Regional infrastructure upgrades dominate our local news roundup this week, but there's news about protecting Vallarta's LGBTQ+ population as well. (Manuel Marin/Unsplash)
Puerto Vallarta is in the midst of a major infrastructure push. New projects are aimed at boosting connectivity, accessibility and quality of life across the region. From the new Amado Nervo Bridge linking Jalisco and Nayarit, to the free shuttle bus system in Marina Vallarta, to the long-awaited El Jorullo access road, these initiatives are transforming how residents and visitors move through the city and surrounding areas.
Puerto Vallarta approves its first municipal plan with actions for sexual and gender diversity
The Puerto Vallarta City Council has officially approved the Municipal Development and Governance Plan 2024-2027. This comprehensive roadmap is being hailed as a historic step toward a more inclusive, transparent and participatory government. For the first time in the city’s history, the plan includes explicit actions in favor of the LGBTQ+ community, aimed at guaranteeing rights and preventing discrimination based on sexual orientation, identity and gender expression.
The Puerto Vallarta City Council has guaranteed the rights of its LGBTQ+ community for the first time in its history. (Unsplash / Alonso Reyes)
Presented by Municipal President Luis Ernesto Munguía González and approved with 15 votes in favor, the plan will guide all public policy and resource allocation for the next three years, according to Vallarta Opina Oficial. It was shaped by thousands of voices across the municipality, from Tebelchia to Boca de Tomatlán, through assessments, surveys, neighborhood meetings, specialized forums and input from citizens, businesses and academic leaders.
Built on six strategic pillars, the plan addresses smart governance, community participation, sustainability, economic development, equality and public safety, reports Banderas News. Contributions from the Vallarta Diversity Network were incorporated into Axis 1 (Intelligent Port) and Axis 3 (Equality Port), including the creation of a Municipal Human Rights Program (Action 1.6.1) and measures to foster inclusion and prevent discrimination (Action 3.1.7).
Once published in the Municipal Gazette, the plan will be available online for public review.
New El Jorullo Road connects the mountain community to Puerto Vallarta
After decades of isolation, the mountain ejido of El Jorullo now has a reliable connection to Puerto Vallarta’s municipal road network with the inauguration of a new 4-kilometer access road.
According to Puerto Vallarta Daily News, the project, completed in just six months, replaces a rough and often impassable path with a mix of traditional cobblestone paving with cement treads and grooved concrete, designed to withstand the region’s intense rainy seasons. The improved route will ensure year-round access for residents, agricultural products and emergency services.
Founded in 1940, El Jorullo has long been a small agricultural settlement in the Sierra Madre foothills, known for its surrounding canyons, waterfalls and adventure attractions like its canopy and suspension bridge. The new road is expected to open the door for sustainable, low-impact tourism while improving safety, health care access and educational opportunities for residents.
A new road will connect Puerto Vallarta with the mountain community of El Jorullo. (Unsplash / Ondrej Bocek)
Mayor Luis Munguía led the ribbon-cutting ceremony, joined by neighbors, local authorities and ejidatarios. Community leader Miguel Pulido praised the government for delivering on its promise to serve not just the city center but also rural areas.
Officials say the road is a model for future infrastructure projects — one that unites communities, strengthens the local economy and preserves the region’s natural beauty.
Free shuttle bus service returns to Marina Vallarta
Marina Vallarta has reinstated its free urban bus service, becoming the only neighborhood in Puerto Vallarta to offer residents, workers and visitors a no-cost transportation option. The initiative aims to improve mobility, reduce traffic congestion and provide a practical, eco-friendly alternative to private vehicles.
The service is the result of a collaboration between the Marina Vallarta Residents Association and UNIBUS PV, according to Contralinea, following months of planning to reestablish internal transit along the neighborhood’s main thoroughfares. The route begins at 6:30 a.m. on Paseo de la Marina Avenue in front of Plaza Neptuno, looping along Paseo de la Marina Norte and Paseo de la Marina Sur in an 18-minute circuit. After a brief seven-minute wait, the bus departs again, offering 34 runs daily until shortly after 9 p.m.
The system eases commutes for local employees, and also benefits tourists visiting Marina Vallarta’s hotels, restaurants, shops and marina facilities.
Amado Nervo Bridge to link Puerto Vallarta and Bahía de Banderas by 2026
Construction has officially begun on the Amado Nervo Bridge, a 900-million-peso infrastructure project designed to improve mobility between Puerto Vallarta and Nayarit. Scheduled for completion in November 2026, the bridge will reduce travel time between the two tourist destinations by up to half an hour and will benefit more than 480,000 people, reports Noticias PV.
Inicia puente que une Nayarit y Jalisco, Puente vehicular Amado Nervo será gratuito
The project will also create approximately 2,700 direct and indirect jobs during its construction phase. Built from hydraulic concrete with a minimum lifespan of 30 years, the bridge will connect to a roadway in Puerto Vallarta that may be renamed “Amado Nervo Road” in honor of the Nayarit poet.
The design now includes a bicycle lane and pedestrian spaces, supporting the push for sustainable mobility.
“This bridge aligns with the work already being done on the Los Juntas road junction,” Major Luis Munguia noted during a press briefing. “We will have two ways to travel from one municipality and the other.”
Beyond easing vehicular congestion, the Amado Nervo Bridge aims to enhance economic and social integration across the interstate metropolitan area while promoting safer, more diverse transportation options for residents and visitors.
Meagan Drillinger is a New York native who has spent the past 15 years traveling around and writing about Mexico. While she’s on the road for assignments most of the time, Puerto Vallarta is her home base. Follow her travels on Instagram at @drillinjourneys or through her blog at drillinjourneys.com.
Mexican graphic designer Mario Cortés, who designed the 2026 World Cup posters for Mexico City, Guadalajara and Monterrey, is gaining global recognition for his work. He spoke to Mexico News Daily about his career, sudden fame and Mexican design. (Tomás Mendoza)
In April, soccer’s FIFA unveiled its official host city posters for the upcoming 2026 FIFA World Cup, set to take place in Mexico, the United States and Canada. The posters for the three Mexican host cities — Mexico City, Guadalajara and Monterrey — were created by Mexican designer Mario Cortés, 30, also known by his artistic name, Cuemanche.
Now available for sale, the posters have been well received by both football fans and international media. The New York Times, which recently ranked all host city posters based on how well they captured the essence of each city, ranked the Mexican designs in its highest tier.
Las 3 sedes mexicanas nos unimos en esta iniciativa para representar que somos todo un país listo para recibir a la Copa Mundial de la FIFA 26™️
Somos Monterrey, Somos Guadalajara, Somos Ciudad de México y TODOS SOMOS #MÉXICO#FIFAWorldCup26#Somos26pic.twitter.com/5svw3xyyOv
A look at the posters for all three host cities: Mexico City, Guadalajara and Monterey.
“I feel so proud knowing my posters had that kind of reception in an international media outlet,” Cortés said. “One day you’re chilling, and suddenly it hits you: ‘Oh, wow, I’m in the New York Times!'”
Unlike FIFA’s decision in the U.S. and Canada, where different artists were commissioned for each city, the Mexican host city posters were all Cortés designs, giving the posters a cohesive visual identity that reflects the country’s cultural wealth and its passion for football.
Yet, being from Mexico City and naturally biased toward his hometown, one of Cortés’s biggest challenges was illustrating each city equally.
“I didn’t want to make one city stand out more than the other, because all three cities are equally important,” he said. “It was essential to address them with the same level of respect and depth, as they all have so much to offer.”
Cortés had previously visited Monterrey while collaborating with FIFA in the Juego de Leyendas project — a soccer event that brought together former international and Mexican soccer players in a friendly match in Monterrey last year, as part of the preparations for the 2026 World Cup — but had never been to Guadalajara. Not having physically visited one of the host cities made the challenge even more complex.
“So I said to myself, ‘Well, I’m going to approach the city I know and that represents me the most, which is Mexico City, and build a structure that would allow me to address the same narrative elements in each of the other cities.”
Cortés is a native of Mexico City and earned his design degree from the National Autonomous University of Mexico. (UNAM)
And it worked.
All three posters tell a unified narrative story, using similar elements and graphics without being repetitive and without highlighting one city more than the other.
With a colorful design that represents the festive essence of Mexico, the color palettes Cortés chose reinforces the visual personality of each host city: Guadalajara with festive pink and yellow. Monterrey with industrial metallic blues. Mexico City with a warm, multicolored mix.
“As Mexicans, we have a vast visual richness,” he said. “One element that I wanted to highlight, and that gradually took shape in the design of the posters, was that we are a very, very colorful country. I mean, just walking into a market, you find colors everywhere — piñatas, colorful fruits, vegetables. All that explosion of color was an element I was very interested in capturing, and that also gives personality to a poster,” he said.
Cortés also incorporated cultural landmarks.
“Some might ask, ‘What does a mariachi have to do with football? Or a carne asada?’ Well, these elements precisely accompany and give personality to the passion of inhabiting a city and being a fan of their local team,” he said.
For Cortés, these posters are a “welcome letter to the world” and a way to show Mexico’s diverse and rich culture, which he says deeply inspired his creative process.
“We’re not a simple culture,” he said. “Our culture has an immense complexity that I also wanted to capture.”
Among the many artistic influences that shaped Cortés’ work were iconic Mexican artists like Juan O’Gorman and Jorge González Camarena, both part of Mexico’s muralism period. Art Deco was another major influence.
“I would find myself walking in Mexico City’s Juárez [neighborhood], for example, and I would look at the house structures and think, ‘Well, the poster is here, isn’t it?’,” he recalled.
The logo for the 1968 Mexico City Olympics, created by designer Lance Wyman, drew inspiration from Huichol geometric art and influenced Mexican graphic design for generations. Cortés also cites it as an influence on his designs for Mexico’s 2026 World Cup posters. (Internet)
“I would look at the Art Deco friezes and see how they would integrate a human figure, flowers or fruits in a very small square,” he said. “And I would look at that and think, ‘Yes, the poster is here. I just need to think about how to portray it.’”
Mexico’s 1968 Olympics logo, which has had a lasting impact on graphic design and is probably one of the most iconic Olympic Games logos ever, also influenced Cortés’ work. Designed by Mexican architect Pedro Ramírez Vázquez and designer Lance Wyman, Cortés said it’s impossible to escape the influence of such a logo.
“It is basically embedded in the DNA of any Mexican designer,” Cortés jokes.
Cortés’ design process took around three months. For him, designing official World Cup posters is the opportunity of a lifetime.
“Designing the posters for a World Cup, well, it’s a gigantic, enormous thing. Something that will probably never be repeated in my life,” he said. “But I’m seeking new challenges that I want to approach with professionalism, with a lot of creativity and with a lot of intention. And I’m very open to whatever comes next.”
Gabriela Solis is a Mexican lawyer turned full-time writer. She was born and raised in Guadalajara and covers business, culture, lifestyle and travel for Mexico News Daily. You can follow her lifestyle blog Dunas y Palmeras.
"The [security] strategy works, but we have to keep working every day," the president said on Tuesday. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)
Marcela Figueroa Franco, head of the National Public Security System, presented the latest homicide data at President Claudia Sheinbaum’s Tuesday morning press conference.
Later in the press conference, Security Minister Omar García provided an update on arrests and the seizure of firearms and narcotics.
During her Q&A session with reporters, Sheinbaum responded to a question about why Mexico’s murder rate is trending down.
Homicides down 15.9% in first 7 months of 2025
Figueroa reported that there was an average of 69.7 homicides per day in Mexico between January and July.
The preliminary data figure represents a decrease of 15.9% compared to the average of 82.9 murders per day in the first seven months of 2024.
Figueroa highlighted that the average is the lowest for the first seven months of any year since 2016. The decline compared to the January-July period of 2020 is 27.8%.
In July, there was an average of 64.9 homicides per day, a reduction of 25.3% compared to September 2024. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)
Murders down 25.3% in July compared to last month of AMLO’s presidency
Figueroa also reported that there was an average of 64.9 homicides per day in July, a reduction of 25.3% compared to September, the final month of the six-year term of former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
She noted that there were 22 fewer homicides per day in July than in September 2024.
Guanajuato leads the country for homicides
Data presented by Figueroa showed there were 14,769 homicides across Mexico in the first seven months of 2025.
More than half of those murders — 51.5% — occurred in just seven states.
Guanajuato recorded 1,761 homicides between January and July, accounting for 11.9% of the national total.
Chihuahua: 1,069 homicides (7.2% of the total)
Sinaloa: 1,063 homicides (7.2%)
Baja California: 1,052 homicides (7.1%)
México state: 974 homicides (6.6%)
Guerrero: 870 homicides (5.9%)
Michoacán: 820 homicides (5.6%)
Mexico City ranked as the 12th most violent entity in terms of total homicides, with 508 between January and July. That figure was above the national average of 461.53 homicides per state in the first seven months of the year.
Eight states recorded 100 homicides or fewer. They were:
Yucatán: 15 homicides
Durango: 36 homicides
Coahuila: 42 homicides
Aguascalientes: 67 homicides
Tlaxcala: 75 homicides
Campeche: 75 homicides
Baja California Sur: 79 homicides
Querétaro: 100 homicides
Figueroa highlighted that the daily murder rate in Guanajuato was 60.7% lower in July than in February.
Security Minister Omar García Harfuch said that “significant progress” in the fight against crime has been made since the current government took office on Oct. 1.
Focusing on high-impact arrests, Security Minister Omar García Harfuch has delivered significant results. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)
He said that more than 29,000 people have been arrested for high-impact crimes, “directly weakening criminal organizations.”
García Harfuch also said that authorities have seized 14,943 firearms and over 216 tonnes of drugs since Sheinbaum took office.
In addition, 1,262 methamphetamine laboratories have dismantled across 21 states, he said.
Sheinbaum: Homicides have declined due to national security strategy
Sheinbaum asserted that homicides have declined during her government due to the implementation of a new national security strategy.
“There is a strategy, there is monitoring of the strategy, timely monitoring municipality by municipality in some cases and state by state in other cases if the crime rates are lower,” she said.
“For example, we have 20 priority municipalities where the National Guard has a greater presence. Work is carried out in coordination with the mayor, or with the state governor,” Sheinbaum said.
She highlighted that the national security strategy has four key pillars, namely attention to the root causes of crime; strengthening of the National Guard; strengthening of intelligence and investigation practices; and enhanced coordination between governments of different levels.
“That is what has yielded this result,” she said, referring to the reduction in homicides.
“In 10 months, there is a reduction of homicide victims of 25.3%,” Sheinbaum said, referring to the decline between September 2024 and July 2025 rather than the annual reduction in the first seven months of the year.
“Of course, we need to continue working, but it’s a very important result, part of the permanent coordination we have [with state and municipal authorities]. So, the strategy works, but we have to keep working every day,” she said.
By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)
Many high-ranking officials in Mexico earn only slightly less than the president, who makes over US $10,424 per month. (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)
Former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador made so-called “republican austerity” a centerpiece of his 2018-2024 administration. In addition to reducing government expenditure, López Obrador even slashed his own salary and those of other politicians.
Now, in 2025, as several politicians with the ruling Morena party face criticism over extravagant international travel seen as incongruous with their salaries, it is an opportune time to look at how much Mexico’s elected officials actually make.
The Mexican Constitution explicitly states that “no public servant can have a salary higher than the President of the Republic’s salary.”
But how much does President Claudia Sheinbaum earn?
How much do her cabinet ministers make?
How much do other federal, state and municipal politicians get paid?
Mexico’s president is paid a monthly gross salary of 193,706 pesos (US $10,424) and has said that her salary and those of other high-ranking officials will not increase during her six-year term in office. (Presidencia/Cuartoscuro)
Therefore, her annual gross salary is just over 2.32 million pesos (about US $124,850).
Once income tax is deducted, Sheinbaum’s monthly net, or take-home, pay is 134,290 pesos (US $7,227).
The president also receives a range of benefits, which have a collective value of more than 575,000 pesos (US $30,945) per year. Those benefits include social security, additional vacation pay and an annual bonus payment (aguinaldo) of around 105,000 pesos (about US $5,650).
Including benefits, Sheinbaum’s annual gross salary is almost 2.9 million pesos (US $156,000). After deductions, the president’s annual salary is about 2.07 million pesos (US $111,500).
Sheinbaum said in November that her salary and those of other high-ranking officials won’t increase during her six-year term in government.
The president lives in the National Palace, located in the historic center of Mexico City. She is not required to pay rent or any fee for living in the historical building, which has served as the president’s residence since López Obrador’s term in office.
How does Sheinbaum’s salary compare to those of other world leaders?
While living costs obviously vary between countries, for interest’s sake, let’s take a look at how Sheinbaum’s salary compares to those of a selection of other world leaders.
U.S. President Donald Trump’s gross annual salary (excluding benefits) — which Trump says he donates — is US $400,000, more than triple Sheinbaum’s gross annual salary.
According to 2024 data, the highest paid leader in Latin America is the president of Uruguay, followed by the presidents of Guatemala, Costa Rica and Mexico.
How much do Mexico’s federal cabinet ministers make?
Claudia Sheinbaum’s cabinet ministers, such as Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard and Interior Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez, earn salaries that are only slightly lower than that of the president.
Federal secretaries in the United States, such as Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, earn gross annual salaries of around US $250,000, or about double the amount their Mexican counterparts are paid.
How much do Mexican senators and deputies earn?
The net monthly salary (excluding benefits) of Mexico’s 128 federal senators increased earlier this year to 131,700 pesos (US $7,087), less than 2% lower than Sheinbaum’s monthly take-home pay.
Senators also receive a range of benefits, including a generous aguinaldo.
Once benefits are added, deputies’ salaries are at least 153,000 pesos ($8,232) per month, according to the news site Animal Político, excluding payments they receive to cover accommodation and transport expenses.
How much do state governors make?
The salaries of governors vary by state in Mexico.
Data published by Bloomberg Línea in 2024 showed that the governor of Guanajuato had a gross monthly salary of 252,126 pesos (US $13,566), more than 20% higher than Sheinbaum’s salary, in violation of the Mexican Constitution.
Guanajuato’s former governor Diego Sinhue Rodríguez reportedly earned 252,126 pesos (US $13,566) per month, a sum in violation of the Mexican Constitution. (Diego Sinhue Rodríguez/X)
According to the Guanajuato government’s transparency website, the net monthly salary of Governor Libia García Muñoz Ledo is 173,731 pesos (US $9,348). García could well be the highest-paid politician in the country.
The gross monthly salary of the governor of Chiapas is much lower at 51,321 pesos ($2,761), according to 2024 data cited by Bloomberg Línea.
Data from 2022 showed that the highest paid governors were those of Guanajuato, Aguascalientes, Tabasco and Chihuahua. In 2022, the governors of those states had higher monthly salaries than López Obrador, the president at the time.
In 2022, the lowest paid governor was that of Zacatecas, with a gross monthly salary of 47,965 pesos (US $2,581 at the current exchange rate). The governors of Oaxaca and Veracruz earned the next lowest salaries.
How do Mexican politicians’ salaries compare to the average formal sector wage?
The Mexican Social Security Institute recently reported that the average daily base salary of a formal sector worker was 614.3 pesos (US $33) at the end of July.
Therefore, the average gross monthly salary of formal sector workers is around 18,000 pesos (about US $970), considerably lower than the wages of many politicians, although higher than the average nationwide salary for mayors.
What about ‘under the table’ payments and embezzlement?
As any Mexican will tell you, not every politician in Mexico is squeaky clean.
There have been countless corruption cases involving Mexican politicians, many of whom have been accused, and in some cases convicted, of crimes such as taking bribes and embezzlement.
In 2023, former federal security minister Genaro García Luna was found guilty in the United States of colluding with and receiving large bribes from the Sinaloa Cartel.
That embezzlement scheme occurred during the 2012-18 presidency of Enrique Peña Nieto, who was — and remains — Mexico’s highest-paid president.
Several media organizations last year published reports claiming that people close to López Obrador received millions of dollars in drug money. Other former presidents have also faced allegations of corruption.
In short, there are ample opportunities for Mexican politicians to engage in corrupt behavior that would effectively augment — or even massively boost — their salaries.
Some undoubtedly seized — or actively sought out — such opportunities, and in certain cases lined their pockets with public resources that should have been used for the greater good.
By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)
As President of the Senate, the Morena Senator Gerardo Fenández Noroña is also the president of the Permanent Commission that was in session Wednesday. His attracker, the PRI's Alejandro Moreno, was apparently angered at not being given the floor during debate. (Daniel Augusto/Cuartoscuro)
Senator Gerardo Fernández Noroña is planning to travel to Palestine after receiving an invitation from that country’s Ministry of Foreign Relations.
Fernández Noroña, president of the Senate, said the trip would include meetings with Palestinian authorities and a tour of refugee camps, though the specific sites of his visit, if decided, have not been made public.
President Sheinbaum backs the senator’s goal, expressing support for a formal program in which Mexico would welcome a certain number of child Palestinian asylum seekers. (@UNRWAes/X)
During a Monday press conference, Fernández Noroña said his main objective would be to rescue Palestinian children orphaned by Israeli bombing and provide them with refuge in Mexico.
“The killing of children in Palestine demands more than symbolic declarations,” he said, adding that “we should welcome orphaned Palestinian children to Mexico just as President Cárdenas did back in the day.”
Fernández Noroña was referring to the asylum policy implemented by President Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940) that brought more than 450 children to Mexico from Spain during that country’s Civil War.
“I’ll do everything I can. … I’m going to accept the invitation to help … rescue orphaned children, and beyond that, any human being who seeks political refuge from the atrocities,” he said.
The invitation was extended “in recognition of the senator’s principled stance and sincere solidarity with the Palestinian people during this difficult time,” reads a document Fernández Noroña showed reporters.
When asked by reporters about Fernández Noroña’s intentions, President Claudia Sheinbaum voiced support for the initiative.
“We’ll always open our doors when humanitarian concerns reflect a need,” she said, adding that each case would have to be formally reviewed.
Sheinbaum said a special program could be considered and overseen by Foreign Relations Minister Juan Ramón de la Fuente.
Fernández Noroña said the proposed trip to Palestine is likely to take place after Sept. 1, once the new congressional session begins and Fernández Noroña’s term as Senate president ends.
“Most likely, I will go in my capacity as senator,” Fernández Noroña said, adding that instructions from President Sheinbaum could accelerate his plans.
As president of the Senate, Fernández Noroña presides over Mexico’s Permanent Congressional Commission when Congress is not in session. Last week, the Permanent Commission issued a proclamation declaring Justice for Palestine “an urgent and requisite objective of our times.”
Among the declarations made in the name of Mexico’s Congress on Aug. 6 were:
A condemnation of attacks on civilians and an exhortation that the international community actively promote a peaceful resolution.
A demand that full access be granted to those seeking to provide humanitarian aid
A call to the U.N. to encourage a cease-fire and promote self-determination for and international recognition of the Palestinian State
A statement of resolute opposition to systematic attacks on essential infrastructure
At the U.N.’s Two-State Solution Conference on July 30, Mexico’s U.N. Ambassador Héctor Vasconcelos voiced support for recognition of Palestine as a member state and called for an end of Israeli occupation.
He also urged taking action to educate Israeli and Palestinian children about commonalities between the two cultures.
Not coincidentally, the uptick in Canadian visitors to Mexico coincided with a boycott by many Canadians of traveling to the United States. (Moisés Pablo/Cuartoscuro)
International tourism via Mexico’s airports continued to increase in the first six months of the year, with Canadian visitors flocking to the country at an accelerated rate, according to a report issued by Mexico’s Tourism Ministry (Sectur).
During the first half of the year, 23.4 million international tourists entered the country via airplane, a 7.3% increase over the same period of 2024. Of that figure, nearly 2 million visitors came from Canada.
While the United States continues to lead in the number of international air arrivals to Mexico with 7.36 million between January and June, Canada’s second-place total of 1.68 million visitors for the half-year marked an annual increase of 11.8%.
Other international markets contributed 1.77 million tourists from over 230 countries.
Demonstrating increasing flight accessibility, from January through June, the number of tourists arriving by plane surpassed 11 million for the first time.
“These results are a solid foundation for continued growth,” said Tourism Minister Josefina Rodríguez Zamora. “With the launch of new international flights, we are confident that the arrival of foreign tourists will continue to increase, generating more opportunities for Mexico’s economic and social development.”
President Claudia Sheinbaum hopes to position Mexico within the world’s top five most-visited tourist destinations as part of her Plan México national development project, announced in January.
Why more Canadians prefer Mexico to the US
Not coincidentally, the uptick in Canadian visitors to Mexico coincided with a boycott by many Canadians of traveling to the United States as a reaction to the ongoing trade war between the two countries and the perceived hostility of U.S. authorities toward Canadians.
In the first half of the year, visitor arrivals from Canada to the U.S. fell by around 33.1% by car and roughly 22.1% by air, according to Canada’s national statistics agency.
Many Canadians who typically visit states such as California and Florida during the colder months are now opting for alternative Mexican destinations, such as the Baja California peninsula, Nayarit and the Riviera Maya.
The Bajío state of Jalisco, in particular, is using the shift in tourism trends to attract more Canadian tourists, with the opening of several new flight routes.
Ever-increasing investment and development aimed at tourism have brought Puerto Vallarta to international prominence. (Hello Cinthia/Shutterstock)
“The United States, all things considered, has a serious problem in the tourism sector; that’s why [Guadalajara] went from two flights to Canada to five flights to Canada; obviously, the ones we see as least willing to go to the United States are Canadian tourists, and they’re relatively close to us.”
In May, Grupo Aeroportuario del Pacífico (GAP) announced plans to launch two new flight routes by the end of the year — between Guadalajara and Montreal, operated by Air Transat, and Guadalajara-Toronto, operated by Air Canada. A new WestJet route is also in the works for Guadalajara-Calgary.
The three new routes add to the two existing Flair Airlines routes — Guadalajara-Vancouver and Guadalajara-Toronto — which launched in May and September 2024, respectively. From Puerto Vallarta, Canadian tourists can fly direct to Montreal, Calgary and in the winter months, Toronto.
Before operations were renewed mid-morning, 16 flights had been diverted, three canceled and 120 delayed, with a total of 19,500 passengers affected.
(Victoria Valtierra/Cuartoscuro)
For the second time in three days, heavy rains forced the Mexico City International Airport (AICM) to suspend operations early Tuesday.
The intense rains that shut down the Mexico City International Airport early Tuesday morning also soaked much of the capital, necessitating clean-up efforts by residents. (Rogelio Morales/Cuartoscuro)
The authorities initially indicated that operations could resume by 6 a.m. and at 10:40 the airport announced that one runway had been reopened, but warned that additional delays are expected.
In a social media post, the Naval Ministry (which manages operations at AICM) said that “16 flights have been diverted, three were canceled and 120 were delayed, with a total of 19,500 passengers affected.”
According to the newspaper La Jornada, the flight-tracking portal FlightAware had recorded 29 cancellations and 17 delayed flights. Of these 46 flights, 41 were Aeroméxico Airlines flights and three were Aeroméxico Connect.
At 9:30 a.m., Aeroméxico issued a statement on social media, urging federal authorities and the Mexico City government “to take actions that ensure the proper functioning of the [airport’s] infrastructure and implement the necessary preventive measures.”
The airline also informed its passengers of its efforts “to re-accommodate the vast majority … on other flights,” while warning that the ongoing inclement conditions “will continue to impact operations and could lead to additional delays and cancellations.”
The heavy rainfall on Sunday — the 84 mm (3.3 inches) of rain was the most in Mexico City since 1952, and more than half the typical amount of rain for the entire month of August — shuttered the Mexico City airport for four hours, forcing the cancellation of 91 flights and delaying another 149.
Aeroméxico — the country’s flagship carrier — was also the hardest hit on Sunday, suffering 76 cancellations and 79 delays, while its subsidiary Connect added nine cancellations and 20 delays.
In all, nearly 15,000 passengers were affected by the collapse of operations, according to the newspaper El Financiero. Thousands were stranded at Mexico City’s airport on Monday, waiting in long lines, some for more than 20 hours, as airlines scrambled to reschedule flights.
Conditions for air travel are not expected to get any easier as the National Water Commission (Conagua) warned of heavy rains in the Valley of Mexico the rest of the week.
A National Meteorological Service (SMN) forecast suggested Mexico City could see a cumulative 50 mm (2 inches) of rain on Monday and Tuesday, but heavier rains are expected on Wednesday and Thursday.
Mexico City authorities issued an Orange Alert in certain sections of the capital on Tuesday, warning of floods and dangerous puddling on roadways.
The urban pop star may have embarrassed a young woman in front of 15,000 people, but experts say that his message about the fragility of babies' ears was accurate and helpful. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)
Colombian urban-pop star Maluma halted one of his three recent concerts in Mexico City to admonish a mother for bringing her 1-year-old baby to the show without any hearing protection — sparking a wave of social media debate over parental responsibility at live events.
The incident took place Friday night during Maluma’s “+Pretty +Dirty World Tour” at the Palacio de los Deportes where, in front of 15,000 fans, he spotted a woman in the crowd holding a baby.
The 31-year-old Maluma — himself a first-time father since the birth of daughter Paris Londoño Gómez 17 months ago — paused the music and addressed her directly.
“With all due love and the utmost respect — and I’m now a father — do you think it’s a good idea to bring a 1-year-old baby to a concert where the decibels are puta mierda high and the sound is incredibly loud?”
As Maluma spoke, many in the crowd started to boo what they took as a judgmental attitude.
Then he continued, “I’d like to know what he’s doing here. Next time protect his ears or something” — appearing to win the crowd back when talking about the child’s welfare.
“It’s an act of irresponsibility by you,” he added. “You’re swaying him as if he were a toy. That boy does not want to be here.”
Maluma, whose real name is Juan Luis, is known for a reggaeton style that blends rhythmic Latin sounds with romantic (sometimes violent) lyrics.
A major figure in Latin music for more than a decade, he has done collaborations with the likes of Shakira and Ricky Martin and is known for hits such as “Borró cassette,”“Hawái” and “Felices los 4.”
His Wednesday, Friday and Saturday concerts in Mexico City were his first in the country in three years.
“Mexico, I missed you like an hijo de puta,” he told the crowd. “The country that saw me grow up, along with Colombia, is definitely Mexico. You guys have been with me for more than 14 years.”
After his words to the mother last week, videos of the exchange went viral across social media, with many users praising the artist’s concern and others arguing that the mother might not have had childcare options or was unaware of the risks.
Pediatrician Sophie J. Balk explains on HealthyChildren.org website that concerts, fireworks, sporting events and other “loud noise can damage a child’s hearing.”
Johns Hopkins Medicineadds, “A typical conversation is usually around 60 decibels. Regular exposure to noises above 85 decibels can cause hearing loss.”
Johns Hopkins and other experts warn that concerts and similar live events can easily surpass 95dB, sometimes reaching up to 110 or even 120dB.
The DOJ is charging the two men "for their roles in an alleged bribery scheme to retain and obtain business" related to Pemex and Pemex Exploración y Producción (PEP), a wholly owned exploration and production subsidiary of the state oil company. (Shutterstock)
Two Mexican businessmen were indicted in the United States for allegedly bribing Pemex officials as they sought to retain and obtain lucrative contracts with Mexico’s state oil company, the U.S. Department of Justice announced Monday.
Ramón Alexandro Rovirosa Martínez, CEO of Roma Energy, and Mario Alberto Ávila Lizárraga, who contested the 2009 gubernatorial election in Campeche, are each charged with “one count of conspiracy to violate the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and three substantive violations of the FCPA,” the Justice Department (DOJ) said in a statement.
The DOJ said that an indictment was unsealed on Monday in the Southern District of Texas charging the two men “for their roles in an alleged bribery scheme to retain and obtain business” related to Pemex and Pemex Exploración y Producción (PEP), a wholly owned exploration and production subsidiary of the state oil company.
Citing court documents, the DOJ said that Rovirosa Martínez, 46, a U.S. lawful resident of The Woodlands, Texas, and Ávila Lizárraga, 61, a U.S. lawful resident of Spring, Texas, and other unnamed people conspired to bribe Pemex officials.
The two men, “together with others, allegedly conspired to pay and offered to pay at least [US] $150,000 in bribes to officials at Pemex and PEP in order to obtain and retain business from Pemex and PEP for companies associated with Rovirosa,” the DOJ said.
“Between at least 2019 and continuing into at least 2021, Rovirosa, Ávila, and their co-conspirators allegedly offered to pay and paid bribes in the form of luxury goods, including from Louis Vuitton and Hublot, cash payments, and other valuable items, to at least three Pemex and PEP officials in exchange for those officials taking certain actions to help companies associated with Rovirosa obtain and retain business with Pemex and PEP,” the DOJ said.
1.🛢💰Los implicados son mexicanos y cuentan con residencia permanente en EEUU.
🔻Ramón Alexandro Rovirosa Martínez (46)
🔻Mario Alberto Ávila Lizárraga (61)
•Acusados de conspiración, soborno y presuntos vínculos con cárteles mexicanos. Ambos viven en Texas. pic.twitter.com/CAEQhZKvLS
“Those improper advantages helped companies associated with Rovirosa obtain contracts with Pemex and PEP worth at least $2.5 million. In addition, according to court documents, Rovirosa is alleged to have ties to Mexican cartel members,” the department said.
Matthew R. Galeotti, an acting U.S. assistant attorney general, said that Rovirosa and Ávila “are alleged to have bribed Mexican officials in order to rig the bidding process to secure millions of dollars of lucrative contracts and other advantages.”
“This indictment should send a clear message that the Criminal Division [of the DOJ] will not tolerate those who enrich corrupt officials for personal gain and to the detriment of the fair market,” he said.
The DOJ said that Rovirosa was arraigned on Monday, but Ávila “is a fugitive and remains at large.”
The former was reportedly arrested on Sunday and paid a $1 million bail to remain out of jail before he faces trial. He pleaded not guilty on Monday.
The DOJ said that if convicted, each defendant faces a maximum penalty of five years in prison for each count they face.
“A federal judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors,” the DOJ said.
It noted that the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Homeland Security Investigations are investigating the case. The current evidence against Rovirosa and Ávila includes “a long list” of WhatsApp written and audio messages to Pemex officials, the newspaper Reforma reported.
The period during which the DOJ said that the alleged bribery of Pemex officials by Rovirosa and Ávila occurred coincides with the presidency of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a self-styled anti-corruption crusader.
Octavio Romero was CEO of Pemex — the world’s most indebted oil company — during the entirety of López Obrador’s six-year term between 2018 and 2024. He is now the head of the government housing fund Infonavit.
Octavio Romero was the CEO of Pemex during the period when the bribes allegedly occurred. (Cuartoscuro)
Corruption involving Pemex has long been a problem.
Emilio Lozoya, who served as Pemex CEO from 2012 to 2016 during the presidency of Enrique Peña Nieto, continues to await trial on corruption charges five years after he was extradited to Mexico from Spain.
Who is Ramón Alexandro Rovirosa Martínez?
According to U.S. court documents seen by the Milenio newspaper, Rovirosa is “the founder and CEO of Roma Energy, an Exploration and Production (E&P) company for the Oil and Gas Industry established in Texas.”
He is originally from Villahermosa, the capital of the Gulf coast state of Tabasco, according to media reports.
Rovirosa is reportedly the owner of various companies in Mexico, including one called Tubular Technology and another called Energy On Shore Services. Both those companies are based in Tabasco.
The news outlet Infobae reported that PEP awarded contracts worth over 82 million pesos (US $4.4 million) to companies associated with Rovirosa between 2018 and 2021. One of the contracts for which bribes were allegedly paid was awarded to Tubular Technology and Energy On Shore Services, according to the Milenio newspaper.
Milenio also reported that Rovirosa, a qualified lawyer, formerly served as the “legal operator” of Omar Vargas, a businessman who came under investigation for allegedly defrauding Pemex during the 2000-2006 presidency of Vicente Fox.
Who is Mario Alberto Ávila Lizárraga?
Ávila, originally from Campeche, contested the 2009 gubernatorial election in Campeche as the candidate for the National Action Party (PAN). He lost to Fernando Ortega Bernés of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, who was governor of Campeche until 2015.
Ávila, a business administration graduate who completed postgraduate studies in Spain, worked in both the public and private sectors in Mexico.
Between 2010 and 2012, he worked for Pemex as a deputy director of maintenance and logistics. In 2015, he was disqualified from holding public positions for 10 years after irregularities were detected in the awarding of Pemex contracts to the company Oceanografía. Ávila was also accused of using “official” airplanes for personal purposes while working at Pemex, according to Infobae.
Citing U.S. court documents to which it had access, Milenio reported that Ávila allegedly worked “for the benefit” of Rovirosa and his companies in recent years.
On Tuesday morning, President Claudia Sheinbaum said it was “worth talking about the fugitive businessman because he is a member of PAN,” currently the main opposition party in Mexico.
“He was a PAN candidate to the government of Campeche, he worked in Pemex and he was accused of corruption,” she noted.
“He’s currently a fugitive and is sought by the U.S. government,” Sheinbaum said.
Few men have played such an important role in Mexican history as Antonío Santa Anna. The former revolutionary-turned-dictator built Mexico in his image — until the country united against him. (México Desconocido)
On Aug. 12, 1855 — 170 years ago today — Antonio López de Santa Anna officially resigned from his sixth term as Mexico’s president in Perote, Veracruz. Three days earlier, he had slipped out of Mexico City at dawn and fled for his home state, where he would board a ship and leave for yet another exile. Santa Anna had lost and returned to power many times before, and he may have imagined that afternoon that he would soon be back again. But though he did not know it, his chapter in Mexico’s history was closing and another was beginning in his place: the Liberal Reform. It was heading for Mexico City with the insurgents who had toppled Santa Anna in the conflict Mexico remembers as the Ayutla Revolution.
We can’t understand the Ayutla Revolution without understanding the man it overthrew. It would not be right to say that Antonio López de Santa Anna is one of the most controversial figures in Mexican history, historian Patricia Galeana once remarked, because almost everyone agrees that he is one of its most disastrous characters. In recent decades, this view has become more nuanced thanks to the work of researchers like Will Fowler, who has done much to place Santa Anna in his proper context and refute the idea that he was a traitor to Mexico. However, this idea is still widespread. To this day, schoolchildren learn about Santa Anna as the great villain of the early republic, a dictator who betrayed his nation and sold off half the country.
Antonio López de Santa Anna is one of the most controversial figures in Mexico’s history. (Wikimedia Commons / Manuel Paris)
Santa Anna’s historical reputation as a tyrant was solidified during his 1853-1855 period in office — which ended with the Ayutla Revolution. But by the time the revolution broke out, Santa Anna had a decades-long career in politics behind him and had been one of the central figures in national life since the earliest days of independent Mexico.
The age of Santa Anna
Born in Xalapa, Santa Anna joined the Spanish army as a teenager, just in time for the War of Independence to break out. When insurgent leader Vicente Guerrero and the royalist officer Agustín de Iturbide joined forces to achieve independence, Santa Anna changed sides and joined the rebels, becoming famous as the liberator of his home province. It was the first in a long string of political switches during his long career. In the 19th century, Mexico was torn between federalists and centralists, liberals and conservatives, republicans and monarchists. At some point or another, Santa Anna would fight for them all.
It was Santa Anna who first moved to establish a republic, rebelling against the Mexican Empire — the country’s first independent government — and driving Emperor Iturbide into exile. In 1828, after Mexico’s second presidential election, Santa Anna revolted to prevent the inauguration of the conservative winner in favor of his old comrade, the liberal Guerrero. In 1829, he was transformed into a national hero when he defeated Spain’s attempt to recolonize Mexico at the Battle of Tampico.
In 1831, Santa Anna rebelled once more against the conservative government of Anastasio Bustamante, who had overthrown Guerrero, and re-established the constitutional order that he himself had broken in 1828. By this point, the Veracruzano general was popular nationwide and handily won the presidential election of 1833. He preferred, however, to leave the task of governing to his vice president, Valentín Gómez Farías, who embarked on a radical campaign of reform that attacked the power of the army and Church.
Conservatives rebelled against Gómez Farías and invited Santa Anna to become dictator of the country. After initially fighting them, Santa Anna acquiesced. In 1836, he inaugurated a new constitution known as the Seven Laws that brought the federalist First Republic to an end and gave birth to the new Centralist Republic.
The Seven Laws sparked a wave of federalist and separatist revolts across the country, from Yucatán to Texas. Santa Anna personally led troops in the effort to put down the slave Republic of Texas, but ultimately lost the province and went into exile. Returning home, he rehabilitated his damaged public image when he fought to repel the French invasion of Veracruz in 1838, becoming president once again in 1841 through a military revolt that gave him sweeping legal powers with the centralist constitution called the Bases Orgánicas.
Why, with all the turmoil of his governments, did the conservatives — and Mexicans more generally — keep bringing Santa Anna back to rule? Santa Anna was a talented, ideologically ambiguous politician who had no problem changing sides as it suited him. His fame as the man who liberated Veracruz, proclaimed the republic and drove away Spain and France in 1829 and 1838 made him a valuable ally and symbol of unity for many factions. In an age where the model of leadership was Napoleon, many believed that Santa Anna was indeed the only man capable of holding turbulent Mexico together.
The bombardment of Veracruz during the Mexican-American War. (Public domain)
Exiled again in 1844, Santa Anna was called back to lead the country during the Mexican-American War. When the United States took Mexico City in 1847, Santa Anna left the country once more. In late 1852, Guadalajara conservatives rebelled against President Mariano Arista, a moderate liberal, and invited Santa Anna to return to Mexico. He did so in April 1853, meeting a generally warm reception from the public and assuming the sweeping executive powers that the conservatives had offered him for what was meant to be only a single year.
Santa Anna’s last act
Santa Anna’s last government kicked off energetically by promoting education, attacking banditry and improving highways. It essentially abolished local government when it adjourned all state legislatures and disbanded almost all of the country’s ayuntamientos, or city halls. Then, the sudden death of right hand man Lucas Alamán left Santa Anna without a moderating force or mastermind. This government was uncharacteristic for the Veracruz native in that it lacked his typical absenteeism and became, in the words of historian Raúl González Lezama, “the only one that truly deserves to be called dictatorial.”
The year 1853 saw Santa Anna impose extravagant taxes, limit the freedom of the press and compel citizens to carry a passport to travel within the country. He also made broad concessions to the Catholic Church and provided for the military trial and summary execution of civilian political prisoners. Additionally, Santa Anna began a political persecution of prominent liberals, including ex-governor of Oaxaca Benito Juárez, writer Guillermo Prieto and former Michoacán governor Melchor Ocampo, whom he sent into exile both in Mexico and abroad.
All these policies spread discontent, but perhaps the most important nail in the coffin of Santa Anna’s last government was his December 1853 signing of the Mesilla Treaty, which Americans know better as the Gadsden Purchase.
Already blamed for the loss of Texas in 1836 and losing more than half of Mexico’s territory in 1848, Santa Anna’s reputation was further stained when the United States successfully pressured him into selling a 30,000-square-mile area of land in what was then Chihuahua. The badly needed 10-million-peso indemnification promised by the Mesilla Treaty was squandered through official corruption, and Mexicans were enraged.
It was in this context that Santa Anna made a decision that would change the course of Mexico’s history. In 1854, he authorized a delegation to travel to the Old World and offer the crown of Mexico to a European prince. The results of that effort would arrive in Mexico in 1867, in the form of Maximilian von Habsburg.
The arrival of Maximilian von Habsburg in Veracruz, accompanied by his wife, Carlota. (Public domain)
Santa Anna against Álvarez
Despite problems, Santa Anna had control over most of Mexico by early 1854. The South, however, was a trouble spot. Santa Anna turned his eyes to the state of Guerrero, a federalist stronghold, and its leader, Juan Álvarez. A fellow independence hero, Álvarez was wealthy and popular among the peasants of the region. When Santa Anna returned to Mexico in 1853, Álvarez was serving as the first governor of the newly created state, and it was no secret that he opposed his return.
Santa Anna moved against Álvarez and his appointees, and Álvarez soon began actively plotting against his government. In April 1853, Santa Anna incited a revolt against Álvarez, which the governor put down. Finally, under the pretext of defending Acapulco against the French filibuster Count Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon, the president ordered troops to the port and secretly instructed their commander to capture Álvarez and his allies. The Guerrero liberals knew that they would need to act fast.
The Plan of Ayutla
In the last days of February 1854, Álvarez, Florencio Villarreal, Ignacio Comonfort and several federalist military officers drafted the platform of their rebellion, which they proclaimed on March 1 in the city of Ayutla.
The rebellion against Santa Anna brought together moderate and radical liberals, as well as conservatives like Villarreal. Its leaders needed to smooth these internal tensions and co-opt part of the standing army, which was loyal to Santa Anna. The Plan of Ayutla is therefore not a highly ideological document, and its content was further toned down by Comonfort in the days following its declaration.
The signers of the plan declared Santa Anna’s government illegitimate and called for representatives of the states to elect an interim president who would quickly convene a constituent congress to write a new national constitution. With government troops heading for Acapulco, Álvarez took his place at the head of the Army to Restore Freedom, as the revolutionary army was called.
Juan Álvarez was a key figure in the opposition to Santa Anna. (Gobierno de Mexico)
The Ayutla Revolution
As he had done during the Texas Revolution and the war against the United States, Santa Anna took it upon himself to personally lead federal troops against the rebels and marched towards Acapulco. His 6,000-man army was harassed in guerrilla actions by liberals on the way there, and once in Guerrero, he was unable to take the port, whose defenders, led by Comonfort, held out from inside the San Diego Fort.
With his supply lines cut and unable to take Acapulco, Santa Anna turned back for Mexico City. On the way home, he burned several towns whose populations were suspected of aiding the rebels.
Gradually, forces across the country — in Michoacán, Oaxaca and in the Northeast — declared their adherence to the Plan of Ayutla. During the revolution that followed, radical liberals whom Santa Anna had exiled abroad returned to Mexico and joined them. The fighting, however, was inconclusive for most of the war as the revolutionaries lacked the strength to hold the towns they took, and the government would have needed to destroy or occupy every town in rebellious areas to win. Santa Anna had not definitively lost by the time he resigned, but public confidence in his government had collapsed. He abdicated probably because he thought that the United States was going to intervene on the side of the revolutionaries.
On Aug. 9, 1855, Santa Anna fled the capital at dawn, and three days later, he formally abdicated the presidency in Perote, Veracruz. “I see a coming division, anarchy, desolation and the loss of our country forever,” he wrote in his farewell address to the nation. In October, the congress convened by the Plan of Ayutla chose Álvarez as president. The period of the Reform had begun.
The meaning of the Ayutla Revolution
Ayutla is often overshadowed in historical memory by the major conflicts that came before it, like the Mexican-American War and the Texas Revolution, and those that followed, like the Reform War and Second French Intervention. But unlike previous revolts, which limited themselves to installing a new political regime and failed to effectively challenge entrenched conservative power, the Ayutla Revolution both sought to systemically change Mexico. After three decades of conservative and moderate domination in the national government, the scales were tipping towards the liberals.
Battle scene from the Ayutla Revolution. (Wikimedia Commons / Historiamexican)
The bitterly fought Ayutla Revolution was far from the end of the conflict between liberals and conservatives or between centralists and federalists. It would be more accurate to see it as setting the stage for the bloody Reform War to follow. The lines were drawn, including among the liberals themselves. Had they revolted against Santa Anna as an individual or against the system itself? For the moderate liberals like Comonfort, the answer was the former. Santa Anna had to go, and the rest could be reformed. But for the radicals — Ocampo and Juárez, for example — the point of the Ayutla Revolution was to remake Mexico, to break the power of the traditional landowning classes and unleash capitalism to create a modern nation.
The coalition formed by the Plan of Ayutla was enough to overthrow Santa Anna, but when it came time to govern, this difference split the liberals — so much so that as president in 1858, Comonfort would allow the Conservative Party to overthrow his government to prevent the enactment of the constitution written by Juárez’s radicals.
Though Santa Anna left Mexico for present-day Colombia on Aug. 15, 1855, he would eventually be back, looking to retake his place in politics. Part of the importance of Ayutla was that he never managed it again. Santa Anna and Álvarez were the last of the generation of independence fighters who had established the country and then the republic. They would live for a few more years, but the Ayutla Revolution turned the page on their time as main figures in Mexican politics. From then on, politics would be dominated by the younger men who had made the revolution, including Juárez, Comonfort, Ocampo, Santiago Vidaurri and, later on and perhaps most important of all, Porfirio Díaz.
In the summer and autumn of 1855, the liberal government that came to power with Ayutla passed the Lerdo and Juárez laws, breaking up Church and Indigenous property and limiting the use of special courts for soldiers and clergy. Two years later, the liberals codified these reforms as the law of the land with the Constitution of 1857. The military elite, the Church and the landowners were determined to resist and would soon plunge the country into the Reform War. At the end of it all, the victorious liberals would be free to remake Mexico in their image, a process that in the long run laid the groundwork for the Revolution of 1910 and the country we know today.
It was the Ayutla Revolution’s triumph, 170 years ago today, that opened the door to it all.
