Researchers ground corn, sweet potatoes and other foods to better understand the residue they had found on ancient grinding stones. (INAH)
Ancient corn remains found in grinding tools at a Xochimilco archeological site have provided scientists with a new perspective into how agriculture first developed in the Valley of Mexico (also known as the Basin of Mexico).
Today, Xochimilco is a popular tourist destination in Mexico City primarily known for its water canals and trajineras (colorful local boats) and for being the home of the axolotl, an endangered species of salamander. But thousands of years ago, it was home to some of the area’s first permanent residents.
The archaeologists used high-powered microscopes to study the surface of ancient grinding stones from Xochimilco. (INAH)
The new findings come from artifacts dating back 6,000 years that were found at the San Gregorio Atlapulco archeological site, in a former islet in the Xochimilco canals.
“The site of San Gregorio, Atlapulco occupied during this transitional phase towards the development of early villages (6000–3500 BCE), has revealed a rich archaeological record that has allowed us to investigate the subsistence strategies of complex hunter-gatherers in the southern Basin of Mexico,” researchers wrote in an article published in the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports.
The artifacts, analyzed by researchers from the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) and the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), revealed residues of sweet potato, beans, corn, tomato, chile and yam.
Researchers used a methodology for the first time in Mexico, based on starch analysis. Using scanning electron microscopy and other techniques, they found traces of wear on these grinding stone tools, confirming grinding activities on their surfaces.
The researchers identified microscopic starch molecules on the stones, allowing them to identify which stones were used to grind corn (Zea mays), chile (Capsicum), tomatillo (Physalis) and other ancient foods. (INAH)
The findings suggest that the diet of these societies was based on gathering plants and resources from the lake plains, supplemented with domesticated plants like corn. Researchers think this diet was practiced during a period of climatic improvement prior to the appearance of the earliest ceramics in what is now central Mexico.
“This discovery helps us define the preceramic period and corroborates the vital role played by lake communities in the development of the first sedentary groups and the adoption of domesticated plants for their diet,” the INAH said in a statement.
“This study reevaluates one of the most poorly understood periods in the archaeology of the Basin of Mexico,” research concluded.
This research project is part of the “Population, Initial Agriculture and Village Societies in the Basin of Mexico,” co-directed by researchers from UNAM and INAH. The study seeks to explore two critical processes in the human settlements in the area of modern-day Mexico City: the initial population and the development of agriculture.
It also seeks to understand how the first residents of the area gave up their nomadic lifestyles to build villages and develop agriculture in the lake communities south of the basin.
Almost a century before the return of Donald Trump, the United States experienced a series of brutal, arbitrary deportations aimed at Mexicans in the country. (The Conversation)
Since his 2016 campaign for U.S. president, Donald Trump’s rhetoric on immigrants has gotten harsher and uglier. Having deported 1.5 million people during his first administration, the American president-elect campaigned on the promise to initiate mass deportations. Many people think this is far-fetched, insisting that it would be impossible to round up and deport millions of people — but it has happened before, as Herbert Hoover decided to launch the deportations of every Mexican in the United States.
In 1931, the United States was in the throes of the Great Depression. Millions were out of work and families were suffering. President Herbert Hoover searched for solutions to turn the economy around, but his approach was piecemeal. He decided on what he felt would be a popular program by white Americans: the mass deportation of Mexican Americans, freeing up their jobs.
As the Great Depression bit, lawmakers searched for a way to reduce the pressure. (U.S. National Archives/Wikimedia Commons)
“American jobs for real Americans”
“Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s,” the first major work of research on Hoover’s mass deportations, was published by Californian historians Francisco Balderrama and Raymond Rodriguez in 1995. “Decade of Betrayal,” as well as research conducted by Balderrama and Rodriguez in collaboration with California State Senator Joseph Dunn and his staff in the early 2000s, remains an important source of knowledge as to what happened during this campaign of deportation. Dunn’s research has found that 1.8 million people were deported during the Depression.
Hoover’s administration called it a National Program of “American jobs for real Americans” — the implication being that only whites were real Americans. The Republican’s government worked to convince the public that deportation was for the best, a humanitarian act of helping Mexicans rejoin their families in Mexico. The truth is that it was brutal and inhumane. The repatriation program was carried out by Hoover’s Secretary of Labor, William Doak.
Close to two million Mexicans and Mexican Americans — thousands at a time — were rounded up without due process, loaded onto cramped trains, transported to central Mexico and dropped off in rural areas with only the clothes on their backs. Photographic evidence shows the crowds dropped off at railroad stations awaiting their deportation. They included women, children and many who had been born in the United States, were U.S. citizens and didn’t speak Spanish. Many Mexican nationals deported were also U.S. permanent residents. No one was safe if they ‘looked Mexican.’
As part of the program, Doak also appealed to local officials to pass laws preventing Mexicans from holding government jobs, even if they were U.S. citizens. Many major U.S. corporations — among them U.S. Steel, Ford and Southern Pacific Railroad — supported the government’s actions, firing anyone of Mexican descent. The fired workers, Francisco Balderrama told NPR in 2015, were told they “would be better off in Mexico with their own people.”
With the mantra “a Mexican is a Mexican,” work records and government rolls were scoured to search for names that sounded Mexican.
The round-up begins
Nationwide — in the South, North and as far away as Alaska — Mexicans and Mexican Americans were rounded up wherever they congregated: markets, hospitals, social clubs, plazas and public parks. Mexican Americans were being blamed for the bad economy and were filled with fear, not knowing when they or their families might be deported.
California was a primary target due to the number of Mexicans and Mexican Americans who lived in the state. According to historian Francisco Balderrama, Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors member H. M. Blaine proclaimed that “the majority of the Mexicans in the Los Angeles Colonia were either on relief or were public charges.” Political support for the repatriation program was not only found in California. Congressman Martin Dies, a Texas Democrat, wrote in the Chicago Herald-Examiner that the “large alien population is the basic cause of unemployment”.
The most famous round-up happened in downtown Los Angeles’ Placita Olvera in 1931. On a Sunday afternoon on Feb. 26, a time when many Mexicans enjoy a day with family at the local park, a large group of armed plainclothes officers entered La Placita Park and began rounding up everyone who looked Mexican. Dozens of flatbed trucks and police vehicles circled the park, and officers were posted to prevent anyone from fleeing.
Mexicans are rounded up and put into camps awaiting deportation. (Inspired Pencil)
More than 400 people were lined up and asked to show proof of their legal entry to the United States. The crowd panicked. Very few people carried documentation with them to spend a day in the park with their families. The children had no idea what they were supposed to produce. Those without proper documentation were loaded onto the flatbed trucks and taken to the city’s main railroad station where they were ordered onto chartered trains and taken to rural parts of Mexico.
There were however some political leaders who fought back. In 2024, Joseph Dunn told the Washington Post that The Los Angeles City Council told the County Board of Supervisors numerous times in memos to stop their illegal deportations. “This isn’t about constitutional validity,” the supervisors responded. “It’s about the color of their skin.”
The raids were vicious, targeting people using public resources. Francisco Balderrama found cases of Los Angeles hospitals having orderlies gather up Mexicans, put them on stretchers, load them on trucks and transport them to the border, where they were left to die.
Officials justified their actions by saying deportation would free up jobs for non-Mexican Americans and accused Mexicans of overwhelming welfare rolls, draining them of money needed for others. Hoover gained public support by doubling down on his message that deporting Mexicans would free up money for “real Americans” in their time of economic need. The U.S. president continued to describe the deportations as merely repatriating Mexicans to their birthplace, but documentation shows that 60 percent of the deportees were U.S. citizens. Hoover told the public that this would “keep families together” when in reality that was never the intention and deportations in fact tore families apart.
Mexicans in the United States board trains bound for Mexico. (University of Arizona)
The tragedy continues
Many families left in central Mexico had young children who were traumatized by the experience. They were ostracized in school because they didn’t speak Spanish. The United States was the only country they knew. They had always had indoor plumbing and schools, and suffered from a lack of medical care where they found themselves.
Mexicans still in the United States who had not yet been deported found there was no one to help them. With so many deportations, anyone working on public assistance was gone. Trade unions favored mass deportation because they felt it would free up jobs for their white members.
The racist deportations did not stop with Hoover. After Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt took office in January 1933, he never officially revoked the “American jobs for real Americans” program, which was primarily being carried out by local governments. By the beginning of World War II, Mexican labor was back in demand — especially for low-paying agricultural work — and jobs left behind by the men sent to war needed to be filled. The program eventually just faded away and was forgotten.
1954 saw another wave of deportations by the government of Dwight Eisenhower in the form of the so-called “Operation Wetback,” the largest mass deportation in U.S. history, which added military-style tactics to Hoover’s old strategy of leaving people deep in central Mexico. Eisenhower’s government claimed that over a million people were deported or self-deported.
California apologizes, the United States doesn’t
Pressured by State Senator Joseph Dunn, California finally passed the Apology Act in 2005, apologizing for the Mexican Repatriation Program. In front of La Plaza de Culturas y Artes, a memorial was dedicated in 2012, inscribed with an apology to the hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens who were illegally deported from California during the Great Depression.
Many Mexicans don’t want to talk about the deportations because there of the shame attached to it. But generations were destroyed by the brutality and cruelty of “repatriation.” To this day, Dunn told The Atlantic in 2017, the U.S. Congress refuses to issue a formal apology because the immigration issue is “too volatile.” Everyone wants to sweep the shameful deportations and xenophobia of the 1930s under the rug in the hope that the American people will not take the time to learn more about it. Unfortunately, eliminating that piece of history may mean we have to relive it again in 2025.
Tlatelol-what? Tlal-who? Tacu-where? Mexico City place names can all sound the same, so we've created this guide to help you know the difference. (Local MX)
Tacubaya? Tacuba? Tabacalera? What’s the difference, and why are there so many CDMX neighborhoods starting with T? In a city where, at times, everything sounds the same, wouldn’t it be nice to have a go-to guide? Something to ensure that you don’t end up lost in Tacubaya looking for your new Bumble date, when where you’re really supposed to be is 30 minutes away (on a good day) in Tacuba? Or worse…Tlalpan!
Well aren’t you in luck.
Below is a quick run down of the most popular zones in CDMX starting with T and some fun facts to make sense of them all.
Tacubaya
(Wikimedia Commons)
Located in the western part of Mexico City, in the Miguel Hidalgo borough, this picturesque corner of the Mexican capital is a cocktail of history, flavor, and culture. Once an independent city, Tacubaya was swallowed by CDMX’s urban sprawl in the early 20th century.
In 1838, a handful of officers from General Antonio López de Santa Anna’s army decided to throw a party at a local French restaurant in Tacubaya. Revelers overindulged, resulting in 60,000 pesos worth of damage to the establishment. To add insult to injury, the soldiers committed an act of the utmost offence — they devoured nearly all the restaurant’s pastries. The owner was furious. He demanded compensation from the Mexican government, who refused him. He turned to the French ambassador, who initially ignored him. He didn’t give up, however, and gathered local support. After five years of mounting pressure, the ambassador fled to France, soon returning to the shores of Veracruz with ships full of armed soldiers to collect the pending bill. When Mexico still refused to pay their dues, the British stepped in, and the pastry war ended with Mexico handing over a wildly inflated 600,000 pesos.
Today, Tacubaya is a working-class neighborhood surrounded by San Pedro de los Pinos, Escandón, San Miguel Chapultepec, and Observatorio.
Things to see:
Chapel of San Juan Bautista
Casa de la Bola Museum
Cartagena Market
Ermita Building
How I remember it: Tacu-buy a bunch of pastries.
Tlalpan
(Wikimedia Commons)
The southern borough of Tlalpan is one of Mexico City’s biggest. Within its verdant oasis are more than 200 neighborhoods very diverse in personality. Once an independent settlement known as San Agustín de las Cuevas, Tlalpan was absorbed into the growing capital in the early 20th century, much like its northern counterpart, Tacubaya.
Its history stretches back to pre-Columbian times, with its name derived from Nahuatl, meaning “place on solid ground.” The Cuicuilco Pyramid, one of the oldest and most significant ancient structures in Mesoamerica, was partially excavated here in the 1920s after being buried with the eruption of Xitle volcano 1,700 years ago. In fact, much of Tlalpan’s history remains locked under the Pedregal lava fields to this day.
Today, Tlalpan is inhabited by a majority of low-medium and low-income families with smatterings of wealthy enclaves throughout. Locals come here for Six Flags, visitors for the picturesque Centro de Tlalpan and nature lovers for Tlalpan Forest or Fuentes Brotantes National Park.
Things to see:
Tlalpan History Museum
Parish of San Agustín de las Cuevas
Cuicuilco Archaeological Zone
Fuentes Brotantes National Park
La Paz Market
How I remember it: Tlalpan has a P for pyramid.
Tlatelolco
(Wikimedia Commons)
Tlatelolco is a neighborhood in northern Mexico City, bordering Tepito and La Guerrero. It’s dominated by the Plaza de las Tres Culturas archaeological site, where Mexico’s first tianguis once stood.
Today, Tlatelolco is home to a diverse population, with about 55,000 residents living in the massive Conjunto Urbano Nonoalco Tlatelolco housing complex. Many are working-class families and senior citizens.
Things to see:
Plaza de las Tres Culturas
Tlatelolco Archaeological Site
Conjunto Urbano Nonoalco Tlatelolco
Santiago Tlatelolco Church
Memorial to the 1968 Student Movement
How I remember it: Tlatelol-culturas
Tabacalera
(Government of Mexico City)
Tabacalera is a neighborhood located in central Mexico City, west of the historic center. It’s bordered by Juárez, San Rafael, and Buenavista. The area is recognizable for its towering centerpiece: the Monument to the Revolution.
Interestingly enough, its most famous event has little to do with Mexican history. July 1955, Fidel Castro and Che Guevara convened in an apartment at 49 José de Emparán Street, a clandestine meeting marking a pivotal moment in Latin American history. This meeting sparked a collaboration that led to the Cuban Revolution.
Today, Tabacalera is experiencing a revival. While some long-time residents remain, the area is attracting young professionals and creatives drawn to its central location and affordable housing.
Things to see:
Monument to the Revolution
Frontón México
National Museum of San Carlos
El Moro Building (Lotería Nacional)
How I remember it: Tabacale-revolución
Tacuba
(Government of Mexico City)
Tacuba is both a historic neighborhood and the oldest street in the Americas. The neighborhood is located in northwestern Mexico City, part of the Miguel Hidalgo borough, bordering San Rafael and Azcapotzalco.
The zone is one of five original settlements of Miguel Hidalgo, making it one of the oldest and longest inhabited areas of Mexico City. The northern area was known as Tlacopan, while the south was intertwined with the ancient city of Tacubaya. Additionally, Tacuba is famous as the site of the “Noche Triste”, where Hernán Cortés cried under a tree after a brutal defeat by the Mexica in 1520. The tree stump still survives.
Today, Tacuba is a working-class neighborhood clinging to its classic charm amongst a barrage of urban challenges. It’s connected to the historic center by Calzada México-Tacuba.
Things to see
San Gabriel Arcángel Church
Mercado Tacuba
Juárez Garden
Metro Tacuba station
How I remember it: Tacu-bawling his eyes out
Bethany Platanella is a travel planner and lifestyle writer based in Mexico City. She lives for the dopamine hit that comes directly after booking a plane ticket, exploring local markets, practicing yoga and munching on fresh tortillas. Sign up to receive her Sunday Love Letters to your inbox, peruse her blog or follow her on Instagram.
Residents near the Zinc Nacional plant have complained that the facility pollutes their neighborhoods with dust and smoke, the same kind of emissions that contribute to Monterrey's air quality problems. (Gabriela Pérez Montiel/Cuartoscuro)
A joint investigation carried out by The Guardian newspaper and investigative reporters from Quinto Elemento Lab has found dangerously high levels of lead, arsenic and cadmium in homes and schools near a Monterrey-area plant that processes hazardous waste from the United States.
The report raises fears of severe health impacts for local residents who have experienced increasing health issues. At the same time, environmental experts have criticized weak Mexican regulations and limited government oversight.
In 2023, a prominent toxicology researcher at Mexico’s National Autonomous University (UNAM) tested the soil and dust in and around the home next door to the Zinc Nacional plant in northern Mexico. The findings were bleak.
Inside one home, the study found dust that had “14 times more cadmium than U.S. health risk thresholds and was also very high in arsenic,” according to The Guardian. Both cadmium and arsenic are carcinogens.
Martín Soto Jiménez, the UNAM researcher, was blunt. “We have a toxic cocktail here.”
Monterrey is a leading destination for U.S. hazardous waste, which is processed in and near the city to recover valuable metals. (Jeremy Brooks/Flickr)
Subsequently, Soto Jiménez tested 18 sites within a 2.5-kilometer (1.5-mile) radius of the plant and concluded that the contaminants came from the plant.
After reviewing the results, an official from Mexico’s Environment Ministry (Semarnat) told the reporters that it would seek an investigation to “learn in depth about the company’s compliance” with regulations.
The process of recovering zinc
Before waste is sent to Mexico, U.S. steel plants vaporize discarded metal junk such as cars and refrigerators to recover the steel.
The contaminants — such as plastic car components, paint and machine parts — are pulverized to dust, known as electric arc furnace dust. The U.S. steel plants ship hundreds of thousands of tons of the dust, which contains zinc as well as hazardous waste including lead and arsenic, abroad, primarily to Canada and Mexico.
A facility owned by Zinc Nacional in the Monterrey area has been processing this waste since the 1990s. The investigation found that Zinc Nacional receives a considerable amount of this dust — nearly 200,000 tons in 2022 alone.
On its website, the company says it “[manages] waste responsibly, respecting the environment and contributing to the rational use of natural resources.” The company further claims it transforms “an industrial byproduct into valuable chemicals and finished products.”
The exterior of the Zinc Nacional waste processing plant in Monterrey. (Via Excelsior)
The general director of the facility insists the company follows “the highest standards” and complies with environmental regulations.
However, by examining official company emissions reports, the investigation found that the reclamation process releases lead, cadmium, arsenic and other toxic substances into the atmosphere as a fine dust.
Lead, arsenic and cadmium are linked to cancer, neurological damage and respiratory issues, especially in children.
A moral dilemma
The practice by U.S. companies of exporting hazardous waste to countries with weaker regulations raises ethical and public health concerns about environmental justice and industrial pollution. And exports of such toxic waste have risen 17% since 2018, the investigation found.
According to U.S. laws, companies that produce hazardous waste are legally responsible for it “from cradle to grave.” This means they must manage it safely until it is disposed of, and they are legally responsible for any pollution that results.
But, as the investigation points out, “this responsibility essentially stops at the border.”
Once the waste is exported, the U.S. no longer has the authority to regulate it because treaties put the burden on the receiving countries.
And this is a serious problem in Mexico, where industrial emissions regulations are often lax or out of date.
Further exacerbating the situation, Mexico’s federal environmental protection agency (Profepa) has had its budget cut by almost 50% over the past decade.
This is not good news for residents living near Monterrey, which received nearly half of all hazardous waste the U.S. exported in 2022, including not only steel dust but also hundreds of thousands of tons of lead batteries.
Lead is a highly poisonous metal and studies have shown that small exposures to lead can affect childhood brain development and contribute to preterm births, heart problems and kidney disease.
President Sheinbaum told reporters at her Thursday press conference that Mexico has been saying all along that the best solution to security, migration and other issues affecting both nations is close coordination. (Presidencia)
Before meeting with the nation’s mayors in Mexico City and traveling to the hurricane-battered city of Acapulco, President Claudia Sheinbaum held her penultimate morning press conference of the week at the National Palace.
Among the questions she fielded was one on remarks made by U.S. Senator and future secretary of state Marco Rubio and another on her meeting with Canadian business leaders on Wednesday.
WATCH: Rubio won't rule out military force against Mexican cartels | Trump confirmation hearings
Sen. Marco Rubio made the remarks during his Senate confirmation hearing to become the secretary of state under incoming U.S. president Donald Trump.
Sheinbaum agrees with Rubio — Mexico and the US should collaborate to combat cartels
A reporter asked Sheinbaum about the Mexico-related remarks made on Wednesday by Senator Marco Rubio — Donald Trump’s pick for secretary of state — during his Senate confirmation hearing.
“[Mexican cartels] are sophisticated criminal enterprises; they are terrorizing the United States, but they are sophisticated criminal enterprises.”
“Sadly, they also have operational control over huge swaths of the border regions between Mexico and the United States.”
“[U.S. military force against Mexican cartels] is an option the president has at his disposal. … I think President Trump is someone that never publicly discusses his options and leaves himself the flexibility to act.”
“I think there is a lot we can and will continue to do in close partnership with our allies in Mexico [to combat cartels]. I think there is more they can do as well to confront this challenge.”
“My preference would be, from the Department of State’s perspective, that we can work with Mexicans on this issue cooperatively because it is impacting their nation as much as ours.”
“My hope, in a perfect world, is that we could work in close collaboration with Mexican authorities to take these groups out.”
Sheinbaum also praised Rubio for acknowledging that the designation of cartels as terrorist organizations comes with “complications.” (Daniel Augusto/Cuartoscuro)
“… It is important for us not just to go after these groups but identify them and call them for what they are and that is terroristic in their nature,” Rubio said.
On Thursday, Sheinbaum said that her administration shares Rubio’s preference for “coordination” between Mexico and the United States on security issues.
“That is what we have been saying. That to attend to migration problems, security problems, drug-trafficking problems, the best thing is coordination at the highest level,” she said.
“Respecting each other’s sovereignty, we can collaborate and coordinate to reduce the crime rate in Mexico, avoid the passing of weapons from the United States to Mexico and at the same time we can contribute in all that is needed to reduce this fentanyl crisis they have in the United States,” Sheinbaum said.
The president described Rubio’s statement on his preference for security collaboration with Mexico as “very good,” and said it was “good news” that when Trump takes office next Monday there will be “space for this high-level coordination that is so important.”
She also said that Rubio acknowledged that the designation of cartels as terrorist organizations comes with “complications” due to the ways in which they operate.
Canadian companies are ‘eager’ to keep working in Mexico, Sheinbaum says
Sheinbaum noted that she met on Wednesday with representatives of various Canadian companies. Among the companies represented at the meeting were Scotiabank, Linamar, Canadian National Railway Company, Martinrea International, Palliser Furniture, TC Energy, Teck Resources and WestJet Airlines.
The president said there has to be “certain order in investment” so that it occurs where there are sufficient natural resources. She also said that foreign investment needs to come with the “guarantee” that it will create “well-paid jobs” in Mexico.
On those issues, there was “very good dialogue” with the Canadian business representatives, Sheinbaum said.
Many of the major cruise companies make stops in Ensenada due to the city's reputation for vineyards and culinary scene. (Shutterstock)
Ensenada, Baja California is the leading cruise destination on Mexico’s Pacific coast, according to the Cruises in Ensenada 2023-2024 report by Ensenada’s Cruise Committee.
The report by the committee of the Baja California Tourism Ministry revealed that the port city is also the third busiest in Mexico for passenger arrivals.
Cruise passengers brought in revenue of US $74.86 million to the city of Ensenada between 2023 and 2024, according to the Tourism Ministry report. (Wikimedia Commons)
“The cruise industry in Ensenada boosts the local economy and reinforces Baja California’s position as an attractive destination for international tourism,” the state’s Tourism Minister Miguel Aguíñiga Rodríguez said in a statement. “We will continue to focus on strengthening our tourism offering and improving the experiences we offer our visitors.”
Ensenada, located in the northern Baja California peninsula, is one of Mexico’s most popular wine destinations. Mainly known for its vineyards and the culinary scene of Valle de Guadalupe, companies like Royal Caribbean, Quantum of the Seas and Emerald Princess, among others, offer cruises with stops in the Californian port city.
The report revealed that between 2023 and 2024, the city received 272 cruises carrying over 900,000 passengers, of which 73% explored the townwith an average stay of five hours.
The greatest percentage of these visitors, at 92%, hailed from the United States, followed by travelers from Canada (4%) and the United Kingdom (2%).
Cruise passengers brought in revenue of US $74.86 million, with an average expenditure of US $63.68 per traveler and US $47.84 per crew member. Seventy-three percent of passengers did some shopping in the city during their visit.
Mexico’s legislators have postponed the application of a new US $42-dollar fee for every cruise ship passenger docking at Mexico’s ports, according to the Florida and Caribbean Cruise Association (FCCA).
The fee, which was proposed to come into effect starting in January, will now not be put into effect until July.
The study also identified various opportunities to diversify activities, enhance the variety of attractions, and improve local transportation services. The local government said these areas would be prioritized by the Ensenada Cruise Committee in 2025, through strategic actions that strengthen the local tourism value chain.
The report follows an announcement by Mexico’s lawmakers made early in December, postponing the application of a new US $42 fee for every cruise ship passenger docking at Mexico’s ports. The fee, originally scheduled to go into effect this month, will now be implemented in July.
It is yet to be seen how the new fee will impact cruise tourism in the country.
The French filmmaker apologized to anyone who may have taken offense at the musical comedy's take on Mexico's missing persons crisis. (Festival de Cannes and Emily Pérez Film/X)
French filmmaker Jacques Audiard defended and apologized for his film “Emilia Pérez” at its Mexican premiere Wednesday, addressing criticism surrounding its portrayal of drug trafficking and the nation’s crisis of missing persons.
Set to open in Mexican theaters next week, the film — which had 10 nominations and four wins at the Golden Globes Jan. 5 in Los Angeles — has polarized audiences with its narrative and casting choices.
Actors Adriana Paz and Selena Gomez pose with director Jacques Audiard, after the Golden Globe Awards. (Emilia Pérez Film/X)
At this week’s red-carpet event at the Auditorio Nacional in Mexico City, Audiard acknowledged the controversy, emphasizing that his intent was to portray Mexico’s social issues with empathy and caution.
“The drama of the missing is something that shocks me deeply,” Audiard said. “It’s a tragedy that’s largely invisible outside of Mexico, and my goal was to generate dialogue, not offense.”
Despite careful research, Audiard admitted he might have failed to convey the issue sensitively enough. “If you think I approached it too lightly, I apologize,” he said, adding, “Cinema’s purpose isn’t to provide answers but to provoke questions.”
Criticism also stemmed from the film’s predominantly non-Mexican cast, with only one Mexican actress, Adriana Paz, in a leading role.
Audiard said the casting decisions were partly influenced by financial considerations. “The choice of Selena Gomez, Karla Sofía Gascón and Zoe Saldaña was strategic to secure funding,” he said, while expressing admiration for the vast talent within Mexico.
Saldaña won a Golden Globe earlier this month for best supporting actress, and when the film premiered at Cannes last year, all four leads shared the festival’s best actress award.
Gascón, a Spanish trans actress who plays dual roles as Emilia Pérez and her former identity, a male cartel leader named Manitas del Monte, defended her connection to the story.
Spanish actress Karla Sofía Gascón as the title character of “Emilia Pérez.” (Pathé)
“I feel more Mexican than a cactus,” she said, highlighting the complexity of her character’s transformation from a ruthless criminal to a remorseful figure.
The film’s critical reception has been mixed.
Although it won best film (comedy or musical) and best non-English motion picture at the Golden Globes, Mexican critics have called it out for its superficial treatment of serious issues. Writer Jorge Volpi, for example, criticized the film’s lack of credibility.
Meanwhile, director Guillermo del Toro praised its artistic merits, describing it as “cinema in its purest form.”
Audiard maintained that “Emilia Pérez” reflects an “interpreted reality” of Mexico, likening its operatic style to storytelling that resonates emotionally rather than literally.
The controversy extends beyond the screen, with Gascón revealing she has received death threats on social media. Audiard, who avoids social media, expressed dismay at the personal attacks.
“I spent over four years crafting this story about a country I deeply respect,” he said. “I was very careful. I didn’t want to offend Mexicans, to hurt anyone.”
Ultimately, he said, he hopes the film will foster greater awareness of Mexico’s struggles with violence and forced disappearances.
“If this work can spark conversations and questions, it will have achieved something meaningful,” he said.
“Emilia Pérez” already had its Mexican premiere in October at the Morelia International Film Festival.
Now, following its festival circuit success, including a Jury Prize at Cannes, and Nov. 13 Netflix release outside of Mexico, the 132-minute film will open in wide release in Mexico on Thursday, Jan. 23.
Even that is not without controversy. The film has received the “Cinépolis Guarantee,” a seal of approval from the Mexico-based theater chain. This, however, has led to debate, as well, with some criticizing not only the film but also Cinépolis’ decision to endorse it.
Mexico's military are involved in the search for the missing, several of whom were youths. (Oaxaca Attorney General's Office/Twitter)
The disappearance of at least eight men in Oaxaca is linked to the sale of illicit drugs, state Security Minister Iván García Álvarez said Thursday.
The men, ranging in age from 17 to 44, disappeared earlier this month while traveling in the southern state.
The missing men were headed to what Oaxaca Attorney General José Bernardo Rodríguez Alamilla called a “work meeting” in the town of Río Grande. He also said the missing were all involved in street-level drug dealing. (X)
Many reports said they were traveling to the Pacific coast town of Puerto Escondido when they disappeared, but Oaxaca Attorney General José Bernardo Rodríguez Alamilla said Wednesday that they had been summoned to a “work meeting” in the town of Río Grande, located about 50 kilometers northwest of Puerto Escondido.
Various reports said that a total of 14 people disappeared, but the head of the Oaxaca Search Commission, Michel Julián López, said in a radio interview that only eight people are confirmed as missing. The Oaxaca Attorney General’s Office has said that missing person reports have only been filed for seven men.
García, the Oaxaca security minister, said Thursday that authorities had established that the disappearance of the men is related to “narcomenudeo,” or street-level drug dealing.
“The background is a drug-related issue. I can only say that,” he told reporters.
Rodríguez said Wednesday that six of the missing men had criminal records for crimes that included weapons possession, vehicle theft and making threats. He said that the men knew each other but didn’t all travel together after being called to a “work meeting” in Oaxaca’s coastal region. It was unclear whether they all disappeared at the same time.
Authorities had obtained information that allowed them to identify the alleged perpetrators of the abductions, García said. He mentioned the involvement of organized crime but didn’t identify any particular criminal organization.
Putting up missing persons posters for the disappeared. (Oaxaca Attorney General’s Office)
More than 100 people searching for the missing men
The Oaxaca Attorney General’s Office (FGEO) said in a statement on Wednesday that it had expanded search efforts to locate seven people reported as missing in the Central Valleys region of Oaxaca.
Search operations in the Central Valleys and Costa regions of Oaxaca in which over 100 people are participating are underway, the FGEO said.
It said that state and federal personnel, including members of the National Guard, the army and the navy were contributing to the search efforts.
The FGEO said it received reports of the missing people between Jan. 11 and 14. “The families of the victims indicated that they were seen for the last time at different points of the Central Valleys region,” it said.
The case, like others in Mexico, is murky
The disappearance of the young men in Oaxaca is reminiscent of the abduction and presumed murder of 43 young men in Guerrero in 2014. The case involving the 43 Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers College students remains murky and unresolved despite former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s pledge to get to the bottom of it and hold those responsible to account.
Regarding the case in Oaxaca, there has been — and there continues to be — uncertainty about how many people are missing and the circumstances of their disappearance.
In a statement on Tuesday, Oaxaca human rights agency DDHPO referred to the disappearance of 14 people in the Costa region of Oaxaca.
The El Universal newspaper reported on Thursday that the families of seven of the missing people have not filed missing persons reports, but have sought help to locate them in social media posts.
The missing men’s destination was Rio Grande, a rural community in southern Oaxaca. (Yo Amo Rio Grande Oaxaca/Facebook)
López, the head of the Oaxaca Search Commission, told El Heraldo radio that three of the missing men had made contact with family members from Río Grande, indicating that they made it to coastal region of Oaxaca. He denied that a total of 14 people were missing.
While many media outlets reported that the men were heading to the beach in Puerto Escondido, including in reports published on Thursday, the state attorney general said Wednesday that “what we know” from “some telephones and chats” to which authorities had access is that “someone had summoned them to a work meeting” in Río Grande.
He didn’t say what kind of work the men did, but the state security minister’s remarks on Thursday indicated that they were involved in criminal activities.
Rodríguez said that authorities were still trying to establish how many vehicles the missing men traveled in. He said that authorities so far had knowledge of one pickup truck and two motorcycles.
Who are the missing men?
Rodríguez said Wednesday that most of the missing men lived in the southern suburbs of Oaxaca city. He said they used to go to bars and nightclubs in the state capital.
Seven of the missing men have been identified. They are:
Luis Alberto Contreras Zúñiga, 44, last seen in a black pick-up truck in the municipality of Santa María Atzompa (near Oaxaca city) on Jan. 7.
Yurem de Jesús Barrios Martínez, 17, last seen in Oaxaca city on Jan. 7.
Omar Edwin García Gutiérrez, 30, last seen in the Central de Abastos market in Oaxaca city on Jan. 6.
Julio Alberto Quiroz González, 18, last seen in San Martín Mexicapam (near Oaxaca city) on Dec. 31.
Yair Morales Matias, 19, last seen in San Martín Mexicapam on Jan. 7.
Hugo Alberto Sierra Basilio, 33, last seen in Oaxaca city on Jan. 7.
A soldier stands guard along the Villahermosa-Teapa highway, where several bodies were found earlier this week. (Luis López/Cuartoscuro)
In response to rising violence in Tabasco, President Claudia Sheinbaum sent 180 soldiers and National Guardsmen to the Gulf Coast state this week.
“We have sent reinforcements from the Defense Ministry (Sedena) and the National Guard,” she said during her Wednesday morning press conference. “We are working with Governor [Javier] May to develop an effective strategy.”
The decision to reinforce the security detail in Tabasco comes as violence spiked in the state to a 10-year high last year, according to El País newspaper. Last October, a new criminal organization identifying itself as the Tabasco New Generation Cartel (CTNG) declared that it would protect residents from corrupt officials.
The rise in violent crime came to a head this week when seven dismembered bodies were found on the Villahermosa-Teapa highway alongside a narcomanta (narco banner) signed by the CTNG. Three other bodies were dumped at a cemetery in Nacajuca, about 30 kilometers north of Villahermosa, the state capital.
Additionally, police officials have increasingly been subject to armed attacks, with one ambush this week resulting in the death of an officer and the wounding of three others.
There was also a viral video in which alleged members of the notorious Jalisco New General Cartel (CJNG) handed out toys and slices of Rosca de Reyes across the state on Jan. 6. ACLED, a group that conducts analysis to describe and explore conflict trends, says the violence in Tabasco is the result of a turf war between the CJNG and local criminal gang “Los Barrenderos,” according to El País.
The president said her administration is working with Tabasco Gov. Javier May to establish an effective security strategy in the state. (Javier May7Facebook)
The current focus in Tabasco, Sheinbaum said, is addressing the needs of the state’s youth in an effort to prevent them from joining criminal gangs and emphasizing intelligence-gathering so as to identify and arrest top crime bosses.
“We are going to fortify our strategy and you will see the results,” she said, according to El Sol de México newspaper.
Sheinbaum declared on Wednesday that in addition to executing the four pillars of her national security strategy across the country, she is emphasizing “the development of specific strategies for each state while also preparing regional strategies.”
The four pillars of national security as presented on Oct. 8, 2024 are: addressing the root causes; consolidating the National Guard within Sedena; strengthening intelligence and investigative units; and, working hand-in-hand with state authorities.
Governor May thanked Sheinbaum after the arrival of the reinforcements. “[They] will enhance our security efforts … and we will restore peace and tranquility,” he said, according to El País.
Sheinbaum expressed confidence in May, who took office on Oct. 1, 2024. “He is a very good governor, very dedicated. He knows his state very well.”
At the same time, the president said she is not considering sending Security Minister Omar García Harfuch to Tabasco to oversee the implementation of the new strategy. García is presently in Sinaloa in northwestern Mexico, where he has personally taken charge of state security operations after a conflict within the Sinaloa Cartel caused a spike in murders and disappearances.
Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada, the alleged cofounder of the Sinaloa Cartel, was arrested in New Mexico in July 2024. (Cuartoscuro)
United States prosecutors said Wednesday that they are in talks with the legal team of alleged Sinaloa Cartel leader Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada over a potential plea deal.
Zambada, who co-founded the Sinaloa Cartel with convicted drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán and others, was arrested in the United States last July after he was allegedly kidnapped by one of El Chapo’s sons and forced onto a U.S.-bound private plane.
Joaquín Guzmán López, right, the son of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera, left, allegedly lured Zambada onto a private plane in July and flew him to a New Mexico airport, where they were both arrested by U.S. authorities. Guzmán López remains in U.S. custody. (U.S. DEA)
He pleaded not guilty to drug trafficking, money laundering and weapons charges during an appearance in a courthouse in Brooklyn, New York, last September.
In federal court in Brooklyn on Wednesday, assistant U.S. attorney Francisco Navarro said that prosecutors and Zambada’s legal team “have been engaged in discussions to resolve the case pre-trial.”
He said that no deal has been reached yet, but prosecutors want to keep trying.
Zambada’s lead lawyer, Frank Perez, declined to comment on the negotiations.
Judge Brian Cogan requested that the two parties keep working toward a plea deal for the alleged Sinaloa Cartel leader, and scheduled an April 22 hearing for an update.
The Associated Press reported that “it’s common for prosecutors and defense lawyers to explore whether they can reach a deal, and the talks don’t necessarily go anywhere.”
U.S. federal Judge Brian Cogan has allowed El Mayo to keep his lawyer, Frank Perez, seen here, despite the fact that Perez also represents El Mayo’s son, Vicente Zambada Niebla, who could be called to testify against his father in a trial. (Internet)
El Mayo chooses to stick with his lawyer despite potential conflict of interest
A “frail-looking” Zambada, 76, appeared in court “in a beige smock over an orange T-shirt and reading glasses dangling from the collar,” according to ABC News.
The focus of the hearing was whether the accused drug lord wanted Frank Perez to continue representing him even while representing Zambada’s son, Vicente Zambada Niebla, who could be called to give evidence against his father.
“I understand that upon representing two people in the same case there will be problems,” Zambada said through a court interpreter.
“But I don’t want a different attorney. I want Mr. Perez to represent me even if this presents a conflict,” he said.
Cogan allowed Zambada to retain the services of Perez, noting that the accused has other lawyers who could stand in for Perez in any aspects of the case related to their client’s son.
During the 2018-19 trial of “El Chapo” Guzmán, Zambada Niebla testified that his father was a leader of the Sinaloa Cartel, and provided details on the inner workings of the notorious criminal organization.
Reuters reported that “prosecutors with the Brooklyn U.S. Attorney’s office said in a Dec. 18 filing that they expected to include Zambada Niebla on their list of potential witnesses” in a trial involving Zambada, “but they could not estimate how likely it was that he would actually be called to testify.”
The Associated Press reported that Perez would be “hindered in cross-examining the son” if he testifies in his father’s case “because of the loyalty he owes both clients.”
El Mayo’s son, Vicente Zambada Niebla, after his arrest in Mexico City on drug trafficking charges in 2009. (Luz Acevedo/Cuartoscuro)
Zambada would be eligible for the death penalty if convicted on the charges he faces, but a plea deal — if reached — would presumably eliminate that possibility.
Before he was taken into custody, El Mayo avoided arrest for decades, maintaining a low profile as he hid out in the Sinaloa mountains. His arrest at the Doña Ana County International Jetport in New Mexico came after Joaquín Guzmán López, a leader of the “Los Chapitos” faction of the Sinaloa Cartel, apparently lured him to a meeting in Culiacán.
Zambada said he was subsequently kidnapped and forced onto a plane that took him to the United States. Guzmán López accompanied Zambada on the flight and was also arrested. He pleaded not guilty to drug trafficking and other charges during a hearing in Chicago last July.
The arrest of Zambada after his alleged kidnapping triggered a major escalation in a long-running dispute between the “Los Mayos” and “Los Chapitos” factions of the Sinaloa Cartel. The feud has claimed hundreds of lives in recent months.
