencia)
  • Technocracy over politics on the most exposed fronts. The choice of Roberto Velasco and Roberto Lazzeri for Washington is perhaps the clearest expression of a governing philosophy: when the stakes are primarily economic — the USMCA review, tariff negotiations and financial sanctions — send experts, not politicians. 
  • Party control as electoral preparation. The reshuffles inside Morena are not merely organizational — they are preparation for 2027. By placing her people in the party’s electoral machinery and removing figures associated with the founding generation’s loyalties, Sheinbaum is building the infrastructure for a Morena that runs on her authority, not on nostalgia.
  • A response to external pressure. As historian Humberto Beck observed, Sheinbaum is facing a “double crisis”: managing a restive internal party coalition while simultaneously navigating an increasingly assertive Trump administration. The consolidation of presidential power is, in this reading, also a message to Washington and to markets: there is a single decision-maker in Mexico City and she is in firm control.

Whether the strategy pays off will be tested at the ballot box. Coahuila will be an early indicator. The 2027 midterms will be the real verdict. But for now, Sheinbaum has moved from inheriting power to exercising it — and the playing board looks unmistakably like hers.

Maria Meléndez writes for Mexico News Daily in Mexico City.

Sheinbaum refuses to extradite Sinaloa Gov. Rocha to US without ‘irrefutable’ evidence of wrongdoing

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Two photos: Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum and Sinaloa Gov. Rocha Moya
President Sheinbaum accused the U.S. of political motives in its request for the extradition of Sinaloa's sitting governor, who it accuses of colluding with the Sinaloa Cartel. (Cuartoscuro)

President Claudia Sheinbaum on Thursday responded to U.S. prosecutors’ drug trafficking accusations against Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya and nine other Mexicans, saying that her government won’t provide cover for anyone who has committed a crime. However, she also asserted that without “clear proof” the objective of the U.S. charges is “political.”

Reading a prepared statement at her morning press conference, Sheinbaum said that her government won’t allow “meddling or interference” from a foreign government in decisions that are Mexico’s to make.

The president’s remarks came after the unsealing on Wednesday of a U.S. indictment accusing Rocha and nine other Sinaloa-based current and former officials of drug trafficking and related weapons offenses. The defendants — including a Morena party senator and the mayor of Culiacán — are accused of colluding with the Sinaloa Cartel.

Rocha, who has been governor of Sinaloa since 2021, rejected the U.S. accusations, as did other suspects. He told reporters on Wednesday that “nothing” would happen to him and declared he had the support of the president.

The governor represents Morena, the party founded by former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador and which backed Sheinbaum at the 2024 presidential election. Rocha is a political ally of Sheinbaum, putting the president in a very difficult situation as the U.S. requests his extradition.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE) issued a statement on Wednesday saying that it had received extradition requests for “several individuals” from the U.S. government.

The SRE said that “the information received” had been referred to the Federal Attorney General’s Office (FGR) “to evaluate the requests under Mexican law.”

“Based on the legal review conducted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the bilateral Extradition Treaty, the documents received from the U.S. Embassy do not contain sufficient evidence to establish the responsibility of the individuals whose provisional arrest for extradition purposes is being requested,” the SRE said.

“Nonetheless, as is standard procedure in such cases, it will be the Attorney General’s Office that determines whether there is sufficient evidence under the Mexican legal system and whether to grant the provisional arrest requests,” the ministry said.

The SRE also said that “the treaties in force include specific provisions establishing the confidentiality of the information,” — i.e. a superseding indictment that was published online by the Justice Department —adding that “a formal protest will therefore be sent to the U.S. Embassy regarding the manner in which the information was disclosed.”

Ulises Lara, a special prosecutor in the FGR, subsequently said that the FGR will “launch an investigation to gather all the necessary information to determine whether there is evidence establishing a reasonable likelihood that the charges brought by U.S. authorities have a legal basis for requesting arrest warrants. ”

He also said that the United States’ request for the provisional arrest for extradition purposes of the 10 suspects is “not accompanied by sufficient probative elements that provide conclusive evidence regarding the events narrated.”

Sheinbaum referred to the SRE’s press release and Lara’s remarks in the statement she read out on Thursday morning.

Here is a full translation of Sheinbaum’s statement:

“To the people of Mexico: On the evening of April 28, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs received 10 documents requesting the provisional detention of 10 Mexican citizens for the purpose of extradition. On April 29, in accordance with current regulations, the Ministry forwarded the information received to the Federal Attorney General’s Office for evaluation of these requests, in accordance with Mexican law.

At noon on Wednesday, April 29, the U.S. Department of Justice for the Southern District of New York announced charges against 10 Mexican citizens, including the sitting governor of Sinaloa, the senator from Sinaloa [Enrique Inzuna Cazarez], and the mayor of Culiacán.

Attached to this indictment, a document was published with the title, in Spanish, Acusación de reemplazo bajo reserva [superseding indictment under seal]. This prompted a legal protest from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, given that such proceedings are confidential, in accordance with relevant treaties.

Yesterday afternoon, the Federal Attorney General’s Office issued a statement setting forth the following: Based on the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, the National Code of Criminal Procedure, and the applicable laws in this matter, it is the obligation of the Attorney General’s Office, through the Special Prosecutor’s Office for International Affairs, to analyze the documentation received in order to determine, with complete accuracy, whether the necessary evidence exists for this purpose [provisional arrest] and, if applicable, the feasibility of the request.

At the same time, the Federal Attorney General’s Office stated that it will launch an investigation to gather all necessary information to determine whether there is evidence establishing that the allegations made by U.S. authorities have a legal basis for requesting arrest warrants.

The Federal Attorney General’s Office established that Mexican law clearly states that to request an arrest warrant from a judicial authority, it is necessary to present evidence inferring the possibility that a person has committed a crime.

Since I assumed the presidency of Mexico, I have sworn to uphold the Constitution and the laws. Likewise, I have made a firm commitment to safeguard the well-being of the people and defend national sovereignty. Mexico is a great country, with a generous and hardworking people. Mexico establishes a relationship of equals with all nations, never one of subordination and certainly not of subservience.

As President of the Republic, my stance on these events is: truth, justice, and the defense of sovereignty.

In other words, if the Attorney General’s Office — which is the competent authority — receives compelling and irrefutable evidence in accordance with Mexican law, or if its own investigation uncovers elements constituting a crime, it must proceed in accordance with the law under our jurisdiction.

I have always stated this clearly, and we have acted accordingly: we will not cover up for anyone who has committed a crime. However, if there is no clear evidence, it is evident that the objective of these charges by the Department of Justice is political.

Let this be crystal clear: under no circumstances will we allow the meddling or interference of a foreign government in decisions that fall exclusively within the purview of the Mexican people. Truth, justice, and the defense of sovereignty. This is our position.”

Mexico News Daily