Claudia Sheinbaum has been a popular Mexican president since she took office on Oct. 1, 2024, though her approval rating is beginning to slide. (Crisanta Espinosa Aguilar/Cuartoscuro)
President Sheinbaum concluded her first full year in office with a 69% approval rating in December, according to the most recent national poll conducted by the newspaper El Financiero.
Though 69% is considered a healthy rating for a president, the numbers show a steady decline since February 2025, when Sheinbaum enjoyed an 85% overall approval rating in the same survey.
The latest numbers mark only the second time Sheinbaum’s approval rating in El Financiero’s survey dipped below 70% since she took office on Oct. 1, 2024. It also stood at 69% in November 2024, before soaring to 81% in January 2025.
The 16-point loss since February reflected in the December survey is attributed primarily to rising disapproval levels with regard to the government’s fight against corruption and organized crime. Even so, the poll suggests the public still trusts the president.
The telephone survey — conducted by phoning 800 Mexican adults across the country Dec. 10-17 — revealed that while Sheinbaum’s government continues to receive negative ratings in security and corruption (also reflected in a late-November Enkoll poll), opinions are divided with regard to the government’s economic performance.
When evaluating the Sheinbaum administration’s handling of the economy, 50% rated the government’s work positively, while 48% expressed a negative opinion.
As for public safety, perceptions were mostly unfavorable. Positive responses landed at 40% and negative opinions hit 57%.
Those polled voiced strong concern about Sheinbaum’s record on corruption: a mere 16% rated it as good or very good, while 76% viewed her performance against public malfeasance as bad or very bad.
Similar responses were offered when participants were asked about organized crime: 18% expressed a favorable opinion of Sheinbaum’s performance; 76% had an unfavorable opinion.
Sheinbaum’s highest marks came in the realm of her social programs.
Here, the president’s actions earned 65% support and only a 29% negative rating, although this was the least favorable level for Sheinbaum’s administration in this category since she took office. El Financiero’s September poll — released as Sheinbaum prepared to celebrate completing one year in the National Palace — indicated 75% support for her welfare programs.
With regard to the attributes the public perceives in the president, 58% rated her positively in honesty, 57% lauded her leadership, and 52% approved her ability to deliver results, the latter percentage an improvement compared to El Financiero’s November survey results, when only 47% responded positively.
On Saturday and again on Sunday, hundreds of Venezuelans residing in Mexico City marched along central avenues and outside the U.S. Embassy to demand a peaceful political transition in Venezuela. (Moisés Pablo/Cuartoscuro)
Protests in Mexico following the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro by the United States on Saturday varied in mood between celebration and criticism, as President Claudia Sheinbaum and other Latin American leaders condemned the intervention.
In the early hours of Saturday morning, the U.S. carried out a military operation on Venezuelan territory in which they captured Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and charged them with crimes related to “narco-terrorism” conspiracy.
By Saturday afternoon, people in cities across Mexico, including Mexico City, Acapulco, León and San Cristobal de las Casas, joined protests condemning Trump’s intervention in Venezuela.
In Monterrey, Nuevo León, protesters voiced their opposition to the capture of Maduro in Plaza de las Banderas (Flag Square), chanting slogans such as “Yankees Out” and “We Are Venezuela.”
However, several Venezuelans residing in Mexico publicly praised the news.
In Monterrey’s Plaza Bolívar, a group gathered to celebrate Maduro’s capture by the U.S. Families carried national flags and signs showing their support for the overthrow of the longstanding president, while some displayed support for Corina Machado, the Venezuelan opposition politician who won the Nobel Peace Prize last year.
“We learn so much from traveling to so many countries and realizing that no matter how much we adapt to places, it will never be like our homeland,” the newspaper La Jornada reported Alba Ruiz, one of the Venezuelan demonstrators, as saying.
Not all Venezuelans in Mexico shared this unequivocal support. Other contingents took a more nuanced stance, welcoming Maduro’s removal while opposing U.S. intervention in Latin American affairs.
In San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, a protester holds a sign reading: “Invasion is not celebrated. Strength, Venezuela.” (Isabel Mateos Hinojosa/Cuartoscuro)
Response in Mexico City
Hundreds of Venezuelans residing in Mexico City marched along central avenues and outside the U.S. Embassy on Sunday to demand a peaceful political transition in Venezuela. Many celebrated the potential end to the dictatorship of the last 13 years under Maduro (and 26 in total) and the first step toward a free Venezuela.
The march in Mexico City was part of the global #HastaElFinal (Until the End) movement, a slogan that has long been used by Venezuelan pro-freedom activists.
In response to the protests, the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City warned of possible adjustments to visa appointments scheduled for Monday, Jan. 5.
Meanwhile, the Mexican government issued a statement expressing its condemnation of the United States’ military actions in Venezuela on Saturday, emphasizing its support for the principles of the UN Charter.
“We categorically reject intervention in the internal matters of other countries,” Sheinbaum reiterated during her daily press conference on Monday.
Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Uruguay, Spain and Mexico have issued a joint statement rejecting the United States’ military operation in Venezuela.
Sheinbaum acknowledged that Venezuela’s oil reserves likely played a role in the U.S. actions, adding that other strategic resources, such as uranium, could be at the center of U.S. interest. (Moisés Pablo/Cuartoscuro)
While insisting that Mexico’s relationship with the United States is “one of cooperation, not subordination,” President Claudia Sheinbaum again condemned U.S. military intervention in Venezuela on Monday.
“Intervention does not bring democracy to the people,” she said, adding that armed intrusions neither generate stability nor benefit the general welfare of the public. “Only the people can build their own future.”
Reading a prepared statement, Sheinbaum said Mexico maintains a historical position based on non-intervention and the self-determination of peoples, principles enshrined both in its Constitution and in international law.
“Mexico’s position against any form of intervention is firm, clear and historic,” she said. “Mexico reaffirms a principle that is not new: we categorically reject intervention in the internal affairs of other countries.”
Sheinbaum concluded by saying that, given the escalating tensions between the U.S. and Venezuela, multilateral organizations, including the U.N. and the Organization of American States, must play an active role.
Addressing Trump’s allegations that “the cartels are running Mexico — she’s not running Mexico,” Sheinbaum laughed off the accusation and described the bilateral relationship as one of mutual respect.
“It is important to emphasize that when we talk about shared responsibility, respect and mutual trust, this violence that our country is experiencing has among its causes the illegal entry of high-powered weapons from the United States into Mexico, as well as the serious problem of drug use in the neighboring country,” she said.
Sheinbaum also revealed she held talks with her counterparts from Colombia, Gustavo Petro, and Spain, Pedro Sánchez, over the weekend, a dialogue that resulted in a joint statement rejecting the U.S. intervention and calling for a peaceful solution.
“We don’t believe development comes from the strength or vision of a single state, but from cooperation among all the countries of the continent,” she said. “This would give enormous economic strength to Latin America and the entire American continent.”
Sheinbaum acknowledged that Venezuela’s oil reserves likely played a role in the U.S. actions, adding that other strategic resources, such as uranium, could be at the center of U.S. interest.
The president also disclosed that a phone conversation with Trump is not currently planned.
The Akron Stadium in Zapopan, which can host approximately 48,000 fans, will receive an investment of 300 million pesos ($16 million) from owner Omnilife-Chivas. (Fernando Carranza García/Cuartoscuro)
Jalisco state is expected to spend around 700 million pesos (US $37.8 million) in preparation for the FIFA 2026 World Cup, with a significant portion going towards infrastructure.
Around 400 million pesos (US $21.6 million) for public works will come from the state, 200 million pesos ($10.8 million) from the municipality of Zapopan and 100 million pesos ($5.4 million) from the city of Guadalajara, Zapopan’s mayor, Juan José Frangie Saade, told the newspaper El Universal in June.
Improvements are aimed not only at the influx of World Cup ticket holders but also at responding to the growing demand for services in the greater Guadalajara area, such as urban and road infrastructure.
“We are undertaking some landmark projects, such as the complete urban redesign of the city’s entrance from the airport, a new transportation line, new roads and we are going to renovate the historic center,” said Governor Pablo Lemus Navarro.
“Mobility in the city has become very complex in the last decade, and we must focus on facilitating mobility for the World Cup and for the general public in their daily commutes,” he added.
The Akron Stadium in Zapopan, which can host approximately 48,000 fans, will receive an investment of 300 million pesos ($16 million) from owner Omnilife-Chivas. Spending will go towards replacing the stadium’s turf, improving the press area and communications infrastructure and installing more security cameras.
Roads and public transport
One of the biggest infrastructure projects coming to the area is the expansion of the Chapala Highway, which connects the city of Guadalajara to the international airport. An additional lane will be added in each direction, and the upgraded six-lane road will be fitted with a bike path, sidewalks and streetlights.
The government also plans to widen the ring road around Guadalajara to improve access to the Akron Stadium.
Meanwhile, the Camino Real a Colima (Royal Road to Colima) will become an alternative route to López Mateos Avenue, alleviating congestion in the southern part of the city.
A new Line 5 of Guadalajara’s electric BRT public transport system will connect the airport with Akron Stadium, downtown and Expo Guadalajara, and is expected to reduce travel time by 50 minutes.
Eight new hotels are expected to be completed for the World Cup. Developers have also announced improvements to existing hotels and restaurants.
Historic center upgrades
The historic center of Guadalajara is getting a glow-up ahead of the World Cup, resulting in long-term benefits for locals and tourists alike.
Projects include the installation of new streetlights, renovations to drinking water and sewage systems, improvements to pedestrian and vehicular crossings and the transfer of overhead wiring underground.
The Minerva roundabout will be adapted for pedestrian traffic as part of plans for Fan Festival, with improvements also being made to lighting and security throughout the city’s center.
“These aren’t [just] World Cup projects, they’re legacy projects for Guadalajara. The historic center had only been renovated once since its construction. What we want is for our center, our heart, to be able to beat strongly for at least the next 50 years,” Guadalajara mayor Verónica Delgadillo said at the presentation of her first government report in September.
The Guadalajara government announced in June that renovation works were due to be completed by the end of the year.
The last renovation to Guadalajara’s historic center was 40 years ago. (Movimiento Ciudadano Jalisco)
Improvements are underway in the following areas:
Plaza de la Liberación
Fountain and Esplanade of the Hospicio Cabañas
Plaza Fundadores
Plaza Tapatía
Paseo Degollado
The San Juan de Dios Market
All projects outlined above must be completed at least 60 days before the start of the World Cup, when FIFA begins its local operations, according to the mayor of Zapopan.
A trio of fruity delights are in season this month. Try them while you can! (Mexico in my Kitchen)
I’m all about the winter fruits right now, as we head into 2026. Guava’s sweet perfume as I enter a market is like a siren’s song drawing me straight to it. Big beautiful passionfruit, one of my all-time favourite fruits, are piled high.
And this holiday season, I also fell in love with Atole de Tamarindo! The traditional seasonal atole with tamarind is a match made in heaven on a cool night. Join me for a trio of recipes using these delicious local fruits.
Passionfruit
Freshly cut in my kitchen for agua fresca de maracuya! (Bel Woodhouse)
I love that passionfruit water is abundant this time of year. I can’t help myself; grabbing a bottle from the juice guys in the street while walking around just makes my day. Plus, it’s very easy to make. About 20 minutes, 3 ingredients, and 2 easy steps, and you have an amazing, refreshing drink at home.
Agua fresca de Maracuyá
Ingredients:
5 passionfruit (add more if you like)
4 cups water
2 tablespoons sugar
Instructions:
Cut four of the passionfruit in half and scoop fruit into a bowl. Keep the last passionfruit for topping the drinks. Add a cup of water and two tablespoons of sugar to a blender and blend for 30 seconds.
Add the passionfruit and pulse two to three times then strain the mixture into a pitcher. Add the remaining three cups of water and stir well. Pour into glasses and top with the remaining passionfruit.
Tip — line the rim of the glasses with tajín, it’s delicious! Or, for an alcoholic version, passionfruit is amazing in margaritas as well.
Guava
A total crowd pleaser, my guava jam has chia and lime. (Bel Woodhouse)
Nutrient-packed and incredibly high in vitamin C (up to four times that of an orange), guavas have been a part of Mexican cuisine since approximately 200 B.C. I always snag a bag of guavas and make jam so I can enjoy it for weeks. Not only is it delicious, but at this time of year, our bodies could use a boost. If you’re a jam maker like me, consider adding a squeeze of lime and some chia seeds, but that’s just a matter of personal taste.
Traditional guava jam
Ingredients:
1 pound of guavas
4 cups of water
1 ½ cup sugar
Pectin, which helps thicken the jam, is not needed as guavas already contain it.
Instructions:
In a medium-sized saucepan, cover the guavas with the four cups of water and cook for 15 minutes until soft. Let cool until they can be handled, then cut in half and scoop out the seeds carefully, leaving as much flesh as possible.
Place the guavas, sugar, and one cup of the cooking water into a blender. Blend until smooth then return to the saucepan and simmer over low heat, stirring occasionally for about half an hour.
Jam is cooked when it has thickened enough that you can see the bottom of the pan while stirring. Pour hot jam into your jar, or jars, then let cool. It will last up to a month in the fridge. Properly sterilised canning jars will last up to a year in a cool pantry.
Tamarind
Mexico’s favorite sweet treat, tamarind is now in season. (Germán Torreblanca)
This holiday season, I fell in love with atole de tamarindo. The delicious traditional warm atole with tamarind added is a sweet, tangy delight. The older the tamarind, the sweeter it is, so if yours tastes a little tart, add a little more sugar because it just means the tamarind pods were younger.
Atole de tamarindo
Allow half an hour soaking time for the tamarind pods. I promise it’s worth it!
Ingredients:
4 oz, (114 grams) tamarind without the shell
¾ cup sugar
4 ¾ cups water
6 tablespoons masa harina
An additional 1¼ cup of warm water for soaking the tamarind
Instructions:
Peel the tamarind and soak it in the warm water for half an hour. Then press the pods between your fingers to get the seeds out and rub to form a paste.
In a medium saucepan, add the 4 cups of water and sugar plus the tamarind paste and place over medium heat. Bring to a boil.
While that’s heating, add the remaining ¾ cup of water with the masa harina to form a paste. Add it gently to the boiling tamarind mix. Simmer for about eight minutes, stirring occasionally. Serve warm.
Mexico Correspondent for International Living, Bel is an experienced writer, author, photographer and videographer with 500+ articles published both in print and across digital platforms. Living in the Mexican Caribbean for over 7 years now, she’s in love with Mexico and has no plans to go anywhere anytime soon.
An icon of the rails, the British Rail Class 43 is a triumph of invention, design, resourcefulness and longevity. How did it travel from southern England to the mountains of Oaxaca? (Phil Richards)
Long before it rumbled through the jungles and ports of southern Mexico, the British Class 43 High Speed Train was the sleek steel face of a confident, modernizing Britain, one that was hurtling out of the 1970s at 125 mph. Its journey from London to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec is a story of reinvention and of a record‑breaking icon that refused to fade quietly into a scrapyard.
With its new home, the massive Interoceanic Train project (CIIT) coming into the headlines this week after a devastating crash, we take a look at the locomotive spearheading the Mexican government’s push for an alternative to the Panama Canal.
Birth of a speed icon
The sleek design of the HST made it instantly recognizable. (Dave Hitchbourne)
In the late 1960s, British Rail faced a problem: aging diesel fleets, rising competition from cars and planes, and no spare billions for brand‑new high‑speed lines. The answer was audacious but practical — they needed to build a very fast train for the Victorian track network that Britain already had.
The result was the InterCity 125, officially the British Rail Class 43 High Speed Train (HST), a formation with a power car at each end and a train of BR Mark 3 coaches in between. Designed and built between 1975 and 1982, the Class 43 power cars packed a 2,250‑horsepower Paxman Valenta engine and quickly earned the distinction of being the fastest diesel locomotives in the world, with a record run reaching 148.5 mph.
When HSTs entered service in 1976, first on the Western Region out of London Paddington, they transformed long‑distance rail travel almost overnight. Journeys that had taken hours longer suddenly felt sharp, punctual and distinctly modern, accompanied by bold “Inter‑City 125” branding that became a visual shorthand for speed.
The HST spread from the Great Western and South Wales main lines to the East Coast Main Line and beyond, anchoring many of Britain’s flagship routes for decades. Through new liveries, refurbishments and engine replacements, the Class 43s outlived multiple corporate identities and government policies, becoming an everyday backdrop to British life and a favorite among railfans.
A classic in search of a second life
A pair of HSTs at Kings’ Cross Station (Models of Hull/Geoffrey Spink)
By the 2010s, the same qualities that had once made the HST cutting edge started to count against it. New electric and bi‑mode trains began to replace Class 43 sets on core routes, and passenger operators thinned their fleets. For the power cars, the future forked three ways: preservation, scrap or export.
Fortunately, not all of them were destined for the torch. Preserved examples entered museums and heritage railways, while others found extended careers on secondary routes in Britain. But a growing number were sold abroad, their robust engineering and relatively low purchase price making them attractive for countries seeking proven, mid‑speed intercity trains without investing in new high‑speed rolling stock.
Among those new horizons were two particularly ambitious export programs: one to Nigeria and one to Mexico. For a handful of Class 43s, the story would now be written in Spanish.
Crossing the ocean: the Mexico deal
The stage for the Mexican chapter was the CIIT, the railway crossing the narrowest part of Mexico between the Gulf of Mexico port of Coatzacoalcos and the Pacific port of Salina Cruz.
To provide fast passenger services over the rebuilt route, Mexico acquired several HST power cars and Mark 3 coaches, working with leasing and logistics specialists to purchase, overhaul and ship the vehicles across the Atlantic. The first batch — three Class 43 power cars and 11 Mk 3 trailers — was dispatched in 2023 for trials, with further batches following in 2024 and 2025.
In Britain, the exported power cars were recorded with new Mexican numbers: 43022 and 43207 became FIT 3008 and FIT 3009, while 43170 became FIT 3007. Preparation work before shipping included mechanical overhauls and adaptation for new operating conditions on the Isthmus line.
Reinvented on the Isthmus
In Mexico, the once‑familiar British silhouettes began to look subtly different. The trains received new liveries to match FIT branding, trading InterCity stripes and later British operators’ colors for bright schemes suited to their new national role. They were also fitted with standard North American‑style couplers, allowing Mexican locomotives to rescue or haul the sets if needed, and adapted to local safety and operational requirements.
Trials on the Isthmus route began by late 2023, with videos showing HST sets running through tropical landscapes a world away from Yorkshire moors or the Severn estuary. After the infrastructure rebuild, the line was formally inaugurated, with HST‑based passenger services forming part of the renewed offering across the corridor between Coatzacoalcos and Salina Cruz.
It wasn’t all smooth sailing, though. In July 2025, FIT 3009 had the leading cab ripped off after colliding with a cement truck at a crossing in Oaxaca. Footage emerged online of the train, with pieces of carbon fiber wedged back down, carrying steadfastly on with its duty, a minor delay after damage that would have removed many other trains from service — possibly permanently.
FIT3008 was most recently spotted rescuing passengers after the tragic derailment at Asunción Ixtaltepec. The loco involved in the derailment was an ex-Union Pacific SD70M, pulling a train of U.S.-built Budd SPV-2000, itself an import from New York’s Hudson Line, which once ran between Croton and Harmon.
An unlikely but fitting epilogue
For the engineers who drew the first lines of the Class 43 in the early 1970s, it would have been hard to imagine their creation decades later carrying passengers across the mountains of Mexico, its Paxman‑engined heritage blending with tropical heat and port traffic. Yet the arc of the HST’s life — designed for austerity‑era tracks, crowned as the world’s fastest diesel, then repurposed for another continent — fits the locomotive’s character: pragmatic, tough and endlessly reusable.
The British Class 43 did not simply “end up” in Mexico by accident; it was chosen, exported and rebuilt because it still had something valuable to offer: reliable, relatively fast, intercity service on existing rails. On the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, as the old InterCity 125s thunder past palm trees instead of signal gantries, they carry with them half a century of British railway history — proof that some legends keep rolling as long as there is track ahead.
Chris Havler-Barrett is the Features Editor at Mexico News Daily.
Jalisco's flashy new police cars are going to fight crime. Maybe. Somehow. If they can figure out a plan to do it first.
JALISCO, MEXICO — In a move described by local officials as “absolutely not compensating for anything,” the Jalisco State Police rolled out three shiny new Tesla Cybertrucks this week, promising to chase down crime and Instagram likes faster than ever before.
Governor Pablo Lemus Navarro announced the purchase of the Cybertrucks as part of a 678-vehicle upgrade splurge ahead of the 2026 FIFA World Cup, describing the 970 million peso price tag as “pocket change compared to our collective sense of security.” “We need to work hard on security perception,” Lemus said, moments before asking photographers to capture his best angle next to his armored Black Mamba “sort-of-like-tanks.”
You can’t expect to have a car capable of streaming the World Cup and not want cops to use it, right?
U.S. diplomats have praised Jalisco’s fleet on social media, declaring “Jalisco is stepping up into the future,” in a post suspected to be written by a chatbot developed for diplomatic optimism.
Not everyone is impressed. Leaders from the ruling Morena party mocked the fleet, with state president Erika Pérez remarking, “I see this and think Robocop is going to come out.” Congressman Carlos Lomelí demanded more transparency, and asked, “How will this reduce insecurity?” before reportedly getting a free Cybertruck test drive.
Police plan to use the Cybertrucks as mobile command centers, equipped with SpaceX’s Starlink internet “so they can patrol, tweet, and stream soccer matches in glorious 4K, all at the same time.” Tourists visiting Guadalajara, Puerto Vallarta, and Tequila will be safer — or at least “will see the Cybertrucks and feel vaguely safer, which is basically the same thing,” Lemus explained.
The World Cup is expected to bring over five million visitors, who will each have the chance to take a selfie with a Cybertruck. Plans for drone-mounted flamethrowers are currently on hold “pending Elon Musk’s next inspirational tweet.”
From Baja California to Buena Vista, Mexico and the United States have clashed military many times. We've collected some of the most notable stories. (White House Historical Archives)
While recent relations between Mexico and the United States have (for the most part) been cordial in recent years, the two countries have more than a century long history of discord.
In the 1800s, Baja California faced more than storms and pirates — it faced would‑be conquerors armed with cannons, foreign flags and expansionist ambitions. French aristocrats, U.S. adventurers like William Walker and influential border businessmen who sought to claim the peninsula for profit, slavery and personal glory. Chris Sands highlights the Mexican generals, ranchers and communities whose resistance ensured that Baja California remained Mexican territory.
How Mexico lost more than half its land to the U.S.
One treaty permanently redrew the map of North America — and left deep scars that still shape U.S.–Mexico relations today. War, broken promises and land grabs forged a shared but uneasy history that remains painfully relevant. Monserrat Castro revisits the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which cost Mexico 55% of its territory, upended the lives of 80,000 Mexican residents and fueled the road to the U.S. Civil War.
In 1914, a brief arrest of nine U.S. sailors in Tampico spiraled into a full‑scale U.S. invasion of Veracruz, while Mexico was already engulfed in revolution. Leigh Thelmadatter retells the Tampico Affair from the Mexican side: Wilson’s gambit to topple Huerta, civilian resistance, and a bloody occupation that left 500 Mexicans dead and deepened anti‑U.S. sentiment across the country.
In Mexico, six cadets known as the Niños Héroes are honored as martyrs who died defending Chapultepec Castle from U.S. troops in 1847, wrapped in the flag rather than surrender. Oxford University’s Shyal Bhandari writes exclusively for Mexico News Daily and asks how much of that story is history and how much is myth, tracing missing records, conflicting accounts and an Indigenous officer whose sacrifice may have been erased.
90 years ago, almost 2 million Mexicans were deported en masse
Nearly a century before today’s mass‑deportation efforts, the United States already removed 1.8 million Mexicans at the height of the Great Depression. This deeply reported piece revisits Herbert Hoover’s 1930s “American jobs for real Americans” campaign, saw deportations without due process, condemning many U.S. citizens to removal. From park raids and hospital round‑ups to California’s modern apology, Sheryl Losser reveals a history many prefer to forget but which echoes ominously into the present.
On a windswept stretch of Tamaulipas sand, beachgoers suddenly found signs warning they were on U.S. Department of Defense property and could be detained and searched. After the Mexican Navy tore down six unauthorized signs on Playa Bagdad, Washington said contractors “made a mistake.” Why does this episode hit a nerve when talk of unilateral U.S. military action in Mexico grows louder?
Mexico is a land of color, contrast, warmth and joy — in stark opposition to the sepia-tinted badlands that some U.S. politicians portray it as. (Anna Bruce)
If you’ve spent time in Mexico, you’ve likely felt a familiar mix of fascination, frustration, and affection for a country that’s magnetic and vividly alive. For Americans who know Mexico primarily through headlines, however, it can appear almost unrecognisable: a nation portrayed as unstable and chiefly responsible for a host of U.S. problems.
That portrayal closely mirrors the rhetoric of U.S. President Donald Trump. Across speeches, social media posts, and televised interviews, Mexico is often cast as a country willfully flooding the United States with drugs and failing to control migration. In a Fox News interview on Saturday, January 3, following recent events in Venezuela, Trump even hinted at the possibility of conflict much closer to home.
There is a lot more to life in Mexico than surface level political rhetoric, as anyone who has spent time in the country is well aware. (Gerson Repreza/Unsplash)
“Your vice president, JD Vance, said that the message is pretty clear: that drug trafficking must stop. So was this operation a message that you’re sending to Mexico, to Claudia Sheinbaum, the president there?” Fox’s Griff Jenkins asked.
“Well, it wasn’t meant to be, we’re very friendly with her, she’s a good woman,” Trump began. “But the cartels are running Mexico. She’s not running Mexico. We could be politically correct and be nice and say, ‘Oh, yes, she is.’ No, no. She’s very, you know, she’s very frightened of the cartels. They’re running Mexico. And I’ve asked her numerous times, ‘Would you like us to take out the cartels?’ Something is gonna have to be done with Mexico.”
Trump’s language frames Mexico less as a neighbour or partner and more as a looming threat. For those who’ve never travelled south of the border, this one-dimensional depiction can easily become the dominant lens through which the country is viewed.
The reality, however, is far more intricate.
Misrepresented blame
One of Trump’s most frequent claims is that Mexico is deliberately flooding the United States with fentanyl, leading to hundreds of thousands of deaths. While the CDC confirms the opioid crisis has indeed resulted in more than 100,000 overdose fatalities annually in the U.S., attributing this tragedy solely to Mexico oversimplifies a deeply complex issue.
Fentanyl does cross into the U.S. from Mexico, but through criminal networks, not as a matter of government policy or national strategy. Drugs are most often smuggled through legal ports of entry, frequently by U.S. citizens, using increasingly sophisticated methods. Mexican authorities actively work to disrupt these networks, often at considerable risk and cost.
Mexico is now responsible for a quarter of global fentanyl seizures, as the country is making inroads into the trafficking trade. (Semar/Cuartoscuro)
Trump’s framing isn’t only misleading, it shifts responsibility away from U.S. demand, domestic trafficking networks, and the public-health dimensions of addiction. Drug trafficking is a shared challenge, and rhetoric that ignores this reality strains cooperation on both sides of the border.
The reality of enforcement
Trump has argued that Mexico does little to control migration and that declines in border crossings are solely the result of his policies. This narrative omits key facts.
Mexico enforces its immigration laws rigorously, often under extraordinary strain. Data from the Migration Policy Institute documents checkpoints, detention centres, deportations, and patrols along Mexico’s northern border, many operating with limited resources and constant scrutiny.
Reducing this reality to slogans about walls and tariffs overlooks the complexity on the ground. Mexico isn’t passively allowing migration, it’s managing a regional humanitarian crisis in real time, while absorbing pressures that never reach U.S. headlines. This effort, while imperfect, reflects the work of countless officials and citizens navigating difficult circumstances.
Exaggerating the threat
At its core, Mexico is a vibrant, laid back culture, a world away from the cartel hellscape that U.S. politicians paint it as. (Magdalena Montiel/Cuartoscuro)
Trump often describes Mexico as a cartel-run state where danger is omnipresent. While violence certainly exists, it’s uneven and highly localized. Data from Mexico’s National Institute of Statistics and Geography shows that large areas of the country, including Mérida, Querétaro, Oaxaca, and most neighbourhoods of Mexico City, remain notably safe.
In these places, daily life looks much as it does elsewhere. People walk through parks, shop in markets, and sit in cafés without the constant fear implied by Trump’s portrayal.
Distorted narrative
Trump has repeatedly claimed that Mexico doesn’t cooperate enough with the U.S. in terms of extraditions. This assertion is demonstrably false and is supported by U.S. Department of Justice data that highlights Mexico’s long history of extraditing criminals to the U.S., often under significant political pressure and real danger to the officials involved.
Cooperation between the two countries extends well beyond law enforcement. Extraditions involve complex legal and diplomatic considerations and mischaracterising this history undermines trust while fueling unnecessary suspicion.
An oversimplification
Throughout 2025, Trump maintained that walls and tariffs could single-handedly resolve border issues. In reality, migration and trade are shaped by deep-rooted forces including inequality, violence, labour demand, and global supply chains. Treating these challenges as problems with simple, mechanical solutions obscures their true nature.
Trade deficits, which Trump frequently cites as evidence that Mexico is exploiting the U.S., are similarly complex. They reflect consumer behaviour and market dynamics, not wrongdoing. Tariffs, moreover, are paid by U.S. importers, costs that ultimately land on American businesses and consumers, not on Mexico.
Inflated numbers
Trump routinely inflates figures related to illegal crossings, drug deaths, and cartel activity. These exaggerations fuel anxiety and suspicion among audiences watching from afar. For those of us living in Mexico, they more often provoke frustration and disbelief.
Scenes like this do exist, but they’re much fewer and further between than some people might be quick to claim. (Keith Dannemiller/IOM)
Day to day Mexico is vibrant, functional, and resilient. The lesson isn’t to dismiss data, but to approach dramatic claims with scepticism and to balance statistics with lived experience.
Residents here often navigate between two competing narratives: the Mexico we know, and the Mexico portrayed in political theatre. That distinction shapes how we live, where we settle, and how we explain our lives to friends and family back home. It reminds us that Mexico isn’t a monolith defined by danger, but a country of nuance, contradiction, and endurance.
Beyond fear driven narratives
Trump’s narrative about Mexico reflects a broader pattern of exaggeration and blame-shifting. For those relocating to or already living in Mexico, the takeaway is simple: the country is richer, more vibrant, and more complex than any Trump headline or speech suggests. Bureaucracy can be frustrating, crime exists, and governance can feel bewildering at times, but daily life goes on. Families gather, businesses grow, markets buzz, and communities support one another.
Rhetoric has consequences. Words spoken from a political stage shape perceptions, influence policy, and colour everyday interactions. Statements like “Something is gonna have to happen to Mexico” carry weight well beyond the moment they’re uttered.
Charlotte Smith is a writer and journalist based in Mexico. Her work focuses on travel, politics, and community.
Protesters gathered Saturday in Mexico City at the Venezuelan Embassy (pictured) and the United States Embassy following news of the U.S. military strike on Venezuela. (Gustavo Alberto / Cuartoscuro.com)
President Trump won in part on a platform in which he promised to take decisive action against drug traffickers, drug cartels and those nations harboring them. Let’s set aside any cynicism on the “real motives” of the Venezuela attack (yes oil, I mean you) and assume that a key objective was to take action on the production and distribution of drugs from Venezuela to the United States and other countries around the world.
What began as a small drug boat getting blown up on Sept. 1 off the Caribbean coast of Venezuela had quickly turned into a steady flow of attacks in both the Caribbean and Pacific. The most recent account is that there have been 36 vessels attacked, with at least 115 people killed. In addition to the boat attacks, there has of course been the U.S. military buildup in the area around Venezuela. Never in recent history have so many U.S. soldiers and military assets been stationed in the region.
Throughout this period, the rhetoric on Mexico has been relatively consistent. President Sheinbaum has continued to emphasize the sovereignty of Mexico and insist that U.S. troops are not acceptable in the country. She recently even went so far as to say that, “The last time the United States came to Mexico with an intervention, they took half of the territory.” President Trump has been consistent in his rhetoric towards Mexico, on more than one occasion insisting that “Mexico is run by the cartels,” while at the same time praising the Sheinbaum administration for the collaboration with the U.S. against the cartels.
Sheinbaum in fact has taken some significant actions against the cartels, and has demonstrated a step change in action compared to her predecessor. AMLO’s “hugs, not bullets” strategy against the cartels clearly was ineffective and insincere. No one can forget AMLO briefly meeting Chapo’s mother in Sinaloa.
But today, everything changed. Sheinbaum’s immediate reaction to the Venezuelan attack was to issue a statement “condemning the military intervention in Venezuela” and citing Article 2, paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter that reads: “All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.” That is a logical and valid reaction, especially given her consistent references to Mexico’s sovereignty.
That being said, the United Nations stood by and did little over the past several decades as first Chávez and then Maduro ruled Venezuela with an iron fist. Corruption was rampant, elections were rigged, and millions of Venezuelans were forced to flee the country in search of a better life. The United Nations and most nations of the world stood silent as millions of Venezuelans were forced to walk through the Darien Gap, as countless stories were told of many of them being robbed, raped or killed in the journey. The millions that ultimately made it to the U.S. border were treated as asylum seekers and welcomed into the country. This led to many communities across the nation having their schools, hospitals, and support organizations overwhelmed as they attempted to support the massive wave of new immigrants into the country. This of course was another key theme of the recent U.S. elections.
El Artículo 2, párrafo 4 de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas dice textualmente:
“Los Miembros de la Organización, en sus relaciones internacionales, se abstendrán de recurrir a la amenaza o al uso de la fuerza contra la integridad territorial o la independencia política de…
So the Trump administration finally took action. And in taking action, also said that Mexico, along with Cuba and Colombia could be next. He also once again reiterated to Fox News that Mexico is run by the drug cartels and added that, “Something’s going to have to be done with Mexico.” Is this a threat that should be taken seriously? And if so, what should Mexico do?
Here is my personal take. Not only President Trump, but also Secretary Rubio, U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ron Johnson and even Secretary Noem have recently commented on the cooperation and collaboration of the Sheinbaum administration in the war on drugs. Clearly this is a completely different tone than what was being said about Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia. The Trump administration has ratcheted up the pressure on Mexico to take action on the cartels, and Mexico has many examples of improved action and results.
I believe that today’s Venezuelan actions will serve as an even larger “stick” to get Mexico to do more, much faster. I also believe that Trump will also use the “carrot” of the upcoming USMCA trade agreement renewal to exert even more pressure on Mexico to quickly produce results. It cannot be forgotten that the U.S. is Mexico’s largest customer, and Mexico is the U.S.’s largest customer. That means alot and obviously isn’t the case with Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia.
What do these results ultimately look like? Look for more cartel leader arrests, more drug seizures, more collaboration on the flow of money, weapons and drugs. And look for the use of drone strikes on Mexican fentanyl labs. This was my “wildcard” prediction for Mexico for 2026 that I think just became a lot more likely today. The drone strikes might be ultimately conducted by Mexico (with behind the scenes support from the U.S. military), but I do believe that they will begin happening sooner rather than later.
I believe that these actions by Mexico will happen, and as a result will prevent any direct U.S. actions or intervention in Mexico. The real question to begin to think about, both in Venezuela and if increased actions take place in Mexico, is what will happen next. In other words, what will the cartels do next? Where will they go? How will they respond? History teaches us that it is not the success of the attack, but rather the lack of a plan after the attack, that often ultimately determines future success. Let’s hope that the U.S. has a comprehensive, well-thought-out plan to address that.
Travis Bembenek is the CEO ofMexico News Daily and has been living, working or playing in Mexico for nearly 30 years.
