The birth was a milestone for the Guadalajara biologists who are struggling to save the casquito de Vallarta, of which there are only 300-500 left. (University of Guadalajara)
The Guadalajara Zoo has scored a conservation victory by breeding the world’s smallest turtle in captivity for the first time.
In late August, the zoo announced the birth of a baby Vallarta mud turtle, a recently discovered species popularly known as casquito de Vallarta. The birth had occurred nearly two months earlier, on June 30.
AFP’s Ulises Ruiz photographs a Vallarta mud turtle – considered the smallest turtle in the world – after Mexico’s Guadalajara Zoo achieved the first birth of the reptile in captivity.
The Vallarta mud turtle is threatened by illegal trafficking, severe habitat loss and is… pic.twitter.com/lzUc0lbXnv
The hatchling weighed just 2.8 grams and was only 2 centimeters long, about the width of an adult human thumb.
This species of endangered turtle, Kinosternon vogti, was discovered in 2018 and is found near Puerto Vallarta along the wetlands of the Ameca River, a tributary that divides the western Mexican states of Nayarit and Jalisco.
Only about 300 to 500 remain, according to scientists’ estimates, making it critically endangered.
The casquito turtle is distinguished by its small size, with adults reaching just 10.2 centimeters (4 inches) in length. Males have a characteristic yellow spot on their noses.
The casquito hatchling was 2 cm long at birth, while adults grow only to 10.2 centimeters (4 inches) in length. Their tiny size makes them attractive to animal smugglers. (University of Guadalajara)
As the world’s smallest turtle, the species has become a target for illegal trafficking, increasing its risk of extinction.
Moreover, a significant number of Vallarta mud turtles have died off due to urban expansion around Puerto Vallarta, said biologist Ricardo Dávalos, head of the Guadalajara Zoo’s reptile-amphibian house.
“If we add to that the fact that it’s a rare species, it becomes even more attractive to traffickers,” he added. “We know that these animals are already being trafficked in Japan, China and Korea.”
Two years ago, the Guadalajara Zoo received 37 turtles confiscated by the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (Semarnat), an allotment that included nine fertile females.
Dávalos said that he and his team managed to mate some casquito pairs that live in a part of the herpetarium that has conditions similar to their natural habitat. The female turtles laid some eggs, which were incubated under strict temperature and humidity controls.
One baby — nicknamed “Crumb” for his diminutive size — hatched. Not all eggs have survived during this process, but six more are currently developing in the incubator; the incubation period is 120 days.
The Guadalajara Zoo’s breeding program hopes to one day increase the wild population of these tiny reptiles. This summer’s birth marked the first milestone in that process.
“In the future, we can consider releasing some of these specimens [into the wild] once we have a safe place in Puerto Vallarta, a place where they’re not in danger,” Dávalos said.
The new line will connect Querétaro, the capital city of the state of the same name, with the Bajío cities of Apaseo el Grande, Celaya, Villagrán/Cortázar, Salamanca and Irapuato, all in the state of Guanajuato. (SICT)
Construction on the Querétaro-Irapuato trunk line formally began on Thursday, with officials waving starter’s flags at a ceremony in Apaseo el Grande, Guanajuato.
President Claudia Sheinbaum joined the dignitaries via video link from the National Palace, noting that “passenger train service is being revived and reborn” in Mexico.
Among those present at the groundbreaking ceremony were Transportation Minister Jesús Antonio Esteva, Guanajuato Governor Libia García Muñoz Ledo, Querétaro Governor Mauricio Kuri González and Andrés Lajous, director of Mexico’s Rail Transport Regulatory Agency. (SICT/X)
The US $5.3 billion project will build a 108.2-km (67.2-mile) track between Querétaro and other cities located in the Bajío region, which boasts thriving manufacturing, agribusiness and technology sectors.
The Querétaro-Irapuato line is part of Sheinbaum’s ambitious project that would build 3,000 km of track during her six-year term. This section is not only designed to boost connectivity and development in the Bajío, but will eventually link the region to Guadalajara and western Mexico.
The line will also strengthen the Bajío’s connection with the nation’s capital as it extends from the Mexico City-Querétaro line, which is nearing completion.
Infrastructure, Communications and Transportation Minister Jesús Antonio Esteva was joined on site in Apaseo el Grande by Guanajuato Governor Libia García Muñoz Ledo, Querétaro Governor Mauricio Kuri González and Andrés Lajous, director of Mexico’s Rail Transport Regulatory Agency (ARTF).
Lajous said the new line will feature a non-electrified twin-track section designed to support a maximum speed of 200 km/hr (124 mph). It will also feature two viaducts allowing for interaction with industry and rail freight services, as well as nine vehicle overpasses.
The rail line’s six stations will be located in Querétaro, Apaseo el Grande, Celaya, Villagrán/Cortázar, Salamanca and Irapuato, the latter five all being in the state of Guanajuato.
The government estimates the project will generate 1,518 direct jobs and 8,255 indirect jobs.
Lajous said 2 million people will benefit from the construction of this trunk line. “We estimate a demand of roughly 30,000 people per day between the Apaseo El Grande stations and Mexico City.”
Both governors praised the cooperation between their governments and the federal government, expressing certainty that the new line will enhance mobility in their states.
“The Querétaro-Mexico City train has been a dream of Queretanos for more than 46 years, and this new connectivity with the west … will contribute to the competitiveness of my state,” Kuri said.
“Guanajuato has a long railway tradition dating to 1877, and we know what trains bring to our communities and municipalities: development, progress, well-being, and, above all, connection between families that fills us with emotion,” García said.
President Sheinbaum and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney announced plans to deepen economic ties during Carney's Thursday visit to Mexico City. (Presidencia)
Mexico and Canada pledged to deepen ties and work to strengthen the free trade pact they share with the United States, during Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s visit to Mexico City on Thursday.
The two leaders announced an agreement on a new comprehensive partnership and a security dialogue focused on issues such as transnational crime and drug-smuggling.
Bienvenida oficial al primer ministro de Canadá, Mark Carney. Palacio Nacional https://t.co/vO7uyScnWZ
“Today, we’re beginning a new era of elevated cooperation,” Carney said during a news conference with President Claudia Sheinbaum.
Sheinbaum said the partnership would “bring a new era of further strengthening economic ties” between the two nations, and expressed confidence the agreements would bear fruit in the near term.
“Mexico and Canada will continue walking together, with mutual respect and with a certainty that cooperation is the path to overcome any challenge,” she said.
Carney concurred, adding that “our efforts will be strengthened by working together.”
New rounds of bilateral meetings are set for the coming months, as well as greater collaboration on security issues, agriculture, energy, finance, health and the environment.
“At this hinge moment, Canada is deepening our relationships with our long-standing partners,” Carney said. “Mexico is central to those missions.”
According to the CBC, Carney’s stated goal was to find ways to work with Mexico to preserve free trade in North America, “or at least as much of it as can be saved from the most protectionist U.S. administration in a century.”
Carney also focused on developing a bilateral trade relationship “that operates independently of the whims of the White House, and can survive whatever fate lies in store” for the renegotiated USMCA, the CBC reported.
“Together, we will build stronger supply chains, create new opportunities for workers and deliver greater prosperity and certainty for both Canadians and Mexicans,” Carney said.
Sheinbaum has said Mexico wants to increase bilateral trade via maritime routes to avoid shipping through the U.S.
The bilateral trade relationship was a major focus of Carney’s Thursday trip to Mexico. (Claudia Sheinbaum/X)
Action on such a trade corridor is lacking. Mexico has multiple ports on each coast whereas Canada’s two primary ports — Montreal and Vancouver — lack the infrastructure to handle an increase in maritime trade.
Another suggestion is for Mexico and Canada to jointly produce goods for growing Asian and South American markets through the Trans-Pacific Partnership, of which the U.S. is not a member.
Trump and the USMCA review
With widening economic uncertainty due to protectionist tariff policies, U.S. President Donald Trump cast a long shadow at the bilateral talks.
A fundamental reason for Carney’s visit was the United States-Mexico-Canada trade pact (USMCA), but Trump’s trade threats have made political and business leaders nervous.
“Trump looms over this visit,” Nelson Wiseman, professor emeritus at the University of Toronto, told The Associated Press. “Mexico and Canada now share a common threat from the U.S.”
The three North American nations simultaneously commenced public consultations earlier this week, ahead of a mandatory review of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada free trade agreement (USMCA) set for next year.
Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard said an evaluation of the USMCA — via public comment — will take place through the end of the year to prepare for negotiations over a possible extension of the agreement.
Carney said on Thursday that the individual reviews ahead of next year’s collective discussions will strengthen each country’s economy.
GWM's strong statement of support for its Mexican operations was a welcome shot in the arm for President Sheinbaum's Asian trade policy, coming after the Chinese government's criticism of the planned tariff increase. (Shutterstock)
Great Wall Motors, the Chinese automaker, has confirmed it will continue to operate in Mexico despite proposed tariffs of up to 50% on Chinese car imports.
“GWM is here to stay,” Great Wall Motors (GWM) announced, sending a message of certainty to its distributors and consumers. “We will continue investing, growing, and strengthening each of our strategic and business relationships in the country.”
GWM is a global automaker whose offerings include SUVs, pickups and EVs. It has been operating in Mexico for two years. (Herrera San Luis/Facebook)
Tariffs on car imports from China to Mexico could increase from 20% to 50%, according to the planned reform of the tariff fractions within the General Import and Export Tax Law. The project, currently being debated in the Chamber of Deputies, would form a crucial part of President Claudia Sheinbaum’s Economic Package for next year, as she seeks to increase public revenues through taxation.
GWM Mexico General Manager and Vice President Pedro Albarrán said he is “fully aware of the potential impact of a tariff adjustment like the one currently being proposed,” but added that his company considers it “important to reiterate our presence in the country.”
GWM has operated in Mexico for nearly two years. Between January and August this year, the company sold 9,685 vehicles, marking a 6% increase compared to 2024. Its models include the Haval H6 hybrid SUV, the fully electric ORA 03, Haval Jolion SUV, the Tank 300 and the Poer pickup.
The automaker said its goal is to be an active part of the country’s economic, technological and energy development.
“Mexico is a priority market for us and our plans, vision and objectives continue to be long-term,” Albarrán stressed.
GWM’s expansion strategy in Mexico has been supported by a growing network of distributors in the country, which currently stands at over 50. The company aims for nationwide coverage with locations in major cities like Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey, Puebla, Querétaro, León, Toluca and others.
“Whatever the final outcome of the [imposition of new tariffs], our permanence in Mexico is firm and our commitment unwavering,” Albarrán stressed.
Community residents are mobilizing in Sonora to oppose three planned dam projects, which they say will render the region almost uninhabitable. (Liliam Urías)
At 8 a.m. on a sweltering Saturday morning, a convoy of pickups and cars rumbled out of the mountain town of Bacoachi, banners fluttering in the desert wind. Families leaned out of windows waving signs that read “No to dams!” as the “Megacaravan” began its 262-kilometer trek through the whole mountainous region. Along the way, more vehicles joined until nearly 70 cars — and some 600 people — pulled into Hermosillo’s university district. There, city residents were already waiting at the steps of the University Museum and Library, under an unforgiving 45 degree Celsius sun.
For organizers like Isabel Dorado Auz, a university professor and activist with Ciudadanía Activa Sonora, the Aug. 30 caravan was more than a protest. It was a living act of resistance and education.
Why Sonoran residents are protesting new dam projects
Protesters gathered in Hermosillo, Sonora, to show their resistance to new dam projects. (Liliam Urías)
That resistance was felt again just a week later, when President Claudia Sheinbaum visited Hermosillo on Sept. 6. Río Sonora residents rallied outside her event, echoing the caravan’s call for a halt to the state government’s plan to build three new dams in the watershed — Sinoquipe, Puerta del Sol, and Las Chivas — as part of its Plan Hídrico Sonora. Officials argue the projects are needed to secure water for Hermosillo, a desert capital of nearly one million thatloses more than half of its supply to leaks.
Faced with the demonstrators, Governor Alfonso Durazo said the administration was in dialogue with ejidos opposed to the dams. Their discontent, he argued, stems from a lack of information, and he pledged that “everything we do will be done in agreement with the community.”
Community leaders bristle at the suggestion that they don’t understand the project — though they welcomed Durazo’s commitment not to move forward without community consent. “If we don’t convince you, there will be no dams,”the governor told Río Sonora residents, according to a post on Ciudadanía Activa Sonora’s Facebook page. The group highlighted the statement in bold letters, superimposed on the image of a free-flowing river.
For communities along the Sonora and San Miguel rivers, the dams represent an existential threat. Many see them as a continuation of decades of water mismanagement that began long before the 2014 toxic spill that dumped 40,000 cubic meters of mining waste into the river. That disaster, still unresolved, was invoked repeatedly during the caravan as a cautionary tale of what happens when corporate and government interests override community voices.
Echoes of El Molinito
Farmers here know what dams can do to a living river. Engineer Ismael Limón, ejidatario and former irrigation district leader in Molino de Camou, remembers the day in 1991 when the Rodolfo Félix Valdés dam — better known as El Molinito — was inaugurated just upstream from his village.
“As a result of the construction of El Molinito Dam came the decline of agriculture,” Limón said. A study by hydrologist Rolando Díaz Caravantes later documented the damage. Between 1994 and 2012, irrigated farmland downstream shrank from 9,000 to 3,000 hectares. Downstream of El Molinito, part of the river corridor turned to desert, as riparian vegetation gave way to scrub. “There are communities that don’t have even a single drop of water in their wells.”
Sonoran residents fear new dams will leave them with little water for agricultural needs. (Liliam Urías)
Limón, who farmed four to five hectares like most of his neighbors, saw his livelihood collapse. “Agriculture and livestock are practically paralyzed because we are small producers. Families depend on what they grow and on their animals. But right now, there is practically no irrigation water for crops.”
Industrial mining vs. agricultural needs
Meanwhile, industrial mining — particularly Grupo México’s Buenavista del Cobre in Cananea — never slowed production. “Mining has concessions for more than 50 million cubic meters of water at the source of the Río Sonora,” Limón noted. “That volume is enough to fill El Molinito dam in two years.”
Rodolfo Castro Valdez, Conagua’s general director for the northwest watershed, responded that in drought years, Conagua has prioritized urban supply over agriculture, as the National Water Law requires. He added that downstream of El Molinito, nearly 4 million cubic meters remain concessioned for 660 hectares of farmland.
Activists, however, argue that such percentages obscure the reality on the ground: that surface flows in the Río Sonora are minimal, leaving little for communities.
Water for Whom?
Under Mexico’s National Water Law, human consumption takes priority, followed by agriculture, then industry and recreation. But in Sonora, Dorado said, the order has been inverted. A majority, or “55% of the water rights where the Río Sonora is born are for mining,” he said flatly.
Communities that once thrived on small-scale farming and ranching are left hauling water in trucks while multinational corporations consume tens of millions of cubic meters. “Small producers were not allowed to plant a single thing. But mining has not stopped producing a single gram of copper or gold,” Limón added.
For Megacaravan protesters, the real question behind the dam projects is this: Who benefits? (Liliam Urías)
For caravan participants, this is the heart of the issue: who benefits from these projects, and who pays the cost? Many residents believe the dams are less about supplying Hermosillo and more about securing water for industrial development and real estate. “At the bottom, there is a real estate project. That is the main motivation we see from the state government,” Limón charged.
Conagua disputes this figure. Castro said industrial concessions in the basin represent just 4% of the total, compared with 83% for agriculture and 11% for urban supply. He acknowledged that mining is the dominant activity in Cananea but argued that water allocations “correspond to the productive vocation of the region.”
Dorado, meanwhile, insists that mining concessions at the river’s source are precisely why downstream communities see their wells run dry.
A call to consultation
What angers locals most is the lack of transparency. Despite repeated promises from Gov. Durazo and federal agencies, communities have yet to receive even the most basic technical studies – no environmental impact assessments, no soil mechanics reports, no cost-benefit analysis.
State Water Commission director Ariel Monge countered that the commission has been in dialogue with the ejido groups in the municipality of San Pedro de Ures, where citizens have, in fact, requested dams “for more than 100 years.” He added that the current president of the San Pedro ejido, Eduviges “Vickita” Martínez Navarro, has shifted her view after participating in government information sessions, and is now seeking legal guarantees to ensure the benefits of any project are permanent.
Martínez, however, had spoken out strongly against the dams in a video posted on Facebook just weeks earlier, declaring: “It’s a resounding no to the dams.” Asked by Mexico News Daily to clarify her position, Martínez did not respond.
Protesters in Sonora would like to see the new dam projects publicly debated. (Liliam Urías)
Organizers have called for public debates and genuine consultation. “Why don’t they let the people take part in decision-making? Why do they want to impose this project on them?” Dorado asked.
Castro responded that Conagua provided available technical information to citizen groups on Aug. 19 and has been holding meetings with rural and agricultural sectors for months. Organizers counter that, to date, they have not received the core studies they have been demanding.
Alternatives on the table
For years, academics and rural leaders have offered solutions to Hermosillo’s water woes that don’t require damming rivers:
Fixing leaks:With efficiency below 50%, repairing Hermosillo’s distribution system could guarantee water “for twenty or thirty more years.”
Aquifer recharge: Through rainwater harvesting, infiltration galleries and managed injection wells. “There are many types of recharge that can be done in the basin to recover the hydrological cycle,” Limón said.
Wastewater treatment: Hermosillo treats only a fraction of its sewage. “If we took advantage of 100% of wastewater, it would be a different story,” Limón argued.
Urban reforestation: Planting a million trees would restore microclimates, reduce heat and increase rainfall retention.
These proposals are not new. They have been presented repeatedly to municipal, state and federal authorities. But little has changed. “There needs to be political will, and instead they want to solve a problem for the mining industry, even if Hermosillo suffers the consequences,” Limón said.
Resistance on the ground
At Puerta del Sol, where one of the dams is planned, residents have already chased out survey crews and “kicked out the siervos de la nación (federal program representatives), even though the National Guard was standing right there.” In San Pedro de Ures, more than 40 vehicles joined the caravan in solidarity.
Communities have set up vigils and pledged to mobilize if machinery arrives. “All of the communities agreed they will not allow the construction of the dams because they threaten their way of life,” Dorado said. “People are very upset, and this could explode into a social conflict.”
Opposition to the dam projects has the potential to erupt into social conflict, protesters warn. (Liliam Urías)
The parallels to 2014 are never far from mind. That year, Grupo México’s Buenavista mine spilled toxic copper sulfate into the Sonora and Bacanuchi rivers, contaminating water for 22,000 people in what is now recognized as the worst mining disaster in Mexican history. The promised remediation — water treatment plants, a specialty hospital, compensation funds — never fully materialized. The memory fuels distrust today. “The hospital was never completed, the water treatment plants were never built, and the list goes on,” reads the caravan’s call.
‘Life is more important’
For many here, the stakes could not be higher. Limón summarized the sentiment that echoed through the caravan. “The people of Sonora say we want to live, even if minerals are not produced. Life is more important than the minerals that Grupo México is extracting.”
The struggle has also become a moral appeal to Mexico’s leaders. Dorado recalled confronting President Claudia Sheinbaum in Bavispe earlier this year, invoking her background as an environmental scientist. “We approached the president because she is a scientist, because she was Secretary of the Environment in Mexico City, and we expected her to have more empathy,” he said. But until now, residents argue, her administration has not acted decisively.
Their demand is clear. “We want her to stand with the people and not with economic power. It’s not right that political power, allied with economic power, delivers a fatal blow to ecosystems.”
The global trend
Sonora’s fight resonates beyond Mexico. Around the world, governments and scientists are rethinking the role of dams, with the U.N. and environmental agencies warning that new construction often causes more harm than good. Even Mexico’s own Environment Ministry published in 2020 that further dam-building was “unfeasible.”
“It is not recommended to build new dams because they cause more damage than benefits. And the river should flow freely. That’s what it’s about,” Dorado said.
Opponents to the dam projects have publicly called for President Sheinbaum’s support. (Liliam Urías)
For caravan participants, the rivers are more than water sources. They are cultural lifelines, ecosystems they describe as “the lungs of the state and the country.” Their defense, they argue, is not only about survival. It’s also about preserving the health of the land for generations to come.
After the caravan
As the sun beat down on Hermosillo’s streets, demonstrators refused to retreat indoors. “The heat index was like 50 degrees Celsius. But the anger, the indignation, was so great that people said no. We’re not moving until it’s over,” Dorado recalled.
What comes next is uncertain. Officials continue to promise dialogue, but technical documents remain under wraps. Communities vow they will not accept impositions.
For now, the caravan stands as a declaration of intent. From Bacoachi to Hermosillo, rural and urban residents have joined voices to say no. “We want to preserve our way of life, our traditions, and the dams will only bring total disorder,” Limón said.
Tracy L. Barnett is a freelance writer based in Guadalajara. She is the founder of The Esperanza Project, a bilingual magazine covering social change movements in the Americas.
Aeromexico is one of Mexico's most iconic airlines. But how does it stack up against the competition? (Aeromexico)
Last year, for my 40th birthday, I took myself to Japan. One of the deciding factors to book this trip, which was rather last-minute, was that Aeromexico offered a direct flight from MEX (Mexico City International Airport) to NRT (Narita International Airport).
Because I’m a writer, I couldn’t quite swing business class. I did, however, manage to secure a great seat in the front row of comfort economy (8A) on a Dreamliner. This is the next best thing. I’ve flown extensively throughout my adult life working in the travel industry, and was happy when the flight of nearly 15 hours felt relatively easy. I wish I could say the same for the staff. Little things kept popping up — a pretentious attitude with the older Mexican man behind me, acting visibly irritated when another passenger asked for an extra blanket, and the kicker — absolutely no water provided after dinner and all service wrapped up. I’m a Delta girl, and all of this is simply unacceptable behavior, especially when the flight ran me upwards of US $3,000. (You only turn 40 once!)
Aeromexico flights can be expensive. (María Ruiz)
So when I flew to Rome at the end of August, I passed on the direct Aeromexico flight, opting instead for a layover in Atlanta with Delta. I chose Delta for two reasons: customer service and cost. A seat in Delta Comfort was half the price of Aeromexico’s economy option, and in my experience, the Delta crew is always friendly. I despise layovers, but this one felt justified.
The thing is, coming home to Mexico City from Rome took nearly 24 hours. Was it worth losing an entire day just to avoid Aeromexico? Let’s investigate.
Aeromexico’s storied history
But first, a quick background. Aeromexico was founded in 1934, meaning last September the airline celebrated its 90th birthday. The first official flight — reportedly carrying just two passengers and three crew members — was on a Stinson Reliant SR-5A, heading south from Mexico City to Acapulco. Around 20 years and a national expansion later, Aeromexico introduced its first international flight: Mexico City to New York. It was around this time that the airline introduced its iconic logo “Caballero Águila”, honoring Mexico City’s Aztec heritage and Mexican identity. (The Eagle Knight recently underwent a refresh to reflect a “more modern and humanized design.”)
Boeing planes were added to its growing fleet after the 1970s, and in 1998, the carrier launched its website and soon started selling tickets online. Aeromexico was among the founding members of the SkyTeam Alliance in 2000, joining airlines like Air France, Delta and Korean Air in an attempt to enhance global connectivity. In 2015, Aeromexico became the first Latin American airline to fly nonstop to Asia. The rest, as they say, is history.
The true cost of flying Aeromexico
But history aside, what matters to travelers today is value for money. One of the first things a regular flier will inevitably notice is pricing. Aeromexico is the only pseudo-premium airline in Mexico, and domestic flights can carry a price tag up to three times that of ultra-low cost carriers like Viva Aerobus and Volaris. With the extra fee comes more options: flexibility, amenities and routes. At present, a round-trip flight from Mexico City to Guadalajara runs US $100–$110 on Aeromexico, and about $73–$85 on Viva Aerobus, including extra fees for a checked bag.
Internationally, there is little competition apart from U.S.-based airlines such as Delta (currently a codeshare partner, though not for much longer), American and United Airlines. Viva and Volaris offer limited flights to the U.S., Caribbean and Central America. But it’s Aeromexico with the overwhelming majority, currently operating approximately 50 direct routes to various cities in the Americas, Caribbean and six European hubs. Two routes connect Mexico City to international airports near Seoul, Korea, and Tokyo, Japan.
Spacious and comfy Boeing Dreamliners are an added plus for those flying with Aeromexico. (Aeromexico)
The question is, how do costs stack up? Let’s take a real-life example, based on my most recent international trip. If I were to book a premium economy flight from Mexico City to Rome for the first week of December, right now (as I write this article), it would cost me 41,379 pesos. A Delta flight with a 3-hour layover in Atlanta would run me 26,444 pesos. Is the direct flight worth an extra 15,000 pesos? The choice comes down to time and customer service.
Why Mexico City flights cost so much
Part of Aeromexico’s pricing puzzle lies in Mexico City itself. Mexico City International Airport operates at maximum capacity with heavy slot regulation. The high demand and lack of available slots make it costly for airlines to operate, and those costs get passed directly to passengers through higher fares.
Then there are the government fees. Mexico imposes airport usage fees and taxes that are among the highest in the region. Every time you book a ticket, you’re not just paying for your seat. You’re also covering a significant chunk of regulatory overhead that gets tacked onto your base fare.
The lack of real competition doesn’t help either. When major airlines dominate key routes, there’s less pressure to keep prices competitive. It’s basic market dynamics, and unfortunately, passengers bear the cost.
Overall service: How does Aeromexico rank?
Aeromexico’s reputation among travelers is mixed, as made apparent by the following review platforms. Trustpilot gives Aeromexico a rating of 1.4 out of 5, a glaringly awful number, with reviews largely citing cancelled flights (many with no compensation) and poor customer service. TripAdvisor rates the airline a 3.0, Yelp a 1.3. Kayak is more forgiving with a 74% rating out of 100. (For contrast, Viva Aerobus rates 1.3, 2.5 and 1.3, with no rating on Kayak; Delta 1.6, 4.0, 3.5 and 80%, respectively).
Despite the relatively abysmal ratings (which one might argue plagues most Western airlines), Cirium awarded the carrier its yearly Global On-Time Award in 2024. The largest worldwide aviation analyst attributes Aeromexico’s success to “strategic investments in fleet modernization and technological advancements” and “adoption of advanced scheduling systems and AI-powered tools.” I raise an eyebrow to the latter — Aeromexico’s app almost consistently fails on me every time I’m en route to the airport.
Conclusion: Is Aeromexico worth it?
Reviews on rating sites like TripAdvisor don’t always paint Aeromexico in the best light. (TripAdvisor)
So back to my original question: was losing an entire day of my life worth avoiding Aeromexico on my Rome trip?
The honest answer depends on what you value most. If you prioritize convenience and hate layovers, Aeromexico’s direct routes from Mexico City are genuinely valuable — especially to destinations like Tokyo, where alternatives are limited. The Dreamliner aircraft are comfortable, and when the service works, it works decently.
But if you’re price-sensitive or have had poor experiences with their customer service, those 24-hour travel days might feel justified. My Delta layover cost me time but saved me money and stress. For a route like Rome, where I have options, I’ll likely stick with what I know keeps my heart rate at a healthy minimum.
The real test will be whether Aeromexico can improve the service inconsistencies that inundate review platforms. Until then, I’ll continue to weigh each booking decision based on three factors: my budget, my schedule and my tolerance for potential frustration. Sometimes that direct flight is worth every peso — and sometimes it absolutely isn’t.
Bethany Platanella is a travel planner and lifestyle writer based in Mexico City. She lives for the dopamine hit that comes directly after booking a plane ticket, exploring local markets, practicing yoga and munching on fresh tortillas. Sign up to receive her Sunday Love Letters to your inbox, peruse her blog or follow her on Instagram.
Of the group surveyed, 44% were long-term U.S. residents and 39% experienced family separation. (Humberto García via El Imparcial)
Many Mexicans deported from the United States since U.S. President Donald Trump took office in January were long-term U.S. residents, a new report indicates.
Between May and July, the Kino Border Initiative (KBI), an organization based in Nogales, Arizona, and Nogales, Sonora, conducted surveys with 278 Mexican deportees who had arrived at a Mexican government shelter in the latter city.
Including deportees who had lived in the United States for six years or longer, the percentage rises to 57.1%. Just 5% of the deportees KBI surveyed reported having lived in the United States for less than one year.
KBI said that the high percentage of long-term residents being deported from the U.S. demonstrates “how current policies disrupt established families and communities.”
The Trump administration is aiming to deport large numbers of undocumented immigrants, carrying out immigration raids across the United States.
The New York Times reported in late June that immigration arrests had “increased nationwide and more than doubled in 38 states in the months since President Trump took office, new data shows.”
“Many states have seen even larger surges in enforcement activity in the last few weeks, after Mr. Trump’s top immigration adviser, Stephen Miller, demanded that agents make every effort to increase arrests,” the Times reported.
Earlier this month, President Claudia Sheinbaum said that her government had supported more than 86,000 Mexicans who were deported from the United States during the second Trump administration.
While KBI’s report is based on surveys with fewer than 300 deportees, it suggests that a significant number of the Mexicans deported from the United States this year had been living in the U.S. for a considerable amount of time and were thus long-term members of their local communities.
Deportees report family separations and unsafe detention conditions in US
In its report, KBI said that 39.2% of the deportees it surveyed “reported experiencing separation from family members, resulting in severe emotional and caregiving hardships.”
“… Many long-term residents were forcibly removed from their homes, leaving behind children, partners, and other dependents,” KBI said.
The majority of deportees surveyed lived in the U.S. for at least 6 years. (Kino Border Initiative)
“… This dynamic not only places families at financial risk, since many repatriated men were primary breadwinners, but also criminalizes them by making legal reunification nearly impossible.”
KBI also said that “multiple testimonies reported dangerous conditions like medical neglect, overcrowding, exposure to toxic smoke, and significant emotional trauma in U.S. detention centers.”
“These abuses are exacerbated by the lack of adequate oversight and the push towards prosecutions of individuals for first-time illegal entry, which leads to longer detention times,” KBI said.
The organization noted that 84.3% of its survey respondents — based on 223 respondents who disclosed their gender — are men.
Other findings
KBI also reported that deportations are driven both by local law enforcement collaboration and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operations. It said that “33% of deportations start with a regional or state law enforcement stop, and nearly half are from direct ICE operations, usually in public areas such as the street and courthouse.”
KBI said that 63% of surveyed deportees were detained in Arizona, a situation it described as “not surprising” given that “almost all deportations from the state have long been conducted through Nogales, and there are three detention centers in the state.”
“What is more striking is the fact that more than a third of people deported were detained elsewhere, some as far away as Florida, and transferred to Arizona for deportation. These transfers across multiple states and several detention centers take a significant toll on individuals,” KBI said.
Just over a third of deportees survey in Nogales were originally detained in a state other than Arizona. (Kino Border Initiative)
The stories of 2 deportees
In its report, KBI also detailed the personal stories of more than a dozen deportees. Here are the stories of two of them (KBI changed names to protect the deportees’ privacy).
Manny:
Manny, who spoke “very limited Spanish,” told KBI staff that he didn’t understand why he was deported to Mexico as he was a lawful permanent resident of the United States and had never had any legal problems.
According to the KBI report, “he explained that he had hired a contractor to do some work at his home, and that was when both he and the worker were detained.”
“He mentioned that his family in the United States hired an attorney to fight his case. Still, since most of the communication had been handled by his relatives, he was not aware of the details regarding why he was ultimately deported. He was highly distressed and confused about the situation,” KBI said.
Andrea:
Andrea, a 30-year-old woman from Oaxaca, was deported to Mexico after Border Patrol detained her crossing into the U.S. through Naco in the summer of 2024, according to KBI.
Andrea “had previously lived in the U.S. since 2000 and is the mother of two U.S. citizen children, ages 15 and 14,” KBI said.
The organization said that she was a victim of sexual harassment while held at a detention center in Florence, Arizona, and noted that she had expressed fear about returning to Mexico.
Andrea was reportedly held in Florence, Arizona, where a network of public and private prisons and detention centers hold ICE detainees. Pictured: Arizona State Prison Complex Florence. (Arizona Prison Roster)
“Andrea is also a survivor of gender-based violence perpetrated by her ex-husband. She fears what will happen to her now that she is back in Mexico, with no certainty that her ex-husband will not seek her or her children,” KBI said.
The personal stories of other deportees KBI surveyed are also harrowing.
The organization said that the testimonies it collected “reveal systemic deficiencies in U.S. enforcement and detention practices.”
KBI’s recommendations
KBI outlined a number of “key recommendations” in its report, directing them to the U.S. Congress, Arizona legislators and local officials and “allied organizations and individuals.”
It urged U.S. lawmakers to “publicly amplify the cases of community members, including DACA recipients, detained by immigration authorities through media interviews, public statements, and questions to administrative officials during hearings and other oversight opportunities.”
Among other recommendations, KBI said that “allied organizations and individuals” should speak with “neighbors, family, friends, and acquaintances about the stories contained in this report to invite them to understand the way that their community members are being affected by immigration enforcement” in the U.S.
Due to an ever-invading sea, the San Mateo del Mar neighborhood of Cuauhtémoc is in a permanent state of flooding. (@LaTintaOax/on X)
Heavy ocean swells in recent days have again left a Oaxacan coastal area in crisis — a 20-year-old situation that prompted residents four months ago to vote in favor of relocating one neighborhood to a nearby hill.
Starting on Monday, floodwaters began surging into streets and homes, forcing the cancellation of school and disrupting daily life for nearly 800 families.
SAN MATEO DEL MAR (ISTMO) : el pueblo que llegó del mar 🌊 | DOCUMENTAL
Officials in the municipality of San Mateo del Mar have reported that classrooms, the health clinic and the church were all impacted by floodwaters. Families have been forced to pretty much shelter in place, as neighborhood mobility has been rendered nearly impossible.
It sits on a narrow sandbar between two huge lagoons and the ocean — an isolated, low-lying position that has made it vulnerable to flooding and environmental changes.
Gabriel Pinzón, a municipal agent representing the most affected neighborhood, Cuauhtémoc, explained this week that the tide has repeatedly risen over the past two decades, eroding beaches and pushing water into residential areas — severely impacting the area’s economy and culture.
Cuauhtémoc is populated largely by Ikoots, an Indigenous people (historically known as the Huave) who have a deep cultural and spiritual connection to the sea, subsisting mainly on fishing and gathering shellfish.
Media reported this week that the Pacific Ocean in recent years has advanced some 700 meters into Cuauhtémoc, where some fishermen and their families live in small houses made of wood and palm leaves. Most of the 800 families affected this week are in that neighborhood.
“Every time the swell or heavy rains hit, children stop studying because the entire neighborhood becomes a lagoon,” Pinzón said.
The most recent flooding struck just as the community was preparing for Independence Day events, which were abruptly canceled.
Mayor Raúl Rangel González reported many families declining refuge in local shelters to stay closer to home.
No lives were lost, but families remain at risk for illness and face possible isolation as standing water lingers.
Residents have adapted over the years by raising furniture and laying sandbags, but many say they have reached their limit. The community’s future becomes more and more uncertain each season.
In May, San Mateo del Mar’s residents voted in favor of a federal plan to relocate the Cuauhtémoc neighborhood to Cerro Paloma, a hill 3 kilometers inland within the same municipality.
Yet, as families wait for authorities to come through with funding and begin construction, disillusionment has grown.
“What we need is no longer visits or photo ops, but a real solution,” resident María Hernández told La Tinta Oaxaca. “The sea is winning the battle, and families can’t continue living like this.”
A report last year in the Istmo Press, an investigative news agency based in Oaxaca, noted that Cuauhtémoc “is being swept away by the sea due to the construction of the Interoceanic Corridor.”
The report said the increasingly severe tidal disturbances over the past four years have been “caused by the expansion of the breakwater at the neighboring port of Salina Cruz, carried out as part of the Interoceanic Corridor megaproject of the 4T government.”
After being placed on a trafficker list by the U.S. and having her assets frozen by the Mexican government, Congresswoman Hilda Araceli Brown Figueredo posted on Facebook that she was being made "an object of infamy" by enemies of Morena. (Facebook)
In response to an updated U.S. list of individuals and companies alleged to have links to terrorists and drug traffickers, Mexico’s Financial Intelligence Unit (UIF) froze nearly two dozen bank accounts on Thursday, including one that belongs to a ruling party lawmaker.
Earlier, the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), an office of the Treasury Department, formally designated the Sinaloa Cartel faction known as “Los Mayos” and the leader of its armed wing, Juan José Ponce Félix (aka “El Ruso”), as terrorists.
The U.S. Treasury Department published this photo of Congresswoman Brown with Los Mayos figure Candelario Arcega. (Facebook via U.S. Treasury Department)
Shortly thereafter, the UIF blocked a total of 22 accounts belonging to taxpayers accused of money laundering by the OFAC, which also alleged that those 22 individuals and companies have ties with the “Los Mayos” faction of the Sinaloa Cartel.
In a Thursday press release, the OFAC designated five individuals and 15 companies it had linked to a regional network of Los Mayos as “Specially Designated Nationals” (SDNS), while also designating the leader of a separate Sinaloa Cartel-affiliated gang engaged in fentanyl production.
“The Sinaloa Cartel is a foreign terrorist organization that continues to traffic narcotics, launder its proceeds, and corrupt local officials,” said Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence John K. Hurley, during a Thursday trip to Mexico City.
“Due to its proximity to the U.S. border, Rosarito and the surrounding areas form a key artery for Sinaloa Cartel’s drug trafficking operations,” the OFAC noted.
“Arcega maintains a close personal relationship with Brown and, because of their relationship, was able to control parts of the municipal government and appoint his allies to high-level positions within Rosarito’s government,” the OFAC press release stated.
After the OFAC action, the UIF announced that it had frozen bank accounts belonging to seven individuals and 15 companies.
“As a result of the designation of the [OFAC], and within the framework of the international cooperation mechanisms to which the Mexican State participates in matters of money laundering and terrorist financing prevention, the UIF has ordered an administrative freeze” on 22 entities, reads the announcement.
In a statement released on social media, the UIF said it will begin analyzing financial information related to the designated subjects, while also making clear that being included on the SDNS List is “a preventive measure, not a judicial determination, and does not prejudge the existence of criminal liability without evidence.”
If evidence of criminal activity is found, the UIF will forward its findings to the Attorney General’s Office (FGR).
When a person or group is designated an SDNS (that is, acting for or on behalf of terrorists or drug traffickers), the U.S. Treasury blocks their assets and U.S. persons are generally prohibited from dealing with them.
Sheinbaum touched on the story behind a druglord's explusion from Mexico, the future of the USMCA free trade agreement and AMLO's legacy at her Thursday morning press conference. (Presidencia)
At her Thursday morning press conference, President Claudia Sheinbaum responded to an assertion made by United States Attorney General Pam Bondi and spoke about the future of the USMCA free trade pact.
Among other issues, she also spoke about the popularity of her government, which is now less than two weeks away from completing its first year in office.
Did Mexico hand over Caro Quintero ‘at President Trump’s direction’?
A reporter noted that Bondi asserted on Wednesday that Mexico handed over notorious drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero to the United States on the orders of U.S. President Donald Trump.
In a social media post on Wednesday, Bondi said that earlier this month she “had the honor of introducing the family of fallen DEA Special Agent Enrique ‘Kiki’ Camarena” to U.S. President Donald Trump.
“In February, at President Trump’s direction, we received custody of Kiki’s killer from Mexico,” she wrote before noting that Camarena’s son, Enrique, is now a judge in California.
Asked about Bondi’s assertion, Sheinbaum said that the issue in question has already been thoroughly discussed.
“It was explained that it was a national security decision — the delivery of this significant number of organized crime people [to the United States],” she said.
“It was a national security decision and there was also a request from the United States government, from the Office of the Attorney General of the United States,” Sheinbaum said.
“Yes there was a request from … [the United States], but the decision was taken here in the Security Council for national security reasons,” Sheinbaum said.
The day after Caro Quintero and the other 28 cartel figures were sent to the United States, Security Minister Omar García Harfuch said there was a risk that some of the 29 defendants sent to the United States could have been released from prison if they remained in Mexico.
DEA agents surround Raphael Caro Quintero, a leader of the extinct Guadalajara Cartel, after he was expelled from Mexico in February. (X)
Sheinbaum said the same day that “the corruption of the judicial power in our country is abnormal and offensive.”
The USMCA ‘will continue,’ says Sheinbaum
A reporter asked the president whether Mexico and Canada should form “a united front” to strengthen their positions in trade negotiations with the United States during the 2026 review of the USMCA free trade pact.
“Let’s see, all three countries agree on the treaty,” Sheinbaum said without directly responding to the question.
“… The treaty will continue. Obviously, we have tariffs today on a range of products that give a different consideration [to Mexico’s trade relationship with the United States], but the vast majority of what is exported doesn’t have tariffs,” she said.
“And the three countries agree — obviously Canada and Mexico agree — on strengthening the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement,” Sheinbaum said.
“Yes, it’s now very difficult [to fool people],” Sheinbaum said.
In light of another poll showcasing her high popularity, Sheinbaum said the public is no longer fooled by what one reporter described as “the dirty war of the right.” (Presidencia)
She said that most people no longer pay attention to “a certain television station” and other media outlets that are opposed to her government.
Before social media, Sheinbaum continued, it was “very common” for traditional media outlets to have “a tremendous influence” on people’s opinions.
Now, people inform themselves in “many” different ways, she said, adding that they see the positive changes the government has made “reflected in their daily lives.”
Sheinbaum also asserted that former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador found a place in the hearts of the people of Mexico during his six-year term.
“And he will remain there,” she added.
“And in our case, we govern with the same principles,” Sheinbaum said, partially explaining her own popularity.
“At this time, the presidenta is who governs the country with her team, but we have the principles that took the transformation movement to victory in 2018 and we will never betray them,” she said, referring to the ruling Morena party and its stated commitment to ideals such as austerity, support for the poor and zero corruption and impunity.
