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Why pozole is more than just a Mexican stew

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The southern state of Guerrero is home to history, mountains, oceanfront paradise and traditional pozole. (Pinterest)

No state in Mexico has raised pozole to the level of culinary art quite like Guerrero. Of course, that’s only appropriate. Pozole is a stew (excepting pozole seco) whose main ingredient is corn — nixtamalized maize, to be exact, or hominy in English — and Guerrero is where corn was first created, 9,000 years ago. 

Originally domesticated in the Balsas River Basin in Guerrero from a species of teosinte called parviglumis, corn was a wonder of the ancient world. It took over 1200 years to spread as far as Panama and 2300 to reach Peru, but corn eventually became one of the most consumed foods on the planet. In its birthplace of Mexico, where there are now at least 59 varieties, it has always been assumed that pozole was a natural evolution from this invention. 

An aerial view of the cathedral and town of Taxco, Guerrero.
The mountainous, coastal state of Guerrero has elevated a traditional soup to new heights. (Raúl Varela/Unsplash)

The origins of pozole 

However, the origins of pozole are shrouded in controversy and contention. For instance, one of the most commonly shared stories about pozole is that the Mexica (Aztec) elites ate pozole with human flesh; essentially, committing cannibalism. This may or may not be true, but it must be noted that the oft-cited source, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, never mentions pozole by name. 

In fact, Alberto Peralta de Legarreta, who wrote the book on pre-Columbian food in Mexico (literally: “Cultura gastronómica en la Mesoamérica prehispánica”), insists that the word pozole was never used once in any pre-Hispanic text. He also explains that the Spanish authors who shaped our perception of this era, like Sahagún and Fray Diego Durán, didn’t use it either. They mention dishes of cooked corn, which may or may not have been pozole. After all, there are lots of corn dishes in Mexico.

The birth of pozole blanco, rojo and verde variations

Guerrero White Pozole
Pozole blanco, the original pozole, made Guerrero style. (Ix kimiaranda/Wikimedia)

That doesn’t mean pozole didn’t exist in pre-Columbian Mexico. It’s almost certainly a staple from great antiquity. But we don’t know much about its origins, only how it’s made — and even that is controversial. The first cookbook recipe Peralta could find for pozole is from 1937, a year before the Mexican president of the time, Lázaro Cárdenas, took control of the oil industry by expropriating wells from foreign owners. 

This period of patriotic fervor was profound for Mexican cuisine, particularly with dishes that mimic the colors of the Mexican flag, like the rojo, blanco and verde variations of pozole. One of them, pozole verde, my favorite, certainly originated in Guerrero, and pozole blanco, the original form of the dish, is sometimes credited to the state, too. 

However, the latter statement, like all those dealing with the early history of pozole, is unprovable. Nevertheless, Guerrero is famous for pozole verde and pozole blanco, just as Jalisco and Michoacán are hailed for their pozole rojo, and Colima for pozole seco.

How pozole is made in Guerrero

Nixtamalization, a Mesoamerican technique still used to this day, involves soaking dried corn in an alkaline solution, typically made from slaked lime. (Unsplash)

Corn is nixtamalized for pozole via several methods — typically by boiling it in an alkaline solution. Afterward, the kernels are left to steep overnight before being washed to remove the outer shell. Notably, this is the prelude to grinding to make nixtamalized tortillas. However, for those who don’t want to go through the traditional effort of making pozole from scratch, nixtamalized corn in a can may be found at almost any grocery.

The corn used as the base for pozole varies from state to state. In Guerrero, they use the ancho variety, not cacahuazintle, a more generically acceptable type. This is the first of many ways the state distinguishes its pozoles. Pork is the protein of choice in Guerrero and for pozole verde, for instance, tomatillo is used to color and flavor the sauce, as are herbs like hoja santa and epazote.

To make pozole blanco, the pork-and-corn-simmering-broth acquires seasoning via ingredients like onion, garlic, bay leaf, salt, pepper and oregano. It’s simple and delicious, with chilies added as preferred. Of course, depending upon what part of the state of Guerrero one resides in — coast, mountains or plateau — some regionally specific ingredients like eggs, chicharrón and sardines may be added to both pozole blanco and pozole verde.

In rare pozole verde recipes, chicken may be substituted for pork. This exception is observable nationwide, although pork is easily the most common meat in Guerrero and elsewhere. Then there are the fixings, added afterward — but more on that subject later.

Always on Thursday — the creation of jueves pozolero 

Pozole on a Thursday is a Guerrero staple. (Freepik)

The practice of serving pozole every Thursday, which originated in Guerrero and has now been picked up by restaurants in many states in Mexico, can be traced back to the 19th century in Iguala, where local families made it a custom. That’s one theory, anyway. Of course, many theories for how “jueves pozolero” began have been posited. 

An earlier tale links the birth of jueves pozolero to a crucial event in Mexican history: namely, the Embrace of Acatempan, an 1821 agreement between military leaders Agustín de Iturbide and Vicente Guerrero in the town of that name, Teloloapan municipality, in Guerrero — yes, it was named for him — that paved the way for Mexico’s independence from Spain. After the Thursday rapprochement, the two generals declared a feast, with a pig roasted for pozole served in clay pots. 

Another theory claims the practice arose near a famous nightclub in Acapulco in the 1980s — News Disco & Concert Hall or Baby’O, perhaps — where the music scene was especially popular on Wednesday nights. Thus, hungover patrons needed their pozole verde or blanco to cure the condition on Thursdays, and there was always a vendor nearby to assist. 

But who knows? Almost nothing about pozole is known with certainty. There are only legends and lore, so why not embrace them like Iturbide embraced Guerrero? 

Building the perfect pozole

Guerrero-style pozole verde ready for fixings. (Pabliotecario/Wikimedia)

There’s a process to taking all the fixings home and arranging them in the bowl. That’s part of the pleasure. The stew with pork and hominy is packaged in a large styrofoam cup and poured straight into the bowl. Then come the fixings. 

Oregano, onion and dried chili powder are rolled up in small foil balls and added as desired … as are the chicharrón — which I crumble — radish, avocado and lime; squeezed in the soup only. 

Lettuce or the alternative cabbage is optional, at least in my opinion. And, like all lovers of Guerrero-style pozole, I have developed strong opinions.

Chris Sands is a writer and editor for Mexico News Daily, and the former Cabo San Lucas local expert for the USA Today travel website 10 Best and writer of Fodor’s Los Cabos travel guidebook. He has also contributed to numerous other websites and publications, including The San Diego Union-Tribune, Marriott Bonvoy Traveler, Forbes Travel Guide, Porthole Cruise and Travel, and Cabo Living.

El Jalapeño: Guest who said ‘bueno, ya me voy’ at 9:14 p.m. reaches front gate at 1:37 a.m.

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Eduardo Ramirez found it harder than expected to leave a friend's dinner party in Mexico City. (This image was generated using AI tools)

All stories in El Jalapeño are satire and not real news. Check out the original article here.

MEXICO CITY — Local resident Eduardo Ramírez made significant progress toward departing a dinner party Thursday night, successfully reaching the host’s iron front gate at 1:37 a.m., roughly four hours and 23 minutes after executing his opening farewell statement at 9:14 p.m.

According to witnesses, Ramírez, 34, began the departure protocol by standing up, patting his knees, and uttering the traditional phrase “bueno, ya me voy.” The action immediately triggered a standard defensive maneuver from the host, who insisted that leaving before sampling a freshly brewed pot of café de olla and a final slice of flan would constitute a breach of basic hospitality.

Ramírez was expecting to be obligated to consume only one café de olla, not two. (Sergio Hayashi/Shutterstock)

“I made the tactical error of standing up while still within three meters of the dining table,” Ramírez later explained, noting he had then been trapped in a deep conversation regarding a distant cousin’s apartment renovation. “Once the host offered the second coffee, I knew my projected arrival at home was no longer possible.”

Ramírez’s exit operation hit several predictable logistical bottlenecks. Between 10:15 p.m. and 11:30 p.m., for example, he entered the mandatory individual farewell round, which required separate physical goodbyes, three distinct inquiries into the health of extended family members, and a full exchange of local news with each of the 12 attendees.

The situation further stalled at 12:45 a.m. near the hallway mirror, when a chance comment about upcoming weekend plans prompted a 45-minute debate on optimal driving routes.

Ramírez was last observed with his hand on the front door handle, locked in a crucial discussion about a reliable mechanic while his host held open the front gate to ensure he did not leave without taking some leftovers.

Check out our Jalapeño archive here.

Got an idea for a Jalapeño article? Email us with your suggestions!

Mexico City’s invisible recyclers fight for rights — and a share of the profits

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Pepenadores in Iztapalapa.
María, left, and her husband Rogelio were among the pepenadores who brought their firsthand knowledge of Mexico’s informal recycling economy to the forum’s policy discussions. (Tracy L. Barnett)

“Living from garbage doesn’t mean we become part of the garbage,” Soledad Mella told a packed auditorium in Iztapalapa, the Mexico City borough most burdened with the megacity’s massive waste stream. “We must dignify and defend our work. But above all, we must organize.”

The energetic grassroots recycler — referred to here in Mexico as a pepenadora — had carried her message all the way from Chile on an international tour through the region. She has carried that message from the streets and landfills of Santiago to international climate conferences and United Nations negotiations.

At Iztapalapa’s Forum on Inclusive Circular Economy, she spoke directly to Mexican pepenadores confronting a pivotal question: Will the country’s new circular economy become a route out of invisibility, or another lucrative industry that leaves them behind?

A push for legal recognition

Arnold Ricalde speaks at a recycling conference in Iztapalapa.
Arnold Ricalde, environmental adviser to Iztapalapa Mayor Aleida Alavez Ruiz and principal organizer of the forum, summarized its central purpose: “explore how to connect, incorporate and include grassroots recyclers in this new legislation.” (Tracy L. Barnett)

Mexico is estimated to have some 400,000 pepenadores separating waste in landfills and open-air dumps, according to the forum’s organizers, and more than 2 million people working throughout the informal recycling economy. Many labor in precarious conditions without Social Security, stable wages or legal recognition.

The Sept. 10 forum brought grassroots recyclers together with industry representatives, officials, academics and environmentalists at the Centro Cultural Iztapalapa. The crowd filled the auditorium and spilled into the lobby, where participants exchanged contacts and examined products made from recovered materials.

The event was organized by the alcaldía, or borough, of Iztapalapa and environmental activist Arnold Ricalde, an adviser to Iztapalapa Mayor Aleida Alavez Ruiz. The goal was to shape how Mexico’s new General Circular Economy Law is put into practice — and ensure that grassroots recyclers are not once again left on the margins.

The law, published Jan. 19, seeks to extend the useful life of products, recover and reuse materials and establish “extended producer responsibility,” requiring manufacturers to take greater responsibility for what happens to their products after use.

It also creates a National Circular Economy System charged with developing a national program and coordinating government agencies. Crucially for Soledad’s colleagues, the law formally defines both grassroots recyclers and “inclusive recycling.”

Translating law into action

Much of the practical work remains unresolved, however. The law’s regulations have yet to be published, and questions remain about how recyclers will be registered, gain access to Social Security, form cooperatives and sell materials directly to industry.

Perfect Day Mexico wasn’t dead after all. Now its opponents are headed to the Supreme Court

René Sánchez Galindo, the Environment Ministry’s director general of legal affairs, said the regulations must balance sharply different interests as rules are developed for each type of product.

“We have to ensure that the measures are viable for everyone: industry, consumers and grassroots recyclers,” he said. “There must be what we call economic viability.”

“We want to help bring these concepts down to earth and bring the spirit of Iztapalapa to the law,” Alavez said. “A law that people don’t know how to use is not operative.”

Iztapalapa as a living laboratory

Iztapalapa has reason to position itself as a laboratory for inclusive recycling. The borough of 1.8 million people is one of the country’s most important centers for the recovery, repair and resale of discarded materials. It also collects roughly 2,200 metric tons of waste every day.

Alfonso González May, the borough’s director general of urban services, said only 2% to 3% of that waste was being separated when the current administration took office. The share has since risen to 8%, with separation taking place along 37 collection routes.

“This 8% has been achieved little by little, through different strategies,” González said. “We don’t want to give the mayor impressive numbers that have nothing to do with reality.”

Participants seated around a table at a recycling conference in Mexico City.
Grassroots recyclers joined representatives from industry, government, academia and civil society in five facilitated working groups focused on PET, other plastics, paper and cardboard, metals and electronics. They examined four central challenges: social security, tax registration, training and direct purchases of recovered materials by industry. (Tracy L. Barnett)

The borough has expanded a once-weekly collection program for unwanted furniture, appliances and household debris into six weekly “junk days.” The program is intended to prevent residents from hiring informal haulers who may later abandon the items in vacant lots or on street corners.

Local initiatives and youth programs

Another initiative will collect used cooking oil at public markets and government offices. Residents will be encouraged to store the oil in bottles and deliver it separately to municipal collection crews. The oil will then be transferred to a private company for conversion into energy instead of being poured into drains, where it contributes to clogs and flooding.

The borough’s sustainable development office has identified more than 500 local circular-economy enterprises, ranging from cellphone, appliance and shoe repair shops to upholstery businesses and artisans working with discarded cardboard, textiles, wood and plastic.

Its “Soldando Iztapalapa” program trains young people to repair damaged metal furniture. Participants have restored more than 10,000 school desks that otherwise would have entered the waste stream, said Adriana Bustamante Castellanos, Iztapalapa’s director general of sustainable development.

“That means 10,000 objects that are not becoming waste,” she said, “and young people who have acquired knowledge, experience and a sense of service to their community.”

Other initiatives include a public recycling point outside the cultural center, neighborhood composting workshops and an ecocanje program that exchanges recyclable plastics for basic food products and vegetables grown in local greenhouses and community gardens.

National waste challenges

Iztapalapa cardboard and paper recycling ideas.
A “harvest” of agreements, challenges and recommendations from the paper-and-cardboard working group. Proposals from all five groups were compiled to help guide Iztapalapa’s decisions and the implementation of Mexico’s new General Circular Economy Law. (Tracy L. Barnett)

The borough is also developing a composting plant that will use black soldier fly larvae to process organic waste from markets, businesses, child development centers and community facilities.

Those local advances remain small compared with the national scale of the waste problem. Mexico generates more than 139,000 metric tons of urban solid waste daily, according to the federal Environment Ministry’s 2026 national assessment.

Only 5% receives any form of treatment, while 72% undergoes no recovery or valorization process. Of the country’s 2,250 final-disposal sites, just 52 operate as sanitary landfills meeting adequate standards.

Mella came to Mexico with a warning drawn from Chile’s experience. When that country adopted its extended producer responsibility law, she said, grassroots recyclers were initially excluded. They fought their way into the system through political pressure and organization.

Organizing against corporate interests

Mella distilled their demands into three points: formal recognition of recycling as work; dignified conditions supported by equipment, infrastructure and social protections; and payment for the service recyclers provide, rather than compensation based solely on the fluctuating value of the materials they collect.

“The garbage and recycling sector is a business model,” she said. “There are many interests that want to take what belongs to us and remove us from that space.”

Chilean grassroots recycling leader Soledad Mella, left, with Ecuadorian participant Jadira Vivanco of Fundación Avina in Quito.
Chilean grassroots recycling leader Soledad Mella, left, with Ecuadorian participant Jadira Vivanco of Fundación Avina in Quito. “We are no longer invisible. We are no longer voiceless,” Mella told the forum. (Tracy L. Barnett)

Without a just transition that allows grassroots recyclers to compete, she added, “the sharks — the large companies — are going to eat us.”

Abel Balderas, who began working as a pepenador at age 8 and now leads Mexico’s National Recyclers Movement, echoed Mella’s call for organization and recognition.

“We are the experts,” he said. “You are the ones who can teach what can be recycled, what cannot, which material works and which doesn’t.”

Breaking down barriers

Following the presentations, participants divided into five dialogue groups focused on polyethylene terephthalate (PET), other plastics, paper and cardboard, metals and electronics. Each table included recyclers, companies, government officials, academics and civil society organizations.

They were asked to develop recommendations around four central issues: Social Security, tax-system inclusion, training and direct purchases of materials by industry.

At most tables, participants with sharply different interests managed to identify common barriers — particularly the bureaucracy involved in permits and formalization — and develop preliminary proposals.

Guadalajara residents turn to citizen science as water crisis deepens

The metals table proved the most contentious. Facilitator Adelita San Vicente, best known for her decades defending Mexico’s native corn and seeds, struggled as automotive industry representatives, the primary buyer of these materials, raised one objection after another while calling for a zero tax rate.

“Sharks,” she called them afterward, echoing Mella’s warning.

For Mella, legislation alone will not prevent that outcome. Grassroots recyclers must have seats at the tables where regulations and product-specific rules are written.

“If we are not actors and protagonists in this history,” she said, “once again we will be left out of the process.”

Her movement’s slogan reduces that argument to but a few words:

“Recycling without recyclers is garbage.”

Tracy L. Barnett is a Guadalajara-based freelance writer and the founder of The Esperanza Project.

In photos: The spirit of Mexican independence comes alive in Vienna

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a young boy waving a mexican flag standing in front of a group of girls
Mexico's Independence Day was celebrated Sept. 12 in Vienna's Mexikoplatz for the city’s few but proud Mexican residents. (Jimmy Monack)

The little boy, perhaps 3 years old, had everyone’s attention, dancing unrestrained and joyous with his little Mexican flag.

For that moment, he had traded schnitzel for tacos.

Mexico’s Independence Day was celebrated Sept. 12 in Vienna, Austria, for the city’s few but proud Mexican residents in a place appropriately called Mexikoplatz. 

The square’s name recognizes a little-known act of courage when, in 1938, Mexico became the only country to lodge an official complaint with the League of Nations against Adolf Hitler’s annexation of Austria.

Mexico's Independence Day celebration in Vienna's Mexikoplatz.
Mexico’s Independence Day was celebrated Sept. 12 in Vienna’s Mexikoplatz for the city’s few but proud Mexican residents. (Jimmy Monack)

A Grito de Independencia fit for Vienna

According to Javier Basulto, a minister at the Mexican Embassy in Vienna, there are roughly 2,500 Mexicans living in all of Austria. The embassy, which also represents Mexico in Slovakia and Slovenia, coordinated the celebration alongside the Mexico-Austria Association. 

The event showcased traditional dancers, food stands, a cumbia band and even a Grito de Independencia performed by the ambassador himself, José Antonio Zabalgoitia Trejo.

While dancers in Oaxacan dresses warmed up the gathering crowd, it was the Grito de Independencia that officially started the party. 

While the ambassador didn’t have a roaring crowd of 300,000 and extravagant fireworks displays, like in Mexico City’s Zócalo, the roughly 500 people in attendance cheered with no less fervor. 

Mexico and Austria’s shared history

Despite the jubilant atmosphere, there’s an irony to the whole thing.

In 1864, Habsburg dynasty Emperor Maximilian, younger brother of Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph, was installed as emperor of Mexico, with the backing of Napoleon III of France and Mexico’s conservative faction at the time.

He and his wife, Carlota, transformed Chapultepec Castle, formerly a military college, into a European-style imperial residence that reflected the Habsburg world Maximilian had left behind. 

However, it was all for naught. After France withdrew its troops, Benito Juárez’s Republican forces closed in on the crumbling empire. Maximilian was captured at Querétaro in 1867 and executed by firing squad, effectively restoring the Mexican Republic.

Mexico's Independence Day celebration in Vienna's Mexikoplatz.
Mexico’s Independence Day was celebrated Sept. 12 in Vienna’s Mexikoplatz for the city’s few but proud Mexican residents. (Jimmy Monack)

But who thinks about executions when a cumbia band is playing, right?

Enter Los Nopaleros, a Vienna-based cumbia and psychedelic Latin-rock band whose members hail from Mexico, Argentina, Colombia and Austria.

The buoyant mood saw kids and the elderly dancing arm-in-arm, as the ambassador was showered with compliments and congratulations. 

The wholesome Vienna celebrations were a far cry from the boozy Cinco de Mayo activities that often make headlines in the U.S., and which many mistakenly believe honor Mexican independence

Two distinct cultures, one shared spirit

It’s easy to write events like the one in Austria off as quaint, but they are undoubtedly significant for small communities. 

The cultures of Mexico and Austria could hardly be more different. Just compare cumbia to waltzing. The contrasting styles need little explanation. 

Mexico's Independence Day celebration in Vienna's Mexikoplatz.
Mexico’s Independence Day was celebrated Sept. 12 in Vienna’s Mexikoplatz for the city’s few but proud Mexican residents. (Jimmy Monack)

But small communities all over the world keep themselves alive in much the same way: with food, music, stories and the occasional excuse to crowd together in a public square.

Somewhere in that crowd, the little boy was still dancing, tiny Mexican flag in hand. 

For a few hours in Vienna, Mexico was not 6,000 miles away. Its spirit could be felt right there in Mexikoplatz.

Jimmy Monack is a teacher, photographer and award-winning writer. He profiles interesting people all around the world as well as writing about and photographing rock concerts. He lives in Mexico City. www.jimmymonack.com

MND Tutor | Sheinbaum’s El Grito

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Welcome to MND Tutor! This interactive learning tool is designed to help you improve your Spanish by exploring real news articles from Mexico News Daily. Instead of just memorizing vocabulary lists or grammar rules, you’ll dive into authentic stories about Mexican culture, current events and daily news.

Mexican president Claudia Sheinbaum delivered Mexico’s annual Cry of Independence, El Grito de Independencia, from the National Palace balcony. She celebrated the country’s heroes, Indigenous and Afro-Mexican communities, migrants and national sovereignty. More than 300,000 people gathered in the Zócalo for the celebrations, which included fireworks and musical performances.

Discover more about president Sheinbaum’s speech and why it matters in our latest MND Tutor.

To learn more, read the full article here.



Let us know how you did!

Check out our complete MND Tutor archive here!

From the archive: How do I know it’s a ‘no’? A comprehensive guide for foreigners

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A young woman covers her face in embarrassment
Mexicans have a strong aversion to saying "no." How to tell when they're actually trying to turn you down. (Ivan Aleksic/Unsplash)

The goal of our “From the Archive” series is to revisit popular stories that capture the unique history and culture of life in Mexico. This Sarah DeVries article — originally published in November 2024 — is a humorous look at why Mexicans won’t say “no,” and how to know when they’re telling you “no” without actually saying it.


Mexicans are famous for their polite social graces and good humor. Unfortunately, they’re also known for a strong aversion to saying “no” or saying anything negative at all.

But what one sees as polite omission, another might take as flat-out lying. Being polite while also communicating what you mean can be a tricky balancing act; it’s true. And for those of us from more direct cultures, it’s downright opaque. Why would someone just not say what they mean?

Catrina in Mexico
If you’re waiting for a Mexican to come right out and definitively answer “no” to any of your questions, you’re going to be waiting for a very long time. (Cortor Media/Unsplash)

Nothing is as simple as it seems, I suppose. Still, there are plenty of recognizable broad strokes we can examine here.

A lesson in keeping the negative to yourself

An impressive example of this tendency came years ago when I lived in Querétaro. I’d been working at a language school then — the kind that says they’ll help with immigration papers but never do. It was someone’s birthday, and teachers and students alike all went out to a bar to celebrate. It was a good time!

The next day, the director of the school told us teachers that one of the students wouldn’t be coming to class that day; there’d been an issue with his car. What was the issue? Someone had broken into it and stolen his car radio and CD player!

And when had this happened? It wasn’t when we were inside the bar, no. It happened at the school before we all left. He’d given some of us a ride, even, and had said nothing about his missing equipment.

It’s been almost 20 years, and I’m still shocked he kept that in.

He didn’t want to say anything about it because he didn’t want to ruin the evening before it had even begun. I myself would have been physically incapable of not saying anything. Just, wow.

From the archive: Learning Spanish? Don’t be shy or afraid of making mistakes

Now that I’ve been here a while longer, I’ve seen more examples. People simply seem loath to talk about things that will make people gloomy. What for? We can get sad all on our own, after all.

So the first rule of communication, then, is to not disappoint. That is, of course, if you want the person you’re talking to to feel good. I’d personally rather be momentarily disappointed than later be sitting around like a dummy waiting for someone who’s not going to show, but that’s on me, I guess.

So knowing that “no” is a “no-no word” here, how might you decipher what people mean when they give you an answer?

Words that actually mean ‘no’: a guide for foreigners

Well, that’s just what I’m here to help you with! Below is a list of “actually, that might mean ‘no'” words and phrases.

‘Gracias’

This one is tricky. I sometimes have to stop myself from pedantically saying, “Um, that’s not one of the options for a yes or no question.” I can tell you from experience that challenging someone’s politeness in this way makes you look like an ass.

The way I’ve personally gotten around this is to pause comically and ask, “¿Gracias ‘sí’ o gracias ‘no’?” That will usually get a grin and an actual answer, which, by the way, is almost always “Gracias, no.” Remember that you can use it, too! It’s especially helpful when you’re wandering through a market and merchants are offering their wares. It also usually works if the “market” is coming to you in the form of individual sellers! An emphatic “muchas gracias” will usually transmit the idea that, while you are very grateful for the offer, you will not be purchasing a bottle of perfume on that particular day.

Two Mexican men on a street in Guanajuato
Can you help me with that thing? “A lo mejor sí.” (Matt Hanns Schroeter/Unsplash)

‘A lo mejor sí’

“A lo mejor” is a phrase that means “probably” or “likely.” It’s important to note, then, that all interpretations leave some wiggle room for it maybe not working out. If it doesn’t actually work out, well, they haven’t lied! There was always a chance.

This is, to me, one of the more dismissive ways to say no, a kind of “uh-huh, sure” version. In Mexico, this kind of dismissive “doing what you can to leave the conversation already” is called “dar el avión” (to … give the plane?). And when you “das el avión,” it’s often detectable. There are two likely outcomes of this, then. One is that the other person sighs, gives up and goes on their way. Another is that they get frustrated: “¡No me des el avión!” If that happens, you’d better think of a better, more convincing way to say “no.”

‘Déjame ver/checar’

This one is similar to “a lo mejor sí” in that it’s very likely to be an actual “no.” It means “Let me see” and “Let me check.” Spoiler alert: they will likely conclude, and may or may not tell you, that the result of the seeing/checking was negative.

‘Ahorita’

This is one that my kid uses on me all the time, and it drives me crazy. We speak in English together, so her version is “in a minute.” “Ahorita” could be when someone will definitely do something right then. Or it could mean anywhere from right that moment to when hell freezes over.

In my experience, it’s typically the latter, or after the person’s finally been worn down from enough nagging about it. So beware, people. If you’re hearing “ahorita” from your partner frequently and it’s not turning out to be “right now for real” kind, there will probably be some frustration in your future.

‘Estamos en contacto’

This one is kind of fun because it sounds so official and business-like. “We’ll be in touch.” Oh, will we? Most people don’t intend for this to be a lie; it’s just nicer to say than, “We may never see each other again, I don’t know, but you’re pleasant enough.”

Everything you need to know about Mexican hand gestures

Alas, this is a short list. I’ve got a word limit! But I’d love to hear more examples of “This is what they actually meant” in the comments. Consider this your official call for stories!

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sarahedevries.substack.com.

The MND News Quiz of the Week: September 19th

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News quiz
(Mexico News Daily)

What's been going on in the news this week? Our weekly quiz is here to keep you on top of what’s happening in Mexico.

Get informed, stay smart.

Are you ready?  Let’s see where you rank vs. our expert community!

Mexico’s Grito de Independencia, an iconic feature of Independence Day celebrations, was originally uttered by Miguel Hidalgo in what year?

What food is traditionally associated with Mexico’s Independence Day?

The WTA Guadalajara Open is currently being contested in Zapopan. Who won the tournament last year?

In a recent Mexico and My Money article, it was revealed that what percentage of foreign residents in Mexico have a Mexican credit card?

Which state is considered the safest in Mexico by its residents, according to a recent national survey?

Following a tax on sodas, what foods are being targeted next via a congressional proposal?

A recent death from brain-eating amoeba in Yucatán was attributed to a rare disease found most commonly in water bodies between what temperature range?

A new bilateral Colorado River agreement between the U.S. and Mexico has what result?

How many U.S. troops were recently cleared for joint training in Chihuahua?

What is the name of the new dog in the National Palace?

Mexico’s week in review: Independence Day fireworks give way to trade deal hopes

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As part of celebrations marking the 216th anniversary of Mexico's independence, the Mexican Air Force conducted several flyovers in the Mexico City area and México state.
As part of celebrations marking the 216th anniversary of Mexico's independence, the Mexican Air Force conducted several flyovers in the Mexico City area and México state. (Rogelio Morales/Cuartoscuro)

Mexico’s Independence Day on Sept. 16 was the focal point this past week, even as less celebratory news circulated. Over the weekend, 21-year-old Spanish exchange student Claudia Tacoronte Aguilera, attending the Autonomous University of Morelos (UAEM) in Cuernavaca, Morelos, was stabbed and killed in Cuautla — the fourth femicide of a UAEM student just this year. On Thursday, Morelos authorities announced the arrest of a suspect, Francisco Javier “N,” but the attack on Tacoronte and the emergency medical response were met with indignation both locally and in Spain.

Also on Sept. 12, Pemex admitted it had contained another oil spill off the coast of Campeche, which the Navy and the state oil company moved quickly to seal and clean up — a contrast to the government’s slower handling of a major spill in February. Meanwhile, the peso spent most of the week trading above 17 to the dollar, weakening toward its worst week since March as markets digested the U.S. Federal Reserve’s decision to raise interest rates for the first time since 2023, narrowing the Mexico-U.S. rate differential.

Didn’t have time to catch this week’s top stories? Here’s what you missed.

Industrial activity posts best growth in years

Mexico’s industrial sector delivered its strongest annual performance in nearly three years in July, with industrial activity up 2.4% in seasonally adjusted terms, according to INEGI — triple June’s 0.8% reading and the best showing since November 2023.

Construction led the gains, climbing 6.7% annually, while mining rose 1.6% and manufacturing grew 1.3%. Month-over-month growth was 0.5%, a second straight month of sequential gains. Still, industrial activity is up just 0.4% for the first seven months of 2026, a modest rebound after a 1.3% contraction in 2025, with manufacturing down 0.7% year-to-date. Economists at Grupo Financiero Monex expect only “moderate” growth ahead, citing USMCA-related uncertainty and U.S. tariffs on vehicles, steel and aluminum.

Coahuila is Mexico’s safest state

For the first time, Coahuila topped INEGI’s national safety perception survey, the 2026 ENVIPE, with just 27.8% of residents calling the state unsafe due to crime — a 9.9-point improvement that pushed Baja California Sur out of the top spot.

Coahuila registered only 100 homicides in 2025, a turnaround from more than 1,100 killings in 2012, when cartels such as Los Zetas and the Gulf Cartel dominated large swaths of the state. Analysts credited beefed-up federal forces and prevention programs. Governor Manolo Jiménez Salinas, in office since December 2023, credited “great teamwork.” Nationally, the picture is less rosy: 74% of adults still consider their state unsafe, and México state overtook Morelos this year as Mexico’s least safe state, with 90% of respondents reporting security concerns.

Mexico’s independence is celebrated at home and abroad

On Tuesday night, President Sheinbaum delivered her second Grito de Independencia from the National Palace balcony before a crowd the Mexico City government estimated at more than 300,000 in the Zócalo, marking 216 years since Miguel Hidalgo’s original Cry of Dolores.

Sheinbaum issued 21 arengas honoring independence heroes including Hidalgo, Josefa Ortiz, Leona Vicario and Vicente Guerrero, alongside Mexico’s Indigenous and Afro-Mexican peoples and migrants abroad, several of whom were included in a national Grito for the first time.

Abroad, Iran marked the holiday by lighting Tehran’s Azadi Tower in green, white and red, the first time the landmark has been illuminated in tribute to Mexico — an occasion the Mexican ambassador to Iran called “a great gesture of friendship.” In New York City, Mayor Zohran Mamdani served as grand marshal of Brooklyn’s Mexican Independence Day parade, days after U.S. Vice President JD Vance mocked a Mexican flag-carrying protester at a Dallas rally.

Mexico’s president receiving the national flag before performing the annual Grito, or Cry, of Independence from the balcony of the National Palace. (Jessica Ramírez/Presidencia)

Antitrust regulators probe Liga MX

Mexico’s National Antitrust Commission (CNA) has opened an investigation into whether Liga MX operates as a monopoly, examining whether a small group is unfairly controlling “affiliation, organization and access” to professional soccer competitions in violation of federal competition law. The probe follows Liga MX’s 2020 decision — upheld through the 2026-27 season by the Court of Arbitration for Sport — to scrap promotion and relegation with the second-tier Liga Expansión and end payouts to lower-tier clubs, a move Liga Expansión officials fiercely disputed. No defendants have been named; the probe can run up to 120 business days and be extended. If wrongdoing is found, Liga MX and its clubs could face fines of up to 10% of annual income.

CFE advances Project Oasis in Baja California Sur

The Federal Electricity Commission unveiled Project Oasis BCS, a solar, battery and green hydrogen initiative meant to bring reliable power to the isolated Mulegé region, which has no direct connection to the national grid and has historically relied on fossil fuels.

The project pairs a 72-megawatt photovoltaic plant with a battery system, electrolyzers to produce hydrogen and fuel cells to convert it back into electricity for use when sunlight is scarce. CFE projects the initiative will serve 40,000 households and cut emissions equivalent to taking more than 31,000 vehicles off the road annually. If completed, it would be CFE’s first-ever green hydrogen power generation project.

Democracy index shows modest gains

According to International IDEA’s annual Global State of Democracy report, released on Tuesday, Mexico’s democracy score edged up slightly in 2025 — Sheinbaum’s first full year in office — rising to 1.778 out of 4 from 1.770 the year before. The country improved in rule of law and participation, held steady in rights and declined in representation, its best-ranked category at 83rd out of 173 nations. Mexico ranked in the top 100 in only one of the four measured categories. The report’s authors flagged rising political polarization and “us versus them” identity politics as threats across Latin America, while separately noting democratic backsliding tied to the Trump administration’s consolidation of executive power in the U.S.

Sheinbaum responds to Trump cartel pressure

Responding to a Trump “presidential determination” pressuring Mexico to take “additional action” against cartels and arrest complicit officials, Sheinbaum turned the spotlight on U.S. drug consumption, asking what Washington is doing to curb domestic drug demand, money laundering and the flow of American-made weapons into Mexico.

Under pressure from Trump on cartels, Sheinbaum turns spotlight on US drug use

“We don’t need to be judged from the outside,” Sheinbaum said, insisting “we know what Mexico’s problems are and we act against them every day.” Trump’s determination, submitted to Congress on Tuesday, named Mexico among 23 countries as major drug producers or transit points and singled out Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya — on leave amid U.S. accusations of cartel collusion but still free — as an official Washington wants arrested. The exchange came a week after Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Mexico isn’t doing enough against cartels, even as he acknowledged Mexican efforts had increased.

Record fuel bust in Guanajuato

Authorities announced on Thursday that they had seized 59 million liters of stolen fuel at a property in San José Iturbide, Guanajuato — the largest single-site fuel bust in Mexican history and roughly five times last year’s record seizure in Tamaulipas. The operation traces to a July 3 arrest involving a tanker truck loaded with stolen fuel, which led investigators to the storage facility, capable of holding up to 80 million liters. No arrests had been made as of Friday, and officials say specialized personnel will be needed to safely handle the seized hydrocarbons. Guanajuato’s security minister said the bust would help choke off a funding source for organized crime in a state that has seen four smaller fuel-theft busts this year.

Trade talks hover ahead of US midterms

The fourth round of formal USMCA-related trade talks between Mexico and the United States is tentatively set for next week, with officials on both sides eager to hammer out a deal before U.S. midterm elections on Nov. 3, according to sources interviewed by Reuters.

A framework deal would benefit both governments: Trump wants an economic win as he risks losing control of Congress, while Mexico is contending with investor unease and a cooling economy. The push follows the collapse last month of parallel U.S.-Canada trade talks, making the Mexico-U.S. track an effort at an interim bilateral deal.

According to José Medina Mora, president of Mexico’s Business Coordinating Council (CCE), the elimination of Section 232 tariffs, which place duties on aluminum, steel and automobiles, is expected to be a primary focus.

Pups in the news

  • Rollo, an adopted mixed-breed puppy, is the National Palace’s newest resident, officially tasked with supporting “the emotional well-being of everyone,” per government videos; his brother Theo still awaits adoption, and the palace’s resident cats, including Coco and Zeus, remain in place.

  • In Morelia, a dog named Maple dressed as a taco stand won the city’s inaugural Patriotic Pup Contest, beating roughly 40 costumed competitors, with runners-up dressed as an elote-and-pork-loin vendor and a pozole bowl nearly twice their size.

And the winner is . . . Maple, dressed as a street vendor of everybody’s favorite taco — al pastor — with “pastor” meaning shepherd and the stand’s name —”alemán” — meaning German. Get it?

Looking ahead

Next week brings a busy convergence of bilateral trade and security missions as well as the potential for currency swings.

The fourth round of USMCA-focused trade talks in Washington, D.C., could yield either a resolution or more setbacks. According to reporting by Politico, a preparatory call between Trump and Sheinbaum on Wednesday may have placed more topics on the discussion table than just Section 232 tariffs.  However, Sheinbaum said after the call that “we’re making progress on trade issues.”

Any signs of progress or friction on tariffs are poised to move the peso. Meanwhile, 139 U.S. Army soldiers from the 101st Airborne Division are scheduled to land in Chihuahua on Sept. 20 for 11 days of joint training exercises with Mexican forces at the Centro Nacional de Adiestramiento, the military’s largest training facility.

Mexico News Daily


This story contains summaries of original Mexico News Daily articles. The summaries were generated by Claude, then revised and fact-checked by a Mexico News Daily staff editor.

Junípero Serra: A complex character with a controversial legacy

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Mission in Jalpan de Serra
The Junípero Serra founded mission in Jalpan de Serra showcases an architectural style that has come to be known as "mestizo baroque." (Tobiascontreras/Wikimedia Commons)

Standing in the plaza of Jalpan de Serra, a town in Querétaro’s remote, mountainous Sierra Gorda, I gazed up in awe at an enormous, intricately designed mission. Having lived in California for 30 years, I was familiar with the missions, designed by the Franciscan priest Junípero Serra, and for whom one of the busiest freeways in the Bay Area is named. But none of the California missions I’d visited were anywhere near as elaborate and baroque as this structure. In fact, I later learned that the style of the five Sierra Gorda missions is known as “mestizo baroque.”

Junípero Serra, a priest from the island of Mallorca, achieved his dream of becoming a missionary in the Americas at the age of 36, in 1749. After disembarking in Veracruz, he refused to ride horseback to Mexico City, instead journeying on foot the entire 270 miles, despite a severe leg injury. Five months later, he walked another 175 miles from Mexico City to the Sierra Gorda. He used the motto siempre adelante (always forward) to drive his missionary zeal.

Junípero Serra has been canonized by the Catholic Church for founding Franciscan missions in Querétaro, Baja California and what is now the U.S. state of California during the 18th century. (Public Domain)

In the Sierra Gorda, he evangelized the local population and used the sweat of the Pame, local Indigenous people, to build the five missions that, 250 years later, would become a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

There are several reasons for the dramatic difference in style between the two sets of missions, those in the interior of Mexico and the later ones on the Pacific coast, from Baja California to present-day San Francisco.

Location

The Sierra Gorda missions were close to rich colonial centers, like Mexico City, Querétaro and Guadalajara, which served as supply hubs, as well as to well-established trade routes and ample financial backing from New Spain.

Don’t miss Mexico’s amazing aqueducts

On the other hand, the missions in Alta California (now the U.S. state of California) were built in remote, isolated outposts, thousands of miles from supply ports. Few overland routes existed, which forced Serra to rely on infrequent supply ships.

Skilled labor

In Mexico, the local Pame and other Indigenous artisans had been carving stone for centuries. After being converted, they blended Catholic iconography with Indigenous symbols, creating a hybrid of rich, intricate facades that look as if carved from stone filigree rather than masonry.

In contrast, unskilled workers in Alta California used local sun-dried adobe bricks, timber and river stones, resulting in a much simpler style.

The goal of the missions

Monument to Junípero Serra in Jalpa de Serr
Monument to Junípero Serra in Jalpa de Serra, the Querétaro town that now bears his name. (A01376748 Eric/Wikimedia Commons)

In Mexico, the imposing mission architecture was designed to convey permanent control over wealthy interior mining and agricultural zones, whereas in Alta California the missions were built as a military strategy. International law at the time required actual physical settlement to hold a region. Placing missions next to military forts along the coast created a visible barrier against Russian fur traders moving south from Alaska and British explorers from the Pacific Northwest.

Leadership style differences

In addition to architecture, Serra’s way of governing also differed. While he used the same forced Catholic conversion and paternalism in both areas, his treatment of the locals differed. In the Sierra Gorda, he spent nine years learning the Pame language, translating catechisms, teaching European farming techniques and helping the Pames defend their agricultural plots from predatory Spanish soldiers and landowners. And he allowed the well-integrated Pames a high degree of freedom.

In California, however, Serra’s treatment of the Indigenous people was very mixed. On one hand, he wrote letters and reports condemning the violence, rape and mistreatment of native women by Spanish military officers, even walking hundreds of miles to Mexico City to meet directly with the viceroy to secure a “bill of rights” for Indigenous people.

The year Querétaro translated me and taught me a new grammar for living

But he was a harsh disciplinarian. Indigenous people were subjected to confinement in crowded, unsanitary conditions; forced labor; and corporal punishment if they tried to leave. Tragically, the isolated missions in Baja and Alta California also became vectors for European epidemic diseases, to which the local population had no immunity, leading to huge population decline, whereas the Pame had already developed relative immunity.

Reactions to Serra’s canonization

Pope Francis canonized Serra in 2015, during a visit to the United States. After such a complicated life, it’s no wonder that his canonization was greeted with very mixed reactions, especially in the U.S. Many traditional Hispanics cheered the decision, seeing it as a long-overdue acknowledgment by the Church of the role the Spanish-speaking missionaries played in bringing the faith to the Americas.

Others condemned the canonization, protesting at the archdioceses in Los Angeles and Washington, D.C., and dubbing Serra the “saint of genocide.” They were also disappointed that Pope Francis canonized Serra when only a few months earlier he had apologized for the “grave sins” committed against Indigenous peoples during the conquest of the Americas.

Mexicans were ambivalent. Because most Mexicans are mestizo — a mix of Spanish Catholic and Indigenous — people wrestled with practicing a deep faith that they loved, yet with the painful awareness that it was introduced through brutal colonial subjugation.

Clearly, Junípero Serra was a complex character. On one hand, he went out of his way to defend Indigenous and women’s rights, yet at the same time betrayed a lack of respect for their human dignity and agency. I suspect he will always be viewed as a complicated historical figure with a controversial legacy.

Louisa Rogers and her husband Barry Evans divide their lives between Guanajuato and Eureka, on California’s North Coast. Louisa writes articles and essays about expat life, Mexico, travel, physical and psychological health, retirement and spirituality. Her recent articles are available on her website, authory.com/LouisaRogers.

The story of Hotel Mocambo, Mexico’s original luxury beach resort

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Nearly 90 years after its opening, Hotel Mocambo remains one of Mexico's most charming luxury beach resorts. (Collection O Hotel Mocambo)

When it comes to tourism in Mexico, one of the most popular options for international visitors is to spend a few nights at a majestic beach resort. From Cancún to Los Cabos, Mexico has established itself as a premier destination for world-class beach getaways, with Mexico’s Ministry of Tourism reporting that nearly half of Mexico’s visitors opt for ritzy coastal areas — where sprawling luxurious properties abound.

The shift toward Mexico’s coastline

The numbers show just how vital Mexico’s top-tier beaches are to its national tourism economy: Despite an overall lower number of visitors this year and a massive blow from U.S. airlines this summer, Cancún still leads the nation in international flight arrivals, accounting for 45% of Mexico’s airport activity as of June, with 4,844,588 reported flight arrivals.

Besides Mexico City, Guadalajara and Monterrey, which are among the 10 most active airports in Mexico, every other visit is largely due to Mexico’s beaches. This year, Los Cabos, Puerto Vallarta, Tulum, Cozumel and Mazatlán have generated the most airport traffic, respectively, with roughly 66% of Mexico’s inbound flights touching down near those beaches.

vintage postcard of Hotel Mocambo in Veracruz
Picture postcard glamor was Hotel Mocambo’s calling card from the very beginning, when it opened as Mexico’s first great beach resort in 1939. (eBay)

And yet, Mexico’s identity as a destination for opulent beach resorts originated in a region that is nowadays overlooked, particularly by international visitors. But if you know where to look, a time-travel beach experience awaits along the Gulf Coast, with its own kind of grandeur and charm.

Hotel Mocambo: Mexico’s first grand luxury resort

It’s impossible to overstate the historical significance of Veracruz and its port city, where the Spanish colonization of continental Latin America began in 1519. Over centuries, many of the country’s earliest contributions can be traced back to its Gulf Coast origins, including coffee, jalapeños, vanilla and more.

Add to that list: Mexico’s first grand luxury beach resort.

A flavorful, vanilla-scented hideout awaits along Mexico’s Gulf Coast

In 1938, Hotel Mocambo — named after Playa Mocambo, the beach where the hotel was built, and which originally derived from an Afro-Portuguese word denoting the region’s legacy as a refuge for escaped African slaves — began construction, making it among the earliest (if not the first) major beachfront resort in all of Mexico.

A midcentury haven for Mexican stars and cinema

During its heyday, Hotel Mocambo became a national treasure, with famous Mexican actors, musicians and celebrities — including Agustín Lara, Chavela Vargas and Pedro Infante — becoming regulars throughout the midcentury.

In 1943, “María Eugenia,” starring the iconic Mexican actress María Félix (and featuring a cameo from popular Veracruz singer Toña la Negra, who also personally frequented the hotel in those days), was filmed at Mocambo, demarcating the Golden Age of Mexican cinema.

Mocambo began as a 15-room property with a palm tree-studded view of the coastline to be enjoyed from extensive outdoor terrazas, grand staircases, arched hallways and open-air patios. A large outdoor pool and nearby barroom with high ceilings and jacuzzis can be found on separate levels, with a staircase that connects everything and inevitably descends to the beach.

Spanish influence and architectural expansion

Collection O Hotel Mocambo with its arched hallways and classically designed swimming pool in Veracruz
Still open today, the now-Collection O Hotel Mocambo still retains its classical architectural features. (Hoteles Veracruz Mexico)

The hotel’s walkways are breezy and bedecked with a combination of maritime decorations and Moorish structural features designed by Jesús Martí Martín, an avant-garde architect who was exiled from Madrid, Spain, after the Spanish Civil War. Martín was commissioned by Gov. Miguel Alemán Valdés to lead the hotel’s design atop the highest coastal hill in Boca del Río — the city just south of the port of Veracruz, which sits on the Jamapa River along the Gulf of Mexico — around the time that other beach hotels were starting to sprout up in the Pacific states of Guerrero and Sonora.

Under the governorship of Alemán Valdés, who would go on to become Mexico’s president, Hotel Mocambo aimed to become the first grand-scale beach resort attraction in all of Mexico.

And for a time, it was.

Just two years after opening, the hotel’s first expansion was overseen by another Spanish architect, Enrique Segarra. At one point, the hotel grew to include 110 rooms, though today that number has dwindled to 70 (for context, Mexico’s grandest beach resorts can now exceed more than 2,000 rooms).

Though it is no longer the nexus of Mexican aristocracy that it once was, Mocambo remains an important historical fixture in Mexico’s development as an attractive beach resort destination.

Preserving the legacy of Mexico’s Golden Age

Before Mocambo and the subsequent rise of beach resorts all over Mexico, the country’s most opulent buildings and high-end tourist attractions were centered in Mexico’s cosmopolitan inland cities. Not until Mocambo in Veracruz — and the rise of Acapulco shortly after — did Mexico gain extreme popularity for its prime coastal real estate and beach resort culture.

How a colorful novel changed the course of tourism in Los Cabos

Ironically, or perhaps symbolically, the once-tranquil escape of Mocambo is now surrounded by modern buildings, major avenues, parking lots and the nonstop bustle of Mexico’s largest port city on the Gulf Coast. One of the neighboring buildings is a recently built high-rise apartment that juxtaposes interestingly with the dilapidated glory of Hotel Mocambo. And the state’s largest and most glamorous mall is within a short walking distance, as modernity has crept up to overtake Mocambo’s place.

Although the paint is faded and signs of decay are apparent in its grand facades, the resort is still worthy of a visit — simply for the pleasure of reliving Mexico’s Golden Age origins of beachside luxury.

Alan Chazaro is the author of “These Spaceships Weren’t Built For Us” (Tia Chucha Press, 2026), “Notes from the Eastern Span of the Bay Bridge” (Ghost City Press, 2021), “Piñata Theory” (Black Lawrence Press, 2020), and “This Is Not a Frank Ocean Cover Album” (Black Lawrence Press, 2019). He is a graduate of June Jordan’s Poetry for the People program at UC Berkeley and was selected as a Lawrence Ferlinghetti Poetry Fellow at the University of San Francisco. His work can be found in NPR, The Guardian, SLAM, GQ, L.A. Times, and more. He is currently based in Veracruz.