Nemesio "El Mencho" Oseguera Cervantes, the leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), died in custody on Feb. 22, shortly after he was captured by Mexican authorities. (Moisés Pablo/Cuartoscuro)
The leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, died in custody on Feb. 22, shortly after he was captured by Mexican authorities. The operation, which came amid renewed US demands for “tangible results” against fentanyl trafficking, appears to have relied on American intelligence support.
This is the most significant intervention against the cartels since the capture of former drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán in 2016. The CJNG is one of the strongest criminal organisations in Mexico and, alongside the Sinaloa Cartel, sits at the center of US claims about fentanyl production and trafficking.
The killing of Oseguera Cervantes, who is better known as “El Mencho,” may have enabled Mexico’s authorities to secure a political win with Washington. But the operation should not be seen as a victory. What often comes next when the Mexican state removes a high-profile cartel figure like El Mencho is an extended period of violence and instability inside the country.
In my own research on criminal conflict in the Tierra Caliente region of western Mexico, I trace how earlier rounds of arrests and state killings have reshaped local criminal groups, broken alliances and created openings for new players and leaders. It was through this very cycle of state enforcement and cartel reorganisation that El Mencho rose to prominence.
El Mencho began as an operational figure linked to the Valencia Cartel, an organisation based in the state of Michoacán. The group lost ground in the late 2000s following sustained pressure from the authorities. After key parts of the Valencia network were dismantled around 2010, El Mencho and other remnants of the group moved to Jalisco further north and founded the CJNG.
The conditions that allowed the CJNG to rise came from the same enforcement repertoire that the authorities have now deployed against it. This pattern matters because it undercuts a common assumption among policymakers, including in U.S. agencies such as the Drug Enforcement Administration, that removing a “boss” equals dismantling a criminal market.
The removal of Mexican criminal leaders does not cause the market for drugs to vanish, nor does it cause trafficking routes to disappear. What changes is the balance of power among groups that already compete for territory, labour and access to ports, roads and local authorities.
After an unprecedented day of unrest following the death of cartel boss El Mencho, the security situation in Jalisco and Puerto Vallarta has stabilized. (Héctor Colin/Cuartoscuro)
Studies that track the so-called “kingpin” strategy, the deliberate targeting of cartel leaders by law enforcement, have found that detentions and killings often trigger short-term spikes in homicides and instability in Mexico. Some work suggests that violence rises for months after a leader’s removal, while other research shows that the killing of a kingpin can provoke a sharper increase than an arrest.
This happens because an affected cartel faces a sudden succession struggle and employs violence to prevent — or respond to — rivals testing the new leadership and trying to renegotiate areas of control. As criminal groups cannot use the formal court system to resolve disputes, they tend to do so through open violence or bargains enforced by coercion.
This logic of violence has already been seen following El Mencho’s death. Reports of cartel gunmen blocking roads, launching arson attacks and carrying out disruptions across multiple states fit a familiar script: an affected organisation signalling its capacity, punishing the state and warning local rivals not to seize the moment.
Even if the state contains this wave of violence, the deeper risk sits in what follows. A leadership vacuum invites internal fracture and external opportunism from rivals who have waited for an opening to test boundaries and settle scores.
Another cycle that keeps repeating across Latin America is that U.S. drug politics shapes security agendas throughout the region. A surge in overdose deaths, for example, can lead to political panic in the U.S. and the application of pressure on Latin American governments to take action, usually through militarized enforcement.
These governments respond with crackdowns, raids and high-profile captures. This is followed by rising violence as criminal organisations fragment and then, after a period of time, governments try to deescalate. The cycle starts again when concern over drug trafficking next arises in the U.S.
Drug prohibition keeps this cycle alive by ruling out any response other than force or criminal law, while failing to produce meaningful results. Most countries have criminalised drugs. But despite governments reporting rising drug seizures each year, deaths linked to drug use globally continue to climb.
Mexico’s security forces cannot end a transnational market that is financed largely by U.S. demand, no matter how many high-profile arrests they make. Operations that result in the killing or detention of cartel figures instead redirect and reorganise the drug trade, while often intensifying violence.
If Mexico and the U.S. want fewer cartel-related deaths, they need to stop treating kingpin killings as the main metric of success. While a high-profile strike temporarily satisfies U.S. pressure, it is Mexican citizens who all too often have to live with the blowback of this approach.
Blockades and arson attacks have been reported everywhere from the Jalisco highlands to Guadalajara and the state's southwestern border with Colima. (Héctor Colín/Cuartoscuro)
Various acts of violence and vandalism were committed in Guadalajara and other parts of the state of Jalisco on Monday night in an apparent continuation of the hostile reaction to the death on Sunday of Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) leader Nemesio “El Mencho” Oseguera Cervantes.
Guadalajara-based newspaper El Informador and other media outlets reported on arson attacks and highway blockades in Jalisco, the main stronghold of the powerful CJNG.
CJNG members promptly launched a widespread and extremely violent response to the death of their longtime leader, who died after he was shot by Mexican military forces during an operation in the municipality of Tapalpa, Jalisco, on Sunday morning.
Below is a summary of the incidents that occurred on Monday night in Jalisco. It has not been confirmed that cartel members were responsible for these apparent arson attacks.
A recent model car was set on fire at an intersection in the neighborhood of Oblatos, located a few kilometers southeast of the historic center of Guadalajara.
A fire broke out at a “Punto Limpio” recycling/garbage collection point in the Guadalajara neighborhood of Mezquitán Country.
An OXXO store in the Mariano Otero neighborhood of Zapopan was targeted in an arson attack. El Informador reported that individuals threw a flammable object at the counter, sparking a blaze that firefighters subsequently extinguished.
A fire occurred in the Altea shopping center in Tonalá, a municipality in the Guadalajara metropolitan area.
Another fire occurred in a home in the neighborhood of Toluquilla, located in the Tlaquepaque municipality in the Guadalajara metropolitan area.
A vehicle was set on fire on the Lagos de Moreno-Zapotlanejo highway near the Jalostotitlán toll booth, according to motorists.
Se reporta un nuevo bloqueo en la carretera rumbo a Lagos de Moreno, Jalisco, con dos unidades incendiadaspic.twitter.com/4bQTTPykqO
Alleged criminals set up multiple blockades on highways in the municipality of Autlán de Navarro, located in southern Jalisco, not far from the border with Colima.
El Informador reported that fires occurred on the El Grullo-Autlán state highway near the El Mezquite bridge. Federal Highway 80 was also cut off in Autlán due to blockades set up by criminals.
Citing local reports, the newspaper Reforma reported that there were “multiple” confrontations, narco-blockades and vehicles set on fire early Tuesday in the municipalities of Tonaya, Cihuatlán, Tecolotlán, Autlán and San Juan de los Lagos.
Reforma reported that Autlán is considered a “strategic point” for the CJNG, and noted that authorities had searched for “El Mencho” in the municipality.
Federal security cabinet acknowledges blockades in Jalisco
However, in a social media post on Monday night, the federal government’s security cabinet acknowledged that “several blockades” were set up in Jalisco during the course of the day.
The security cabinet, made up officials from various federal security forces as well as the Security Ministry and the Interior Ministry, said shortly before 10 p.m. Monday that 83% of the new blockades had been cleared but seven remained active.
It also said that “isolated blockades” had occurred in the states of Michoacán and Nayarit. The security cabinet said that authorities have responded “immediately” to those blockades.
Jalisco governor updates citizens
In a social media post on Tuesday morning, Jalisco Governor Pablo Lemus reported that public transport services were operating normally across the state.
He also said that Guadalajara’s main wholesale market, el Mercado de Abastos, was functioning normally on Tuesday morning and highlighted that businesses were open.
“My recognition to the transport workers, service providers, workers, businesspeople, and society in general. Together we will recover our state and our city,” Lemus wrote.
On Monday night, the governor said that classes of “all education levels” would resume on Wednesday.
He also said that in Puerto Vallarta, “we have deployed sufficient personnel to ensure the resumption of public transport service, and the supply of food and services for the hotel zone and the population in general.”
On Sunday, Lemus issued a Code Red security alert, advising residents of Jalisco to stay inside due to ongoing security incidents. On Monday night, he indicated that the Code Red alert could be lifted on Tuesday, as long as the security situation doesn’t deteriorate.
García Harfuch reported on Monday that 25 National Guard officers, a state police officer, a prison guard and a woman — reportedly pregnant — were killed in attacks in Jalisco following the operation targeting “El Mencho.”
He also said that 34 criminals were killed in incidents following the Sunday morning military operation.
Mayor Clara Brugada convened a “permanent” Security Cabinet session to establish protocols and guarantee that all necessary preventative steps were taken.
Once the trouble started Sunday, Mexico City Mayor Clara Brugada convened her Security Cabinet in permanent session. (Clara Brugada/X)
Shortly thereafter, she issued a statement confirming that her government’s top priority was the safety of all inhabitants of the nation’s capital.
In a social media post that day, Brugada urged the public to remain calm, adding that strategies were being coordinated with federal security forces.
She also called on the public to seek information only from official channels and to avoid spreading rumors. “Serenity and trust are built with verified information and coordinated efforts,” she said.
Talking to reporters, the mayor insisted that “the nation’s capital remains at peace.”
On Monday, the mayor said all services were operating normally, “and the capital’s Security Cabinet remains in permanent session, in direct coordination with [the federal government] to protect families and ensure tranquility in every borough.”
Additionally, all public offices and institutions were open, and all public transportation systems — the Metro, the Metrobús, cable cars, light rail and Cablebús — continued to operate normally.
At her Monday morning press briefing, President Claudia Sheinbaum said all highways leading in and out of Mexico City were open, adding that the Transportation Ministry’s command center was monitoring the situation. Soldiers and National Guardsmen had established checkpoints at all major entry points.
While Sunday’s takedown of El Mencho was on most people’s minds and most papers’ front pages, Mexico City has experienced relative calm, well into Tuesday. (Victoria Valtierra/Cuartoscuro)
One exception was at the Northern Bus Terminal, where routes to the state of Jalisco and points northwest had been canceled. Suspended departures included those to the destinations of Guadalajara, Guanajuato, Michoacán, Tepic, Mazatlán, Sonora, Zacatecas and Tijuana.
The Mexico City International Airport was also operating normally, though some airlines had canceled flights to Puerto Vallarta, scene of some of Sunday’s worst violence.
Security at the airport featured a force of approximately 5,000 agents, comprising personnel from the Naval Airport Protection Unit, the Federal Protection Service, the Mexico City Police Department and private security corporations.
Public schools in the capital opened as usual and the National Autonomous University (UNAM) said activities at its main campus in southern Mexico City would proceed as scheduled.
University officials did urge professors to be flexible with out-of-town students who might have difficulty reaching the city, cautioning students to avoid travel and prioritize safety.
At the same time, UNAM campuses in Morelia, Michoacán; León, Guanajuato; and Juriquilla, Querétaro, were urged to consider holding classes remotely and online.
Cleanup efforts are underway in Puerto Vallarta as the popular Pacific Coast tourist destination seeks to get back to normal following Sunday's unrest. (Héctor Colín/Cuartoscuro)
Puerto Vallarta is steadily moving toward normality following Sunday’s chaotic scenes that temporarily disrupted daily life in this popular Pacific Coast destination. While visitors may still notice the visible presence of police and military personnel throughout the city, officials emphasize that the situation is stabilizing and that precautions remain in place purely as a preventative measure.
Although the previously declared Code Red has technically been lifted, the official transition back to normal status will not begin until Wednesday. Authorities have allowed a short buffer period so residents, businesses, schools and tourism operators can complete preparations and ensure a smooth, organized reopening.
Puerto Vallarta is getting back to normal after cars were set on fire following the death of CJNG leader El Mencho on Sunday. (Héctor Colín/Cuartoscuro)
Cleanup operations and military presence
Visitors and residents should not be alarmed by the continued presence of police and military forces. Their deployment is precautionary and intended to maintain order and confidence as the city resumes operations. This visible security presence is common in Mexico following heightened alerts and is part of a coordinated federal and state response.
Cleanup operations are still actively underway in certain areas. Municipal teams are working efficiently to remove debris, restore affected streets and ensure public spaces are safe. Visitors are advised to avoid areas where cleanup crews are working or where debris remains.
Residents may continue to hear occasional explosions through Friday. Authorities have clarified that these are controlled, safe detonations being conducted as part of standard security procedures. These measures are purely precautionary.
The latest on transportation services and flights
Transportation infrastructure is gradually returning to full operation. Federal and state highways are now fully open. Travelers will notice a strong police and military presence along these routes, ensuring security and smooth traffic flow.
Local transportation services and ride-hailing vehicles are operating at approximately 50% capacity. Public transportation is currently functioning at about 20% capacity, with plans to progressively expand service as roads fully reopen and operational confidence increases.
Licenciado Gustavo Díaz Ordaz International Airport is operating at roughly 42% of its normal flight schedule. Some flights continue to depart as planned, proof that connectivity is steadily being restored. Airlines are expected to gradually increase operations as the situation stabilizes further.
Puerto Vallarta International Airport is operating, although still at a reduced capacity. (Puerto Vallarta Airport Transport)
For travelers with upcoming itineraries, it is advisable to check directly with airlines and tour providers for the most current status.
Tourism and what’s open
Tourism, the lifeblood of Puerto Vallarta’s economy, is showing encouraging signs of recovery. Some tour operators, both water-based and land-based, have already resumed activities today. Visitors interested in excursions such as boat tours, snorkeling trips, ATV adventures or cultural city tours should confirm availability directly with providers.
Restaurants in the main tourist zones are working toward a coordinated reopening. The stated goal is to have 100% of tourist-area restaurants open by Wednesday. Many establishments are already preparing kitchens, restocking supplies and recalling staff in anticipation of full operations.
Hotels in the hotel zone, Marina and downtown remain functional, with most reporting minimal physical impact from the recent alert. Staff are actively assisting guests and maintaining high service standards to reassure arriving travelers.
What tourists should know
While the atmosphere remains cautious, it is notably calmer than during the height of the alert. Residents have largely resumed normal routines, shopping, dining and commuting, albeit with some understandable vigilance.
The presence of uniformed personnel may feel unusual to visitors unfamiliar with Mexico’s security protocols, but local authorities stress that this visibility is part of ensuring stability and preventing further incidents.
Tourism, the lifeblood of Puerto Vallarta’s economy, is returning to normal. (Visit Puerto Vallarta)
Tourists currently in Puerto Vallarta report that beaches, boardwalk areas and marina districts are gradually seeing activity return. Businesses are motivated to reestablish the vibrant energy that typically defines this coastal destination.
If you are currently in Puerto Vallarta or planning to arrive soon:
Remain aware of official announcements from local authorities.
Avoid areas marked for cleanup.
Confirm tours and transportation arrangements directly with providers.
Allow extra travel time, as services are not yet at full capacity.
Do not be alarmed by security presence or controlled detonations.
A return to normality
The overall trajectory is positive. With highways fully open, airport operations increasing, tours resuming and restaurants targeting full reopening by midweek, Puerto Vallarta appears firmly on the path to normalization.
The phased approach taken by authorities reflects an emphasis on safety, organization and maintaining public confidence.
By Wednesday, with the formal lifting procedures complete and tourist services largely restored, the city is expected to operate at near-normal levels in key visitor areas. While recovery is still in progress, the coordinated efforts of federal, state and local agencies, as well as the resilience of residents and business owners, are clearly visible.
Puerto Vallarta’s strong tourism infrastructure, experienced hospitality sector and proactive security measures suggest that this disruption will likely be temporary. For now, patience, awareness and cooperation remain key as the city completes this transition back to full operation.
Charlotte Smith is a writer and journalist based in Mexico. Her work focuses on travel, politics and community.
Mexico’s national soccer federation anticipates 30,000 fans will be cheering on El Tri at La Corregidora Stadium in Querétaro on Wednesday night. (FMF (@MarcajeGallos/X)
Violence erupted across broad swaths of Mexico on Sunday after a notorious drug lord was killed by the military, resulting in the cancellation of public events in several states as “shelter in place” orders were issued.
Among the events canceled were four soccer matches, prompting some to wonder if Mexico’s World Cup hosting duties were at risk, especially since the worst violence took place in and around Guadalajara, one of three Mexican host cities for the global soccer tournament.
Online rumors gained considerable traction throughout the day on Sunday, but most were unreliable and unconfirmed accounts.
On Monday, ESPN reported that “there are no signs or indications that Mexico’s ability to host the World Cup or [next month’s] interconfederation playoff matches are at risk.”
Partly fueling the speculation was the decision by the Liga MX, Mexico’s top domestic league, to cancel a Sunday afternoon match, while Ascenso MX — Mexico’s second-tier professional league — postponed two matches.
At the same time, the Liga MX Femenil postponed Sunday’s América-Chivas match, a national derby that was to take place at the Guadalajara stadium where four World Cup matches are slated to be played.
Also on Sunday, a Liga MX Femenil match in Aguascalientes (223 kilometers, or 138 miles, northeast of Guadalajara) was suspended for a few minutes when “detonations” were heard near the stadium.
Mexico’s national soccer federation (FMF) has insisted since Sunday that the game would take place as planned, though it considered a range of logistical measures in case other options were required.
“Although the match is unlikely to be canceled, the safety of those attending is the main concern surrounding this encounter,” an FMF source told the newspaper Record on Monday.
One possibility was to stage the game “behind closed doors” (i.e., no fans allowed in the stadium), but the FMF now anticipates 30,000 fans will be cheering on El Tri at La Corregidora Stadium.
After consulting with the state Security Cabinet Monday night, local authorities consented to allow the game to go forward, though with enhanced security to be provided by federal, state and local agencies. Querétaro officials were meeting with the FMF on Tuesday to finalize details.
El gobernador aseguró que el partido de este miércoles se mantiene sin cambios y con acceso al público, tras atender los recientes hechos de seguridadhttps://t.co/Uj2leYijdbpic.twitter.com/TotFzCxXpz
The Iceland squad arrived in Querétaro on Saturday night and team officials have not publicly expressed any opposition to playing the game.
Meanwhile, Mexico’s players — all from Liga MX clubs — assembled in Mexico City on Sunday before traveling to Querétaro for Monday and Tuesday training sessions.
No doubt, FIFA will be keeping an eye on the security operation at Wednesday’s game and developments across the country over the coming days and weeks, but Mexico’s World Cup hosting status seems assured for now.
Cartel members, like this one captured by the Mexican military, dominate organized crime in Mexico.(Public Domain)
On Sunday morning, the Mexican army followed a still-unidentified woman to a ranch in Tapalpa, a hillside town two hours southwest of Guadalajara. Inside was Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes — better known as El Mencho. During the shootout that quickly ensued, El Mencho was gravely wounded. He died while being airlifted to a hospital.
As chief commander of the CJNG, one of Mexico’s most violent cartels, El Mencho had topped the country’s most-wanted list for eleven years. The U.S. State Department was offering up to US $15 million for information leading to his capture. News of the operation — it would be hours before his death and identity were confirmed — ignited immediate retaliation across the country. Cartel members set vehicles on fire and erected roadblocks at more than 250 points across 20 states. Flights into Jalisco were diverted, schools were closed, and civilians were ordered to stay indoors. The National Guard was deployed and suffered 25 casualties before order began to return.
CJNG cartel founder and chief ‘El Mencho’ was killed in Tapalpa, Jalisco, on Sunday morning. (US Department of Justice)
How could the death of one man bring a country to a standstill?
What is a cartel?
The dictionary definition is simple enough: a group of independent companies that join together to control prices and limit competition. In practice, two types exist — one in a boardroom, the other in Latin America.
A business cartel is a group of otherwise legal firms that secretly agree to fix prices or divide markets rather than compete. Examples include pharmaceutical companies or oil producers coordinating to keep prices at an agreed-upon rate. They operate through contracts and accounting manipulation, and above all, they aim to stay invisible.
A criminal cartel (also known as a drug cartel or an organized crime cartel) operates on the same basic principle — restrict competition, maximize profit — but the methods are entirely different. Rather than legal maneuvering, criminal cartels rely on territory, violence and bribery to run illegal markets and, in many cases, the communities around them. Basically, criminal cartels are sales organizations that govern their chosen markets.
Mexico’s cartels are the most powerful example of an organized crime cartel. To understand how they got there, we have to go south to Colombia.
How did cartels start?
Criminal cartels started near Medellín in the 1970s, when drug smuggling was a relatively straightforward affair — marijuana was grown locally and transported by sea or small plane to the U.S., its primary consumer. As time went on and the shipments got larger and more frequent, the process became more sophisticated. So did the drugs, and by the 1980s, cocaine was in high demand. The infamous Medellín Cartel — led by the now iconic Pablo Escobar — emerged, turning cocaine trafficking into an industrial operation via maritime routes through the Caribbean and into Florida. In the late ‘80s, U.S. law enforcement disrupted the shipping lanes and Colombian traffickers needed a new way in. They turned to Mexico.
How did cartels in Mexico start?
Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo was the driving force behind Mexico’s first cartel, the Guadalajara Cartel. (Public Domain)
More specifically, they turned to Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo, a former police officer with close ties to state and national political figures. He had already developed an extensive marijuana and opium trafficking empire out of Sinaloa. Working with Escobar’s network, he moved about four tons of cocaine each month across the U.S.–Mexico border. Critically, he negotiated partial payments in cocaine instead of cash, effectively stockpiling product to push wholesale. Mexico’s first major modern drug trafficking syndicate, the Guadalajara Cartel, was born.
Using Félix Gallardo’s political connections, the Guadalajara Cartel paid officers at Mexico’s federal intelligence agency in exchange for the safeguarding of shipments, securing stash houses and access to clandestine runways. Then, in 1985, a DEA agent was kidnapped and killed in Guadalajara. Four years later, Félix Gallardo was arrested in conjunction with the murder, amongst a litany of additional offenses. He called a meeting with Mexico’s top traffickers from prison, in which he parceled up his empire into regional territories — known as plazas. His nephews took control of the Tijuana route, and Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán and Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada were given the Pacific coast route. This would soon become the infamous Sinaloa Cartel.
How many identified cartels are there in Mexico?
Hard to say. A 2023–2024 study in the International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy finds that Mexico’s criminal landscape “includes roughly 37 large cartels (many the product of prior splits) and more than 130 smaller affiliates” as of the late 2010s–early 2020s. For U.S. threat‑assessment purposes, the 2025 National Drug Threat Assessment recognizes six major Mexican cartels/transnational criminal organizations. These are:
Sinaloa Cartel (CDS) — the largest and most established, currently fractured by an internal war between the Chapitos (El Chapo’s sons) and Los Mayos (El Mayo’s faction)
CJNG (Jalisco New Generation Cartel) — El Mencho’s organization, known for extreme violence and paramilitary structure, with operations extending into Latin America, the United States and multiple countries as far away as Europe and Asia
Gulf Cartel (CDG) — one of Mexico’s oldest criminal organizations, based in Tamaulipas on the U.S. border
Northeast Cartel (CDN) — originally the armed wing of the Gulf Cartel, now independent and operating primarily in Tamaulipas and Nuevo León
La Nueva Familia Michoacana — a Michoacán-based organization that emerged from the splintering of earlier groups in that state
United Cartels (Carteles Unidos) — a coalition of smaller groups that formed specifically to resist CJNG expansion into Michoacán
What is the structure of a cartel today?
Today, a “cartel” in Mexico is no longer a single firm like it was in the past; it is now a set of highly militarized networks that control territory as much as they move products, and that are deeply embedded in local governance. Territorial control of plazas is now essential to a cartel’s two primary goals: profit and survival. As fragmentation has produced more groups, those plazas are more heavily contested, and turf wars over territory drive much of Mexico’s violence.
Interestingly, Mexico’s two most powerful cartels, CJNG and Sinaloa, run in totally opposite ways. Sinaloa functions as a horizontal structure: a decentralized, federation‑style network made up of semi‑autonomous factions and long‑standing allies. Together, they hold influence in more than 100 municipalities nationwide. The benefit of this structure is both economic and territorial: different factions can specialize in different routes and markets, and can expand to new areas without micromanagement from leadership.
CJNG has traditionally been organized around a single dominant leader. (YouTube)
Perhaps most crucially, the multifaceted organization is able to withstand the loss of a boss or an entire region without fracturing. The downside is the presence of internal rifts over territory and revenue, resulting in spikes in violence.
The CJNG, by contrast, is centralized and vertically organized around a single dominant leader. Its territorial footprint is significantly wider — recent assessments estimate a presence in more than 350 municipalities across the country. Roles range from regional plaza bosses down to lieutenants, sicarios, transporters and money launderers, all answering upward to one command. El Mencho invested heavily in paramilitary training, weapons and recruitment — notably through video games and social media — building strong cohesion and a powerful, violent brand. The vulnerability of this structure is equally clear: remove the leader — a tactic known as decapitation — and without a succession plan in place, the organization risks splintering into factions that fight each other as viciously as they fight rivals.
Do cartels rely totally on drugs for profit?
No — and arguably, they haven’t for a long time. Mexican cartels have spent decades diversifying their empires to touch nearly every sector of the economy. Drugs remain the foundation, but the business has expanded well beyond – here’s where the money comes from.
Drugs — Methamphetamine and fentanyl, manufactured in clandestine labs and trafficked globally, remain the primary revenue source.
Extortion — Businesses, farmers, transport operators and local governments pay regular “protection” fees known as “piso” — protection, ironically, from the cartel itself. The practice mirrors the Italian Mafia’s tributes and the Japanese Yakuza’s “shobadai.”
Huachicol (fuel theft) — Cartels tap Pemex pipelines and steal fuel, reselling it through illegal stations. The Financial Times reported in 2025 that illegal diesel and gasoline fell between 16 and 27% of Mexico’s annual fuel consumption over the last five years, translating to up to $21 billion generated annually.
Fuel theft has become a major profit center for Mexican cartels. (Alejandro Rodríguez/Cuartoscuro)
Human and sex trafficking — Mexico serves as a source, transit corridor and destination country for both forced labor and sexual exploitation. Cartels also profit heavily from migrant smuggling, charging people en route to the U.S. border for passage. Separately, criminal groups control prostitution networks ranging from street-level operations to established venues, routinely using violence to displace existing operators.
Arms trafficking — Cartels move military-grade weapons — rifles, machine guns, grenades, explosives — through entry points like Tijuana and Ciudad Juárez, supplying both their own operations and external buyers.
Kidnapping for ransom — Originally a cash-flow fix to cover rising costs of weapons and payroll, kidnapping has become a fragmented but persistent market. Victims range from migrants to executives, with national cartels, regional groups and independent cells all participating.
Illegal resource extraction — Cartels extort farmers, hijack shipments and in some areas directly control orchards and packing houses. In avocados, berries and fishing, piso is extracted at every link of the supply chain — growers, packers, transporters — a multimillion-dollar industry.
Cargo theft — Armed teams hijack trucks on major highways, targeting food and beverages, electronics, auto parts and pharmaceuticals. Stolen goods are funneled into informal street markets, black market vendors and increasingly, online resale platforms.
Money laundering — The entire system depends on converting dirty money into clean currency. The DEA’s 2025 assessment states that Sinaloa and CJNG use Chinese money laundering networks to move profits from the U.S. back to Mexico. In June 2025, the U.S. Treasury cut three Mexican financial institutions off from the U.S. banking system after finding they had been used in laundering schemes tied to cartels.
What’s next?
El Mencho is dead. The Mexican government is calling it a victory — and it may well be. But cartels have survived the fall of every kingpin before him. Analysts say the real work starts now: dismantling the infrastructure, the money, the supply chains. Without that, history suggests another El Mencho is already waiting.
Bethany Platanella is a travel planner and lifestyle writer based in Mexico City. She lives for the dopamine hit that comes directly after booking a plane ticket, exploring local markets, practicing yoga and munching on fresh tortillas. Sign up to receive her Sunday Love Letters to your inbox, peruse her blog or follow her on Instagram.
"This operation underscores a clear reality: criminal organizations that poison our people and threaten our nations will be held responsible," Ambassador to Mexico Ron Johnson said on Monday. (@USAmbMex/X)
“Mexico must step up their effort on Cartels and Drugs!” Trump wrote on social media, reiterating a message he has conveyed on numerous previous occasions.
While the U.S. president didn’t explicitly refer to the operation that resulted in the death of Oseguera, other U.S. government officials did. Here is what they said.
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt
On social media, Leavitt wrote — as Mexico’s Defense Ministry noted on Sunday — that the United States “provided intelligence support to the Mexican government in order to assist with an operation in Talpalpa, Jalisco, Mexico, in which Nemesio ‘El Mencho’ Oseguera Cervantes, an infamous drug lord and leader within the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, was eliminated.”
She noted that “El Mencho” was a “top target for the Mexican and United States government as one of the top traffickers of fentanyl into our homeland.”
The United States provided intelligence support to the Mexican government in order to assist with an operation in Talpalpa, Jalisco, Mexico, in which Nemesio ‘El Mencho’ Oseguera Cervantes, an infamous drug lord and leader within the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, was eliminated.… https://t.co/iKxsAMmnLN
“… President Trump has been very clear — the United States will ensure narcoterrorists sending deadly drugs to our homeland are forced to face the wrath of justice they have long deserved. The Trump Administration also commends and thanks the Mexican military for their cooperation and successful execution of this operation,” she wrote.
US Ambassador to Mexico Ron Johnson
Johnson issued a statement on Sunday commending the Mexican government and its security forces “for their professionalism and resolve in the operation targeting” Oseguera.
“I express my respect and solidarity with the Mexican officials and service members who confront these criminal elements every day, often at great personal risk,” he wrote.
“This operation underscores a clear reality: criminal organizations that poison our people and threaten our nations will be held responsible.”
Johnson also said that “bilateral security cooperation has reached unprecedented levels” under the leadership of Trump and President Claudia Sheinbaum.
“Their courage, commitment, and service will not be forgotten on either side of the border,” Johnson wrote.
“Our thoughts and prayers are with their families. Those of us who have worn the uniform understand the pain of losing a brother or sister in arms, but their sacrifice is never in vain. Their actions help ensure that our families – and their families – will live in greater peace and security. We join our Mexican colleagues and honor them today and always.”
Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau
Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau, a former U.S. ambassador to Mexico, wrote on social media on Sunday that he had “just been informed that Mexican security forces have killed ‘El Mencho,’ one of the bloodiest and most ruthless drug kingpins.”
“The good guys are stronger than the bad guys,” he wrote before congratulating Mexican security forces.
I’ve just been informed that Mexican security forces have killed “El Mencho,” one of the bloodiest and most ruthless drug kingpins. This is a great development for Mexico, the US, Latin America, and the world. The good guys are stronger than the bad guys./Los buenos somos más que…
“PS, I’m watching the scenes of violence from Mexico with great sadness and concern. It’s not surprising that the bad guys are responding with terror. But we must never lose our nerve. ¡Ánimo México! [Come on Mexico!],” Landau wrote.
Sheinbaum: Mexico maintaining normal communication with US
Asked at her Monday morning press conference whether the Mexican government has been in contact with the U.S. government since the execution of the operation against “El Mencho,” Sheinbaum responded that normal communication between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the U.S. State Department, and the Mexican armed forces and their U.S. counterparts, is continuing.
“But there’s nothing in particular [to report on],” she said.
Sheinbaum subsequently reiterated that the security relationship between Mexico and the United States is based on four principles, including “respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity” and “cooperation without subordination.”
She stressed that the United States didn’t participate in the operation against “El Mencho” on Sunday.
Sheinbaum frequently says that her government will never accept any kind of violation of Mexico’s sovereignty by the U.S. government. After Trump said earlier this year that the U.S. would strike Mexican cartels on land, Sheinbaum arranged a call with the U.S. president and subsequently said U.S. military action in Mexico could be ruled out.
Last May, Sheinbaum said she told Trump: “We can collaborate, we can work together, but you in your territory and us in ours. We can share information, but we’re never going to accept the presence of the United States Army in our territory.”
The Colombian superstar has enjoyed a special bond with Mexico and Mexico City throughout her career, and the planned free concert next Sunday is meant to be her thank you to the nation. (Cuartoscuro)
A free concert by global superstar Shakira at the Zócalo in Mexico City is still on the books for Sunday, but a nationwide security crisis following the killing of cartel boss Nemesio “El Mencho” Oseguera Cervantes has cast serious doubt on whether the show will go ahead as planned.
The Colombian sensation announced last week that she would give a free performance at 8 p.m. Sunday, March 1 in the Zócalo, officially called Plaza de la Constitución — one of Latin America’s largest public squares at nearly 47,000 square meters (11.6 acres).
“Mexico of my life, it’s time to give back some of the love you’ve given me,” she said in a video on her social media platforms.
City officials and Grupo Modelo billed the event as a gift to residents and visitors and as part of the brewer’s 100th anniversary, promising a show for “hundreds of thousands of people” in the capital’s main square.
Financed by Grupo Modelo and Corona, and produced by Mexico’s largest event promoter, OCESA, the concert is planned as the closing event of the Mexican leg of Shakira’s “Las Mujeres Ya No Lloran” (Women Don’t Cry Anymore) world tour.
There will also be live transmission on Shakira’s social media, and viewing screens will be placed on nearby streets as well as in the Alameda Central park and at the Monument to the Revolution to handle expected overflow.
The Zócalo is generally cited as being able to hold 100,000 people, although the Argentine band Los Fabulosos Cadillacs reportedly drew 300,000 people in 2023 to break the record for a free concert, and a huge gathering in 2025 marking seven years of the current Mexican government’s “Fourth Transformation” was put at more than 600,000 people.
If it goes off, the show will cap Shakira’s record-breaking run in Mexico — including 12 sold-out nights at Mexico City’s Estadio GNP Seguros, part of a tour that moved 1 million tickets in Mexico alone, according to OCESA.
Shakira’s bond with the Zócalo dates back to 2007, when she drew a crowd of 210,000 people, a record that stood for 15 years until Tijuana-based band Grupo Firme drew 280,000 three years ago.
Shakira’s 2007 show was remembered for hours-long lines, packed streets and fans fainting from the crush and heat before the singer took the stage at 9:20 p.m.
“We have a love story; I’m here to tell you: I love you, Mexico,” she told the crowd that night.
This time, the massive gathering was announced only days before an outbreak of violence in response to the government’s killing of Oseguera Cervantes, leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel.
Federal authorities say the Sunday operation in Tapalpa, Jalisco, set off attacks in at least 20 states, as criminal groups responded with “narco-blockades” and coordinated assaults.
After entertainment journalist Gustavo Adolfo Infante warned in a broadcast that the Shakira concert “could be canceled to safeguard the safety of thousands of residents of Mexico City and tourists,” other media outlets picked up on the possibility and rumors of a change began to fly.
Infante’s comments came as other events in western Mexico — including a concert by Kali Uchis in Zapopan, a city of about 1.5 million people in the Guadalajara metro area — were scrapped after the violence erupted.
As of Monday, the Colombian-American singer’s show on Wednesday at the Palacio de los Deportes in Mexico City was still set to take place, as was Shakira’s Zócalo concert.
Infobae Mexico reported that neither the Mexico City Mayor Clara Brugada nor the Ministry of Culture responded to requests to confirm or deny any cancellation, and that no statement had been issued by the city or Shakira’s team.
Sheinbaum was congratulatory and convincing on Monday about her administration's capacity to manage the potential fallout from yesterday's historic operation against the CJNG. (Moisés Pablo/Cuartoscuro)
Three federal officials spoke at the mañanera: Sheinbaum herself, National Defense Minister Ricardo Trevilla Trejo and Security Minister Omar García Harfuch.
García Harfuch reported that more than 60 people, including 25 National Guard members and over 30 “organized crime people” were killed in confrontations that occurred after the arrest and death of “El Mencho.” (Read Mexico News Daily’s report here.)
Here is a recap of other key information from Sheinbaum’s Feb. 23 mañanera.
Sheinbaum: A national ‘command center’ remains operational
Sheinbaum told reporters that a “command center” aimed at facilitating “national coordination” remains operational a day after the operation against Oseguera triggered a violent response from the CJNG in states across Mexico.
She said that personnel from the army, the navy, the federal Security Ministry and the Interior Ministry are working at that center, and they are in contact with all state governments.
“I want to thank all the governors because the truth is they all collaborated and provided a lot of information,” Sheinbaum said.
Sheinbaum extends condolences to the families of deceased security personnel
On behalf of her government, Sheinbaum extended condolences to the families of security personnel who lost their lives on Sunday.
“The people of Mexico should be very proud of our armed forces and the security cabinet we have,” she said.
“They are great men and women who are always willing to give their lives for others,” Sheinbaum said.
Trevilla: CJNG operative offered 20,000-peso bounty for killing soldiers
Trevilla told reporters that the military obtained information that a man called Hugo “H,” aka “El Tuli,” was coordinating the CJNG’s response to the operation targeting Oseguera from El Grullo, a municipality about 100 kilometers southwest of Tapalpa, Jalisco.
That person, he said, is a logistics and financial operator and a chief confidant of “El Mencho.”
Trevilla said that from El Grullo, “El Tuli” coordinated the setting up of narco-blockades on highways as well as other aspects of the CJNG’s aggressive response to the operation against Oseguera.
He said that “El Tuli” was also offering a bounty of 20,000 pesos (about US $1,160) for each soldier or National Guard member killed by a member of the Jalisco Cartel.
‘El Tuli’ was killed
Trevilla said that a parachute regiment was deployed to El Grullo and located “El Tuli.”
He said the suspect attempted to escape in a vehicle from which he fired at military personnel. The military returned fire and killed “this alleged criminal,” Trevilla said.
He said that two firearms were seized from “El Tuli,” and told reporters that the suspect was carrying 7.2 million pesos (US $417,000) and US $965,000 in cash.
2,500 additional troops to be deployed to Jalisco
Trevilla said that a total of 2,500 additional federal troops were being deployed to Jalisco to bolster security in the state. He said some of the additional troops have already entered the state and more would follow on Monday.
#EnLaMañanera | Ricardo Trevilla Trejo, titular de la Sedena confirma que hay un total de dos mil 500 efectivos militares en #Jalisco con la intención de reforzar la seguridad en el estado tras operativo que llevó al abatimiento de ‘El Mencho’ pic.twitter.com/uUpmhZgxp0
The defense minister said those troops were joining around 7,000 military personnel who were already in Jalisco.
“More than anything, the intention is to have a dissuasive effect with the presence of these personnel,” he said.
Sheinbaum: “All the highways are clear today’
Both García Harfuch and Sheinbaum reported that all the narco-blockades set up by the CJNG on Sunday had been removed.
“All the highways are free, they don’t have any problem,” Sheinbaum said.
García Harfuch: FGR has identified Oseguera’s body
García Harfuch told reporters that the Federal Attorney General’s Office has confirmed that the bodies of the three people brought to Mexico City on Sunday correspond to Oseguera and two members of his security detail.
Asked what would happen to Oseguera’s remains, the security minister said that corpses are “normally” handed over to a deceased person’s family.
Sheinbaum stresses that US didn’t participate in operation
Sheinbaum told reporters that “all operations” in Mexico are carried out by federal forces.
“In the operation [on Sunday] there is no participation of U.S. forces,” she said.
“What there is is a lot of exchange of information, as we’ve said here several times,” Sheinbaum said.
She acknowledged that “some universities” suspended classes on Monday, but said she was hopeful that “everything can return to normal” on Tuesday.
Pdta #Sheinbaum llama a la calma tras violencia del #CJNG: “Hay Gobierno, hay tranquilidad”
La presidenta Claudia Sheinbaum pidió a la población mantener la calma y confiar en las instituciones luego de la ola de violencia desatada por el Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación… pic.twitter.com/uXwv24seEs
Asked whether there is “governability in the country,” Sheinbaum responded:
“There is, there has always been governability. The issue is simply that, following yesterday’s events, calm and peace must be restored everywhere.”
Sheinbaum denies that she was transferred to a navy vessel on Sunday
Sheinbaum acknowledged that there were reports on Sunday that she had been transferred to a (navy) ship and “who knows what else.”
“It’s not true, it’s a lie,” she said.
After a reporter said that a video showing the president landing on a ship in a helicopter was “old,” Sheinbaum said she believed it was from when she previously went to the port city of Guaymas.
The president spent the weekend in Coahuila and Durango before returning to Mexico City by plane.
García Harfuch: ‘We are prepared’ for a possibly violent ‘restructuring’ of CJNG
After a reporter noted that when cartel “leaders fall, new heads emerge,” García Harfuch said that security authorities are “prepared for any kind of eventuality.”
“In other words, the priority is the protection of citizens,” he added.
“With the command center installed, we’re very attentive to any kind of reaction there might be, or restructuring within the cartel, especially if it’s going to be violent,” García Harfuch said.
“So we are prepared for that and we are also working on the reinforcement [of security] in the area,” he said, referring to the state of Jalisco.
By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)
An undated photo of Mexican tequileros posed with border authorities with sacks of contraband Mexican alcohol in front of them. (University of Texas Rio Grande Valley)
In February 1927, in Jim Hogg County, Texas, a group of mounted U.S. customs inspectors in Texas came upon a party of smugglers who had crossed over the border from Mexico. Gunfire was exchanged, one smuggler was killed and six horses and several hundred bottles of alcohol were seized.
Yes, you read that right: alcohol. Specifically, Mexican tequila.
This incident is the last recorded conflict between U.S. law enforcement and a long-gone brand of Mexican tequila smugglers, collectively called tequileros (tequila runners). During the early years of U.S. Prohibition, the tequilero brought alcohol across the Rio Grande to eager customers in the United States, chafing under new federal laws banning the production, sale and consumption of alcohol.
Authorities in Orange County, California, dumping illegal alcohol in 1932. (Orange County Archives)
A long border trade tradition
Goods had always moved across the Rio Grande. Eggs might fetch a higher price in the north, or a factory-made shirt could be taken south for a profit. However, in 1848, the Rio Grande was established as the boundary between Mexico and Texas, and what had previously been trade was suddenly smuggling.
Movement of goods continued as a common, small-scale activity across the border area, with textiles, rawhides and lace as noted commodities. The fact that there was now a border brought the risk of seizure of certain goods by authorities, but import taxes increased the cost of those same goods, and so cross-border trade went on pretty much as before, with some of it now called smuggling.
With the border areas still a sparsely populated world, with families having relations or friends on both sides of the border and with checkpoints only occurring every 50 miles, small-scale smuggling had long been a part of life by the time the tequileros emerged in the 1920s.
Smugglers had long known the quiet paths and tracks toward Texas, as well as the farmer along the way who might be willing to rent out a donkey for a night’s work. There was no stigma to an activity that was seen as doing no harm to anyone. While Mexico’s frequent rebellions and unrest of the period did lead to a deadly cross-border arms trade that inspired occasional serious attempts to close the smuggling routes, governments often turned a blind eye.
A new and profitable period began in 1919 once U.S. Prohibition began, launching a healthy market for Mexican alcohol — tequila and cognac were the favorites — and launching the age of the tequilero along the border.
During Prohibition, border cities like Tijuana also became hubs for U.S. residents looking for a stiff drink. The upscale Vernon Bar in Tijuana catered to border-crossing Americans as seen in this 1922 photo. (University of California-San Diego)
Tequilero gangs were generally small-scale affairs: typically three to six farm boys, usually on horses, guiding a few well-packed mules. These were locals who knew the quiet low-water crossings along the Rio Grande between the Texas towns of Zapata and Los Ebanos.
They often worked with Tejano friends or relations on the other side of the border. These Texas-born Mexican Americans acted as guides and could find markets for the contraband in local bars or knew how to get it to the Texas town of San Diego, which had become the transit point for bigger Texas cities like San Antonio, Corpus Christi, Dallas and Houston.
Tequileros knew how to pack their draft animals so that a strong donkey or mule could carry 50 or more bottles, protected by layers of hay or grass that both prevented the bottles from breaking and muffled the clanking that might give them away.
The tequilero’s nemesis: The Texas Ranger
The tequileros enjoyed a period of success but eventually caught the authorities’ attention. The Texas government, despite the area’s notable drinking culture, had introduced fierce laws to enforce the drinking ban, and the courts were flooded with alcohol-related criminal cases.
There was a large racist element here. The local farmer who made home-brewed moonshine from his surplus crop was usually left alone. The cross-border tequila trade, however, was fiercely hunted down.
Texas Ranger Captain William L. Wright, seen here on his horse in an undated photo, hunted down tequileros. He reportedly ordered the ambush of three Mexicans who became renowned in the corrido “Los Tequileros,” which told the tale of their deadly confrontation with the Rangers. (U.S. Library of Congress)
This was in part due to fear: It had only been a few years since the height of the Bandit Wars, when, in the second decade of the 20th century, Mexican and Mexican American “Sedicionistas” had regularly attacked small Texas communities in the hope of annexing U.S. border territory to Mexico. There was a genuine fear on the part of the Texas government that the smuggling trade could set off a similar wave of violence.
Smugglers had to deal with U.S. Customs inspectors supported by Texas Rangers. The Rangers had been formed in 1835 to protect the early settlers and for many years felt their duty was still to support “white folks” from Native Americans and from ethnic Mexicans.
There had been reforms, and the Rangers were on the way to respectability, producing men such as Frank Hamer, who would fight the Ku Klux Klan and win fame in 1934 for killing the outlaws Bonnie Parker and Clyde Barrow. However, an average person of Mexican ethnicity would not wish to cross paths with a Texas Ranger.
The lure of quick money
There has, as yet, not been a definite study of the tequila trade in this era, but the profits are believed to have been substantial: When one mule train was intercepted, the authorities seized 550 bottles, suggesting there were 11 or more mules in the train. Local papers valued the seizure at US $1,375, around $20,000 in today’s money.
A sheriff called Jesse Perez spoke of the “Lone-Rum-Running Jackass of Starr County,” a donkey taken over the border, loaded with bottles and set free at night. According to legend, this amazing “homing donkey” always managed to find his way home with the smuggled goods on his back.
But despite such lighter fare, the reality was that smugglers faced challenges and risks in getting across the Mexico-U.S. border. Even if they escaped death or capture by the Rangers, the chances of losing their shipment — and perhaps the horse and mules — were high, and this could wipe out several trips’ profits.
Nevertheless, for a while, the tequilero life seemed worth the risk for some: It was said at the time that after two or three successful trips, a smuggler could afford to buy a car. And to many, smugglers were heroes, local boys violently persecuted by the Texas Rangers, who would ambush and kill them without thought.
These smugglers’ stories might be poorly recorded, but one of the best mirrors lies in the corridos, Mexican folk songs, written about them, the most famous of which is “Los Tequileros,” the story of Leandro, Silvano and Geronimo, who collect their tequila in Ciudad Guerrero, Tamaulipas, and plan a 100-kilometer trek to San Diego, Texas. The three men are ambushed upon arrival in the U.S. by the “rinches” — a slang name for the Texas Rangers — and are all killed.
Los Tequileros
The story of tequileros Leandro, Silvano and Gerónimo, immortalized in the corrido “Los Tequileros,” has been recorded by multiple Mexican bands in the modern era.
The song reflects the attitude of many — that tequileros were simply poor local boys trying to get by, and that the “rinches” were violent agents of the U.S. government.
The end of the tequileros
However, by the late 1920s, circumstances had changed, and the days when smuggling seemed like little more than an exciting adventure for restless Mexican farm boys were quickly coming to an end.
At this point, tequileros were not the only source of alcohol available in the U.S. Moonshiners and smugglers working domestically through ports and harbors emerged as competitors and prevented the tequileros from pushing their prices high enough to justify the risks involved.
By the last five years of Prohibition, which ended in 1933, alcohol smuggling across the Rio Grande had, to all practical purposes, come to a quiet end.
Bob Patemanlived in Mexico for six years. He is a librarian and teacher with a Master’s Degree in History.
