Tuesday, April 29, 2025

Speedy Gonzales: The mouse that outran cancel culture

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Speedy Gonzales cartoon
One small, Mexican mouse stands above all others when it comes to classic cartoons — but in the early 2000s, he came very close to cancellation before being saved by an unlikely ally. (Shutterstock)

As I passed through the streets of the Zocalo in Mexico City’s colonia Centro, a familiar phrase caught my ear. “Ándale, mijo,” a father urged his dawdling son, gently steering him through the bustling morning crowd. “Ándale.” In an instant, my mind automatically conjured the high-pitched voice of a cartoon mouse: “Ándale! Ándale! Arriba! Arriba!” The memory of Speedy Gonzales, the “fastest mouse in all Mexico,” flashed through my mind, complete with his oversized sombrero, exaggerated accent and outsized bravado.

I found myself reflecting on the pint-sized Looney Tunes character who had been a staple of my childhood Saturday mornings. How had this caricature of a Mexican mouse shaped my perceptions — and those of millions of other American children — about our neighbors to the south? Now, as a more informed adult who had immersed herself in Mexican culture, I could look at Speedy and see the ways in which he and the Mexican characters he interacted with fostered potentially negative ethnic prejudices. Yet, was Speedy a harmless bit of fun or a problematic purveyor of cultural stereotypes? How did the Mexican community feel about him? And what would become of him over time?

Speedy Gonzales intro
Is any cartoon depiction of a nation as enduring as the image of Mexico portrayed by Speedy Gonzales? (Reddit)

The origins of a controversial rodent

Speedy Gonzales made his on-screen debut in 1953 as the brainchild of animators Friz Freleng and Robert McKimson. Originally intended to be a one-show character, Speedy became so popular that he was kept on for 45 episodes of the Looney Tunes show, eventually winning an Academy Award for Best Animated Short Film in 1955 for the cartoon “Speedy Gonzales.”

Although some have claimed that the character’s name is the result of a sexual joke (one can fill in the blanks as to why it references “speed”), former Warner Brothers animator Martha Goldman Sigall confirmed the name was born of an interaction between assistant animator Frank Gonzales and a group of the company’s story writers. Gonzales was sharing his new way of speeding up his drawing process with the group, which inspired the writers’ use of the nickname “Speedy Gonzales”. 

Voiced by Mel Blanc (a white actor who was the voice behind most Looney Tunes characters), Speedy was depicted as a clever, lightning-fast mouse who often outwitted his feline nemesis, Sylvester. His catchphrases — “Ándale! Ándale!” and “Arriba! Arriba!” — became instantly recognizable, even to non-Spanish speakers. 

In his later years, Speedy made appearances in films like “Who Framed Roger Rabbit”, “Looney Tunes: Back in Action”, and the “Space Jam” franchise. He has appeared in various media, including songs, video games, and commercials over the decades, gaining praise as one of the most successful Mexican characters ever created in Hollywood.

Martha Goldman Sigall at right
Martha Goldman Sigall (right) and the animation team behind Speedy Gonzales. (Animation Magazine)

With his yellow sombrero, white shirt and trousers, and red neckerchief, Speedy cuts a distinctly stereotypical figure of mid-20th century American perceptions of Mexican culture. It’s this American take on Mexican cultural garb, coupled with the character’s exaggerated Spanglish, and the unflattering portrayal of his fellow mice, that has fueled decades of controversy. 

Speedy’s appearances, particularly throughout the 1950s and 60s, often featured him helping his fellow Mexican mouse compatriots, usually slow-witted and living in squalor, to steal cheese from a “Gringo” cat. These plot lines, while entertaining to many, caught the attention of cultural critics who saw them as perpetuating harmful stereotypes.

Controversy and cancellation

As awareness of cultural sensitivity grew in the late 20th century, Speedy Gonzales found himself at the center of a heated debate. Between 1999 and 2002, Cartoon Network pulled Speedy Gonzales cartoons from its U.S. broadcast lineup, citing concerns over ethnic stereotyping. 

The move backfired, sparking an outcry — but not from the group one might expect. Instead of praise from progressives, the network encountered a backlash from an unexpected source: the Hispanic community itself. Many Mexican-Americans and Latinos protested the decision, arguing that Speedy was a positive character– quick-witted, heroic and always victorious. The League of United Latin American Citizens even called for Speedy’s return, describing him as a “cultural icon.” Thus, Speedy narrowly escaped being canceled, surprisingly saved by the community he is thought to portray negatively. 

Background of Speedy Gonzales
Despite claims that the stereotypes within the show were negative, Latino fans of Speedy Gonzales rallied to save the show from cancellation. (Reddit)

The Mexican perspective

Interestingly, the controversy surrounding Speedy Gonzales seems largely driven by the United States. Among Mexican communities and in much of Latin America, the character enjoys enduring popularity. Speedy’s reception in Mexico itself has been largely positive. South of the border, he’s seen as more of a playful cultural ambassador than an insulting caricature. This difference in perception demonstrates the subjective nature of cultural representation. Many Mexicans view Speedy as a plucky, clever underdog hero who consistently outsmarts his adversaries — a theme that resonates deeply in Mexican culture.

Mexican actor Eugenio Derbez has defended the character, likening him to a superhero for the Mexican community. “The only ones offended are the Americans, but we love Speedy Gonzales,” Derbez said in Spanish. “He’s smart. He outsmarts the cats. He’s a hero. He gets cheese for his people. He’s fast.” He told United Press International in April 2024.

This sentiment is echoed by many Mexicans who grew up watching Speedy. They tend to focus on his positive qualities: speed, wit, bravery, and loyalty to his friends, rather than seeing him as a negative stereotype. Mexican comic Gabriel Iglesias, who voiced Speedy in “Space Jam” defended the character on Twitter, declaring, “U can’t catch me cancel culture. I’m the fastest mouse in all of Mexico.”

A complex legacy

For many Americans, Speedy may have been their first (albeit cartoonish) exposure to Mexican culture. The danger lies in such siloed exposure becoming a basis for real-world assumptions. While the character certainly incorporates stereotypical elements, Speedy’s reception in Mexico suggests that reactions to cross-cultural representation are subjective, varying widely depending on the viewer’s cultural context. 

Speedy Gonzales Best Moments

Are some just too sensitive to the act of poking fun at other cultures? How do we handle the representation of a character or context cross culturally? Must characters be fully canceled due to past stereotypical portrayals, or can characters be reimagined into more culturally respectful beings? Only time will tell, but the little mouse delivers a big reminder. Speedy’s case highlights the importance of looking past a distinctly North American “woke” litmus test to media, and listening instead to the actual voices of those being represented. Sometimes, they might surprise us with their enthusiasm for characters we thought problematic.

Monica Belot is a writer, researcher, strategist and adjunct professor at Parsons School of Design in New York City, where she teaches in the Strategic Design & Management Program. Splitting her time between NYC and Mexico City, where she resides with her naughty silver labrador puppy Atlas, Monica writes about topics spanning everything from the human experience to travel and design research. Follow her varied scribbles on Medium at https://medium.com/@monicabelot.

The week’s most mouth-watering Mexican memes

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Hello, my fellow humor lovers! It’s time once again for MND’s roundup of hilarious Mexican memes, our favorite day of the… quincena. I’d do these weekly, but we’ve got a budget, you see.

But no matter. For you, my fine readers, the most delectable Mexican memes of the week, complete with translation and commentary by yours truly. I spoil you because I love you.

Meme translation: None needed here.

What does it meme? Super adorable, right?

Here we have the famed rapper Tupac in two panels: a fun, casual look  —he’s your buddy! — on one side, and his Sunday best — he’s your boss! — on the other.

If you’ve taken even the most rudimentary of Spanish classes, you’ve surely learned the difference between the pronouns “tú” and “usted.” 

“Tú” is “you” for, essentially, your social equals or inferiors: family and friends, those you know well, those younger than you. “Usted” is “you” for those you want to be careful to show respect to, either because they’re older or in a position of authority; it’s also useful for putting down a bit of social distance, something I appreciate especially when in close quarters with strange men — like when you’re in a taxi. Cute, right?

Meme translation: “Hmm… what else can I clean so I don’t have to start on my to-do list?”

What does it meme? Oh, how hard this one hit! 

I am, as you may know if you’ve been reading me for a while, an enthusiastic cleaner and decorator. It’s something I like to do even if I’m not trying to avoid other things, so you can imagine how easy it is when I am.

Needless to say, my house is usually sparkling. My to-do list, though, is always fairly “meh.”

Meme translation: “The risk I took was calculated. But man… I’m bad at math.”

What does it meme? Adorable, right?

In a sea of phrases that have no translation and therefore are completely meaningless in English, calculated risk is an idiom that’s actually the same in both languages. And it just feels good when you can translate something word for word and know exactly what it means, doesn’t it?

Meme translation: “Me at 3 a.m. in the backwoods after a chill outing with my buddies.” 

“Right, lady, but where exactly did you lose them?”

What does it meme? I’ve gone over “algo tranqui” before — check the second meme down here, and just remember that when someone invites you to “something chill,” that it is almost always a lie. You’re welcome.

Anyway! Here we have a very drunk little fellow who has stumbled upon La Llorona, one of Mexico’s most famous scary legends. Most would run, but the bottle in his hand has made him bold. “No, really, where did you last see them?”

Meme translation: “When ‘unknowen’ with an ‘e’ calls your husband.”

What does it meme? Oof. So close to getting away with it, buddy.

It’s not easy having an affair these days. We always know who’s calling, and we all know where our loved ones are most all of the time. Honestly, I have no idea how people have affairs these days without anyone finding out unless their partners are purposefully shielding their eyes.

It won’t stop some people from trying, of course. One of the techniques is saving a lover’s contact under something neutral and unassuming. “Domino’s Pizza,” “Juan – mecánico,” “Unknown.”

If you’re going to try being sneaky like that, though, for goodness sake: get the spelling right.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sarahedevries.substack.com.

Meet a millennial entrepreneur helping Mexican companies compete with China

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Andrés Díaz Bedolla, Mexican entrepreneur
Andrés Díaz Bedolla is a Mexican entrepreneur and founder of a nearshoring startup, Yumari. (Courtesy)

I was introduced to young Mexican entrepreneur Andrés Díaz Bedolla by the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico during a conversation about nearshoring and the move of foreign direct investment from China to Mexico.

The team at AmCham said that Andrés was most definitely someone to “keep an eye on” and who I needed to talk to.

I began our conversation with the provocative question I posed in my column last week: What if everyone benefits from nearshoring in Mexico except Mexicans?

Andrés recently founded a fast-growing Mexican startup called Yumari, with a clear objective to make sure Mexicans stand to benefit from nearshoring.

To understand the business, it is first important to understand why so many companies moved manufacturing to China, which comes down to two reasons: it was cheap and easy.

Even though it meant a much longer supply chain, the fact that it was cheap and easy made up for it. Since companies are now concerned about the supply chain, we all know that they are looking for other places to produce their goods — places with a shorter supply chain, and ideally, that are cheap and easy to work in.

Mexico is obviously a much shorter supply chain in proximity to the United States, Mexico is competitively priced — but Mexico is certainly not as easy as China.

“Chinese companies can give you a price including all of the logistics to your doorstep and give you all the specifications you need on the same day,” said Andrés. “Mexican companies take two weeks to get you a price, then another two weeks to get you the specifications that you need, then another two weeks to quote you the freight cost to Laredo.”

His concern is that Chinese companies, recognizing their ability to move quickly and make working with them easy, will try to replicate their factories and ease of doing business in Mexico. This attractive option for the buyer could create a scenario in which Mexican companies are outplayed and lose out, not only on new opportunities for growth but on the existing business that they already have.

The solution, according to Andrés, is to help make Mexican companies faster and easier to work with. In other words, helping make them a viable alternative to Chinese solutions.

This is where his new company Yumari is focusing its efforts.

Andrés worked for a decade in China before moving back to Mexico to run the Latin American operation of the Chinese company Alibaba.com.

In this role, Andrés recruited Mexican businesses to join the Alibaba.com platform in order to connect them with Chinese businesses. In theory, the model was to help Mexican buyers source from Chinese suppliers and vice versa. In reality, it just provided Mexican buyers an easy path to source from China — Chinese buyers had little interest or incentive to source from Mexican companies.

With this realization, and with the nearshoring boom underway, Andrés came up with the idea of creating a North American version of Alibaba.com, a platform that would connect U.S. and Canadian buyers (who previously had bought from China) with Mexican producers.

Yumari is focusing on providing not only buyer to seller connection, but also working with the Mexican producers to help them learn the efficient processes that their buyers have come to expect in working with China.

In other words, this Mexican entrepreneur is providing the platform, the tools and the experience to help Mexican companies benefit from the nearshoring opportunity.

Yumari is just getting started, but I think that it is safe to say that they are in the right place at the right time.

Companies from around the world are looking to manufacture in Mexico. The big companies just move entire factories to Mexico. The smaller companies will look for sources of supply in Mexico. If they can’t find it locally, they might look elsewhere or they might ask their current Chinese supplier to move to Mexico.

Companies like Yumari can provide the experience and training to help make Mexican companies competitive and meet customer expectations.

I’m betting on Andrés and his team being successful in ensuring that Mexican companies are ready to compete, and that Mexicans maximize their benefit from nearshoring.

Travis Bembenek is the CEO of Mexico News Daily and has been living, working or playing in Mexico for over 27 years.

Don’t call it a comeback – Mexican rum has been around for centuries

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From humble roots, the Mexican rum revolution has rapidly gathered steam of the course of century. (Cofradía Bonilla)

Mexican-made rums will likely never be as popular as the country’s tequila and mezcal. But it’s not quality that’s holding them back. Despite an underappreciated reputation for producing sugar cane-based spirits, Mexico has a long tradition of making rum and its country cousin, aguardiente de caña, and its best are as good as those found anywhere in the world.

Why do so few people seem to know this? History has something to do with it, thanks to a prohibition during the 18th century that drove rum production underground. 

Paranubes is distilled from fresh-pressed sugar cane juice in the cloud forest of Oaxaca’s Sierra Mazateca. (Paranubes)

The history of rum prohibition in Mexico

It all started with a rum-like spirit called chiringuito, made in Mexico but bound for Spain as part of colonial trade. Chiringuito was not a rum properly speaking, as it was not made using molasses, making it closer to aguardiente. Sweet raisin wines were being shipped to Mexico aboard Spanish galleons, and rather than having the barrels sent back empty on the return trip, they were instead filled with chiringuito. 

It was an efficient solution with unexpected flavor consequences when the rum soaked up some of the raisin flavors from wines previously in the barrels. This unique-tasting spirit was a hit with the Spanish populace, so much so that King Felipe V would eventually ban it circa 1700. The ostensible reason was the threat chiringuito posed to Spanish wine and brandy interests, but public drunkenness and debauchery from the liquor also seemed to be an issue. 

The prohibition didn’t stop people from making rum in Mexico, but it did force producers to get creative to avoid detection by authorities. Thus, during the 18th century, it was largely made in small-scale batches in kitchens, mostly by women. This era is remembered today by El Ron Prohibido, a brand first released in 2013 by the makers of Tequila Corralejo. It’s aged for up to 15 years using the Spanish solera system associated with sherry — and yes, the raisin flavor is still in evidence for this rum, along with notes of walnut, vanilla, butter and coffee. 

How rum production ramped back up again

As a result of the prohibition and its aftermath, it was a long time before rum was made on a large scale again in Mexico. It wouldn’t happen again until the colonial period was over and the country had won her independence — and even then it took a boost from a foreign rum maker to bring the industry back to life. In 1931 Bacardi, the then-Cuba-based rum giant, opened its first international distillery in Mexico to help meet popular demand. It’s still open today, although the location has moved several times. Originally based in Mexico City, production shifted to Puebla in 1952, then to Tultitlán in México state in 1959.

One of the most awarded Mexican rums is the 23-year-old single-barrel Villa Rica. (Licores Veracruz)

Bacardi’s arrival seemed to act as a spur for homegrown Mexican rum makers. Ron Huasteco Potosí began distilling in Ciudad Valles, San Luis Potosí in 1938. This rum brand was among the first to achieve widespread popularity in Mexico — 120,000 liters a week were bottled at its peak in the 1960s — and to garner international attention for its exceptional quality. Ron La Gloria followed in 1949 and helped establish Veracruz as one of the leading centers for modern Mexican rums. 

The three regional centers of modern Mexican rum production

There are now three regional hotspots for rum in Mexico: Michoacán, Oaxaca and Veracruz. However, it bears noting that these liquors are distilled using different methods and sometimes different names (like aguardiente de caña). But all are members of the rum family in that they are made from fermented sugar cane products and distilled to 37.5-40% alcohol by volume (ABV) or higher — the European Union and U.S. minimums, respectively.

Veracruz

Licores Veracruz has helped raise the profile of the nation’s rums with its superb examples of extensively aged añejos. Villa Rica is the most famous of these. This 23-year-old single-barrel expression has been lauded as one of the best rums in the world, being singled out by the International Taste Institute in 2020 after a blind tasting from some 200 chefs and sommeliers. However, the 20-year-old Mocambo has also been lauded for its quality.

The Villanueva family, originally from Galicia, Spain, is responsible for these treasures. They’ve been making rums under the Licores Veracruz brand for over 60 years, using sugar cane sourced from nearly a dozen regional mills. Ron La Gloria, an early pioneer in Veracruz, also continues to produce high-quality añejo rums.

Michoacán

Michoacán’s charanda is the only Mexican rum with a government-recognized denomination of origin and Charanda Uruapan is a top producer. (Casa Tarasco Spirits)

Charanda is the only Mexican rum with a government-certified denomination of origin, with 16 municipalities in Michoacán boasting the proper conditions to make it. These conditions include high altitude, rising up to 12,600 feet. The soil, however, gives the regional sugarcane its distinctive character and the spirit its unusual name — ”charanda” is the Purépecha word for red soil and the name of the mountain in Uruapan on whose foothills the liquor was first distilled. 

Sugarcane has been grown in the state since 1550, but the first evidence of Charanda making wasn’t documented until sometime during the  mid-19th century. Founded in 1907, Charanda Uruapan was an early specialist and remains one of the benchmark brands. Its rums, like all those from the state, are double-distilled, either from molasses or fermented fresh-pressed sugarcane juice.

Oaxaca

Similar to Charanda, but unlike rums from Veracruz, those produced in Oaxaca are mostly unaged. The regional style resembles cachaça in Brazil or Caribbean rhum agricole, meaning it originates from fresh-pressed sugar cane juice rather than molasses. These rums are made in the mountains, typically by small-batch producers. José Luís Carrera, for instance, distills his potent 54% ABV Paranubes brand rum from cane grown in the cloud forest of the Sierra Mazateca.

The quality of the rums currently being made in these three areas has led many to suggest a rum revival in the offing, a sales boom like those that have helped to lift all boats in the tequila and mezcal categories in recent years. Whether that happens or it doesn’t, Mexico’s rums are among the best values available. Compared to premium examples of tequila they’re a veritable bargain — at least domestically. Villa Rica sells for a little over US $30 US, while Charanda Azul Uruapan can be purchased for $33 per bottle and Paranubes goes for $37.

Chris Sands is the Cabo San Lucas local expert for the USA Today travel website 10 Best, writer of Fodor’s Los Cabos travel guidebook, and a contributor to numerous websites and publications, including Tasting Table, Marriott Bonvoy Traveler, Forbes Travel Guide, Porthole Cruise, Cabo Living and Mexico News Daily. His specialty is travel-related content and lifestyle features focused on food, wine and golf.

With exports up, Mexico is on track for another record-setting year

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employee at Zicua auto plant in Puebla City, Mexico
The manufacturing sector was responsible for almost 90% of export revenue. (Mireya Novo/Cuartoscuro)

Mexico is on track to set a new record for exports in 2024, shipping goods worth almost US $300 billion abroad in the first six months of the year.

Preliminary data published by the national statistics agency INEGI on Friday showed that Mexican exports were worth $299.38 billion between January and June, a 2.6% increase compared to the same period of last year.

The value of Mexico’s exports in 2023 was just over $593 billion, a record high.

The majority of Mexico’s export revenue in the first six months of this year came from the shipment abroad of manufactured goods including vehicles, machinery and electronic products. Manufacturing sector exports generated revenue of $266.4 billion, or 89% of the total.

The remaining 11% of export revenue came from the shipment abroad of oil, agricultural products and minerals and metals.

Almost 84% of Mexico’s non-oil export revenue came from products shipped to the United States.

Shipping containers filled with export and import goods at Lázaro Cárdenas port in Michoacán, Mexico
Mexico exported $299.38 billion woth of goods between January and June of this year. (Cuartoscuro)

Imports exceeded exports, leaving Mexico with a trade deficit of over $5 billion

INEGI reported that Mexico imported products worth $304.88 billion between January and June.

The country’s biggest outlay was on intermediate, or semi-finished, goods, such as metal, wood, glass, wheat and sugar. Mexico spend $229.9 billion on intermediate goods, a figure that accounts for just over 75% of its total outlay on imports.

The remaining 25% of expenditure was on consumer products, oil and capital goods.

Mexico recorded a trade deficit of $5.49 billion in the first six months of the year, a 15.5% decrease compared to its deficit between January and June 2023.

Exports declined in June 

Mexico’s export revenue totaled $48.87 billion in June, a 5.7% decline compared to the same month last year. On a month-over-month basis revenue fell 12.2%.

Expenditure on imports also declined, falling 3.6% in annual terms to $49.9 billion.

Mexico thus recorded a trade deficit of $1.03 billion in June.

Other ‘need-to-know’ economic data for Mexico 

Mexico News Daily 

‘El Mayo’ Zambada: Who is the elusive Sinaloan drug trafficker arrested in Texas?

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The front pages of newspapers showing El Mayo Zambada's face with headlines in Spanish.
Since his arrest Thursday, El Mayo's face has been plastered across the front pages of newspapers, despite there being relatively few photos of the elusive drug trafficker. But the question remains, who is Mayo Zambada? (Galo Cañas Rodríguez/Cuartoscuro)

“The mountain is my home, my family, my protection, my land, the water I drink.”

They are the words of top Sinaloa Cartel leader Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada, who was arrested in the United States on Thursday along with Joaquín Guzmán López, one of the sons of imprisoned drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera.

Ismael El Mayo Zambada, who was recently arrested in Texas, and Joaquin Guzmán López
Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada (left) was taken into custody alongside Joaquín Guzmán López, son of famous Sinaloa Cartel trafficker El Chapo Guzmán. (Archive)

In a 2010 interview in Sinaloa with the now-deceased Proceso magazine founder and journalist Julio Scherer, Zambada also said that he could be captured “at any moment, or never.”

Fourteen years later — and for the first time ever in his long criminal career — his time finally came.

Who is El Mayo?

Zambada was born in 1948 in El Álamo, a town in the municipality of Culiacán, the capital of the state of Sinaloa.

A view of a rural dirt road with fences and houses, where El Mayo Zambada was born.
Zambada’s hometown is El Álamo, a rural community in the Sinaloan municipality of Culiacán. (Screenshot/YouTube)

He was a poppy field worker and farmer before he began working for the Juárez Cartel in the 1980s.

Asked by Scherer how he first got involved in the world of drug trafficking, El Mayo simply — and repeatedly — responded “nomás,” or “I just did.”

Toward the end of the ’80s, Zambada, Guzmán Loera and others formed the Sinaloa Cartel, also known as the Pacific Cartel.

Over a period of decades, El Mayo, El Chapo and other Sinaloa Cartel members built a multi-billion-dollar empire on cocaine and heroin, among other drugs, as well as human trafficking.

Mexican authorities remove fentanyl pills, methamphetamine and cocaine from a drug lab found in Culiacán, Sinaloa, in February.
Mexican authorities remove fentanyl pills, methamphetamine and cocaine from a drug lab found in Culiacán, Sinaloa, in February. El Mayo’s faction of the Sinaloa Cartel is likely the top smuggler of fentanyl into the United States.(FGR/Cuartoscuro)

A Sinaloa faction led (or formerly led) by Zambada is currently regarded as the top smuggler of fentanyl into the United States.

In 2010, he told Proceso that he continued to work as a farmer and rancher in Sinaloa, but added: “If I can do some business in the United States, I do it.”

El Mayo and other Sinaloa Cartel leaders invested money obtained from drug trafficking into hundreds of companies, according to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

A water park and a children’s daycare center allegedly run by Zambada’s daughter María Teresa are among El Mayo’s many interests, according to a 2018 report. He also owns vast tracts of farmland in Sinaloa.

“He has a very diversified portfolio,” Mike Vigil, the former head of international operations for the DEA,” said at the time.

“Even though he’s only had maybe an elementary-school education, he’s received a Harvard-level education from some of the most prolific, knowledgeable and astute drug lords that Mexico has ever had,” he said.

The DEA wanted notice for El Mayo Zambada, who was recently arrested. It includes his photo, nickname and alleged crimes.
El Mayo has spent much of his life on wanted lists, including that of the U.S. DEA. (U.S. DEA)

“… Mayo Zambada is one of the most astute drug traffickers that Mexico has ever spawned,” Vigil said.

The Associated Press reported that he “reputedly won the loyalty of locals in his home state of Sinaloa and neighboring Durango through his largess, sponsoring local farmers and distributing money and beer in his birthplace of El Álamo.”

One project he reportedly contributed to in Él Alamo was the reconstruction of the town church after it was damaged in a storm.

According to El País, Zambada served as “a bridge between government and the Sinaloa Cartel.”

Organized crime expert Chris Dalby told Mexico News Daily earlier this year that the Sinaloa Cartel has long-established criminal networks in northern Mexico that include corrupt municipal and state officials because “playing ball is just part of the game up there.”      

Members of El Mayo’s family, including his sons, have also worked for the Sinaloa Cartel.

How did El Mayo avoid arrest for so long?

While his Sinaloa Cartel co-founder El Chapo was arrested and imprisoned on three occasions (he escaped from jail twice), Zambada had never been behind bars, until Thursday.

He had been sought for years by United States authorities, who were offering a reward of up to US $15 million for information that led to his arrest.

El Chapo wearing handcuffs, escorted by police
While El Chapo Guzmán was arrested three times and has spent years in prison, Thursday marks El Mayo’s first arrest. (U.S. DEA)

“Zambada Garcia is unique in that he has spent his entire adult life as a major international drug trafficker, yet he has never spent a day in jail,” the U.S. Department of State says on its website.

During a long criminal career, he maintained a much lower profile than Guzmán Loera, and took steps to ensure he remained beyond the reach of the long arm of the law.

“Zambada is known for being an ‘old-school’ narco, avoiding the limelight and operating in the shadows,” Reuters reported.

Margarito Flores, a former drug distributor for the Sinaloa Cartel in Chicago, told The Wall Street Journal that El Mayo “was very careful about security and didn’t use cellphones.”

Flores, who spent 12 years in jail on drug trafficking charges, also said that Zambada gave the impression that he was a simple rancher, eschewing common trappings of successful narcos such as expensive jewelry.

As El Mayo said himself in 2010, the mountainous region of Sinaloa where he lived also protected him.

“I have been up into those mountains and it’s very difficult to capture anybody,” Vigil, the former DEA official, said in 2018.

The details of how El Mayo came to arrive at an airport near El Paso on Thursday are not yet clear, but several reports citing United States officials said he was tricked into going to the U.S. by Joaquín Guzmán López, who reportedly told the capo they were going to inspect clandestine airfields or real estate at a location in Mexico.

Another possibility is that the 76-year-old drug lord — who is reportedly ill — decided to surrender after reaching some kind of agreement with United States authorities.

El Mayo Zambada, older and thinner than in other photos, in a car wearing a blue shirt.
El Mayo, seen here in a recent photo, is reportedly in poor health. (X)

Given that he evaded justice for decades, it seems likely that he could have lived out the remainder of his life as a free man if he didn’t stray too far from his rugged mountain home.

How powerful was El Mayo?

In a word — very.

United States Attorney General Merrick B. Garland called Zambada an alleged leader of “one of the most violent and powerful drug trafficking organizations in the world.”

While El Chapo was a better known and flashier kingpin, El Mayo wielded enormous influence within the Sinaloa Cartel.

“This question of who was the biggest Sinaloan kingpin, El Mayo or El Chapo, has long been discussed. Chapo shot up to global rock-star status with his two prison escapes, his beauty queen wife and his meeting with Sean Penn,” Ioan Grillo, a Mexico-based journalist and author, wrote on his Substack site CrashOut Media on Friday.

El Chapo shakes hands with actor Sean Penn
El Chapo’s meeting with actor Sean Penn shot him to global fame, while El Mayo preferred to work in the shadows. (Rolling Stone via Cuartoscuro)

“But many I talked to on the ground in Sinaloa believed Mayo was the bigger player, and effectively the top man in the tangled network of traffickers we call the Sinaloa Cartel,” Grillo said.

Insight Crime, a think tank and media organization, described Zambada as “arguably the last member” of the Sinaloa Cartel’s “old guard.”

“He reportedly relied on several armed wings to operate. This included the Rusos and the Ántrax, which helped him maintain control over key trafficking corridors to the US-Mexico border, particularly in the northern states of Baja California and Sonora,” Insight Crime said.

What’s next for the Sinaloa kingpin?

Attorney General Garland said Thursday that Zambada faces charges of “fentanyl trafficking, money laundering, firearms offenses, kidnapping and conspiracy to commit murder.”

In a U.S. federal court in El Paso on Friday, El Mayo pleaded not guilty to the charges he faces.

A document in which El Mayo Zambada declares himself not guilty of accused crimes.
El Mayo pleaded not guilty in El Paso on Friday. (PACER)

Frank Perez, a lawyer for Zambada, told The Los Angeles Times that his client did not voluntarily fly across the border and turn himself in.

“I have no comment except to state that he did not surrender voluntarily,” Perez said. “He was brought against his will.”

Arraignment and detention hearings are scheduled for next Wednesday in El Paso. Given that he pleaded not guilty, Zambado looks set to go on trial in the United States, just as El Chapo did over a period of three months in 2018 and 2019.

Guzmán Loera was found guilty on drug trafficking charges in February 2019 and sentenced to life in prison in July of the same year.

What impact will El Mayo’s arrest have on the Sinaloa Cartel and the flow of drugs to the US?

Falko Ernst, senior Mexico analyst for the NGO Crisis Group, wrote on X on Thursday that “amid all the incipient Mayo-palooza, we shouldn’t forget that we’re talking about a structure with a thousand heads that won’t fundamentally change shape because a kingpin or two get taken/take themselves out.”

“That would be blind, historically,” he added.

Zambada told Proceso in 2010 that nothing would change if he was arrested.

Ernst told The New York Times that the Sinaloa Cartel is already fragmented, and asserted that the arrests will probably trigger more in-fighting.

Mexican soldiers unload from an airplane in Culiacán after the arrest of El Mayo Zambada in Texas.
The army sent 200 special forces troops to Culiacán after El Mayo’s arrest as a security precaution. (X)

“If the narrative [of betrayal] gains traction, there will be bad blood in the organization,” he told The Guardian, referring to the possibility that Guzmán López tricked Zambada into going to the United States.

“There’s been quite a lot of violence between factions, and that might heat up as this story unfolds,” Ernst said.

Insight Crime described the arrest of El Mayo Zambada and Guzmán López as an “important but mostly symbolic victory.”

“While the capture of Zambada García marks the fall of the last remaining old-school drug trafficker in Mexico, sources told Insight Crime that he had largely taken a step back from the Sinaloa Cartel’s day-to-day operations in recent years,” the organization reported.

“… These captures are not likely to affect the flow of synthetic drugs, especially fentanyl, into the United States,” Insight Crime said.

How did Mexican authorities react to the arrest?

Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez said Friday morning that Mexican authorities were not involved in the arrests of Zambada and Joaquín Guzmán López.

She told President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s morning press conference that the Mexican government was awaiting further details about the arrests from its U.S. counterpart, including information about whether Zambada turned himself in.

López Obrador called for transparency from the U.S. government.

Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez speaks at a podium with photos of El Mayo Zambada and Joaquín Guzmán López behind her.
Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez said at a Friday morning press conference that Mexican authorities were not involved in the arrests. (Presidencia/Cuartoscuro)

“The United States government has to provide a complete report, not just general statements, it has to inform, there has to be transparency,” he said.

Rodríguez said that the government considers the arrest of El Mayo Zambada as “positive,” as it does when any person who has committed a crime is taken into custody.

She also said she was surprised by the news of his arrest, as “everyone” was.

“Of course it is significant and it’s positive,” Rodríguez added.

Mexico News Daily 

5 questions about the elections aftermath with Pedro Casas, CEO of AmCham

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Pedro Casas Alatriste, CEO of AmCham
Pedro Casas Alatriste is the president and CEO of the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico. (Courtesy)

Almost eight weeks have passed since Claudia Sheinbaum won Mexico’s presidential election in a landslide and a coalition led by the ruling Morena party secured a supermajority in the lower house of Congress and a large majority in the Senate.

Since then, the peso has depreciated, Morena has announced its intention to approve a controversial judicial reform once the recently-elected lawmakers assume their positions in September, Sheinbaum has sought to calm investors on repeated occasions, and the president-elect has announced virtually all of her cabinet appointments.

Claudia Sheinbaum in the Zócalo
Sheinbaum received the most votes of any presidential candidate in Mexican history. (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)

Mexico News Daily recently spoke to Pedro Casas Alatriste, executive vice president and CEO of the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico (AmCham), to get his views on the election results, and the political and economic developments since June 2.

On the election results 

Casas told MND that “AmCham is fiercely non-partisan, but not non-political,” and noted that the business organization he leads engaged with the teams of both Sheinbaum and opposition candidate Xóchitl Gálvez in the lead-up to the elections.

He also pointed out that AmCham has worked with administrations in both Mexico and the United States for more than 100 years.

“We see this like any other political change in history. We’re going to work with whoever is in government,” Casas said.

“With that being said we do believe that having absolute majorities and a lack of counterweights and checks and balances — regardless of who is in power — is something that makes people nervous,” he added.

On a positive note, the AmCham CEO said that he sees “an attitude of more open dialogue with the private sector” from members of Sheinbaum’s team.

That attitude has raised private sector hopes about the incoming government, Casas said.

“Nonetheless, everyone [in the private sector] is still adopting a wait-and-see attitude,” he added.

On Morena’s legislative agenda 

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador sent numerous constitutional reform proposals to Congress in February, among which is one to overhaul Mexico’s judiciary.

Casas said that the government’s plan for the judiciary — which Sheinbaum also supports — is the most concerning of the reform proposals put forward by López Obrador.

There are a lot of aspects of the reform that “could potentially be positive,” but other aspects are “pretty harmful,” he said.

Claudia Sheinbaum and AMLO hold their hands in the air in the door of Mexico's National Palace.
Some analysts attribute the peso’s depreciation post-election to Claudia Sheinbaum’s support of controversial reforms proposed by President López Obrador. (Claudia Sheinbaum/X)

The most criticized aspect of the reform is that which would allow citizens to directly elect Supreme Court justices and other judges from candidates nominated by the president of the day.

Casas said that AmCham would seek to have a “proactive dialogue” about the reform with members of Congress and other stakeholders.

AmCham is “not against reforming the judicial power” per se, but it does have reservations about the government’s proposal in its current form, he said.

On Sheinbaum’s cabinet announcements 

“Everyone has been quite positively surprised by the cabinet announcements,” Casas said, referring to appointments that include former foreign affairs minister Marcelo Ebrard as economy minister and current security minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez as interior minister.

The appointments provide certainty about what is going to happen during Sheinbaum’s administration, “at least for the first year or couple of years,” he said.

Casas said that each of the ministers appointed so far is “quite technical and savvy” in the area he or she will have responsibility for.

Claudia Sheinbaum with cabinet members
Sheinbaum named an initial six cabinet appointments on June 20, which included Alicia Bárcena as environment minister, Juan Ramón de la Fuente as foreign affairs minister and Marcelo Ebrard as economy minister. (Cuartoscuro)

On the market’s reaction to the election results 

“The market has become, probably now more than ever, part of that non-existent counterweight on the government,” Casas said, noting that there will be “a weakened opposition” to stand up to Morena party initiatives.

Both the Mexican peso and the Mexican stock exchange lost ground the day after the election. The peso remains well below its pre-election position against the US dollar.

Casas said that companies see the market as a potential constraint on some government initiatives. AmCham considers that likelihood “a positive,” he added.

On how Mexico can capitalize on the nearshoring opportunity 

Casas said that more government investment is needed in infrastructure and the energy transition; that steps need to be taken to ensure that Mexico has the “right” human capital available; and that the government must guarantee security and rule of law in the country.

“They are the basics, the 101 [of what’s needed],” he said.

“But there are two big issues that are also very relevant,” Casas said.

A welder works in a warehouse
Mexico needs a “more proactive industrial policy” says Casas, in order to take advantage of nearshoring. (Shutterstock)

“One is incentives and having a more proactive industrial policy, in terms of saying ‘we really want this to happen and this is how we’re going to support it,'” he said.

“From this administration, we’ve had nothing, absolutely nothing,” said Casas, who suggested that nearshoring-focused tax incentives announced by the federal government late last year won’t have any significant impact on attracting nearshoring investment.

“We really need to have a national … and [even] regional, hemispheric strategy, … which has to be accompanied by the second thing — a truly serious investment promotion strategy,” he said.

Casas was critical of the current government’s decision to shut down the international trade and investment agency ProMéxico, describing it as a “deadly mistake.”

One consequence of the error, he said, is that only 3% of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mexico in the first quarter of 2024 was “new investment.

“Nobody is going out and saying, ‘Hey guys, this is the place to invest,'” Casas said.

“For me, that … [low level of new investment] makes the story very clear … and that’s what we should be addressing as a country,” he said.

If Mexico can add significant amounts of “new investment” to the already high levels of “reinvestment of profits” — which accounted for 97% of FDI between January and March – “then we’re really going to be talking about a massive change in the Mexican economy,” Casas said.

“That’s what we should be aiming for,” he added.

Pedro Casas spoke with Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies and Mexico News Daily CEO Travis Bembenek 

Who is representing Mexico at the opening ceremony of the Olympics in Paris?

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Mexican divers Alejandro Orozco and Gabriela Agúndez pose with the Olympic rings in Paris.
Mexican divers Alejandro Orozco and Gabriela Agúndez pose with the Olympic rings in Paris.(Alejandra Orozco/Instagram)

As the 2024 Paris Olympics begin, springboard diver Alejandra Orozco and modern pentathlon athlete Emiliano Hernánez are representing Mexico as flag bearers in the Parade of Nations, part of the Olympic opening ceremony.

On Monday, Mexican actress Salma Hayek was one of the celebrities who carried the torch.

A video of the Mexican delegation in Paris on Friday.

The inaugural event takes place Friday on the Seine River, where each country’s delegation is participating in the floating parade. It’s the first time in history that an Olympics opening ceremony will happen in a venue other than a stadium.

Who are the Mexican flag bearers?

Alejandra Orozco, 27, is a two-time Olympic-medal winner originally from Guadalajara, Jalisco.

At 14, she volunteered at the Pan American Games in her hometown and witnessed Olympic divers like Mexican Paola Espinosa compete for a medal. “It felt like an injection of fuel [seeing her] and thinking that one day, that could be me,” she told Olympics.com.

Mexico's Olympic flag bearers Alejandra Orozco and Emiliano Hernández pose with a Mexican flag.
The Mexican government officially designated Orozco and Hernández as flag bearers earlier this month. (Alejandra Orozco/Instagram)

One year later, Orozco earned her first Olympic silver medal at the London 2012 Games in the synchronized 10-meter platform event, diving alongside Paola Espinosa. While she wasn’t able to get to the podium in Rio 2016, she managed to win a bronze medal at the Tokyo Olympics 2020, competing in the synchronized dive with her new partner, Gaby Agúndez.

Orozco is also a double medalist in both the Olympic Games and the Youth Olympic Games, including a gold at the 2014 Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing.

“For me it is an honor to carry the flag, and to represent the Mexican delegation. I know that we will be one that night,” Orozco said after being appointed flag bearer.

In Paris, Orozco will compete in both synchronized and individual springboard dives.

Pentathlete Emiliano Hernández, another Mexican flag bearer

Meanwhile, the second flag bearer, Emiliano Hernández, originally hails from the state of México. Hernández, 26, is making his Olympic debut this year in modern pentathlon, a discipline that combines running, archery, swimming, horse riding and fencing.

In 2023, he won a silver medal in the World Championship in Great Britain and two titles as champion of the 2023 Pan American Games in Santiago.

Emiliano Hernández, one of Mexico's flag bearers for the Paris Olympics, holds a Mexican flag
Emiliano Hernández will compete in the 2024 Paris Olympics in the category of modern pentathlon, representing Mexico. (Emiliano Hernández/Instagram)

In an emotional message on Instagram, Emiliano shared how he felt about being a flag bearer in a letter addressing the tricolor banner.

“Since I was a little boy I used to see you in elementary school, and I cry when I see you at soccer games. Even more, I get excited when in my competitions I hear our anthem and I see you in the skies, despite being on the other side of the world. I want to tell you that we will go all out in Paris,” he said.

Where to watch the Olympics in Mexico

In Mexico, Channel 5 and Channel 9 of Televisa will broadcast the Games.

On pay-per-view television, TUDN and Claro Sports will broadcast the events. Claro Sports can be accessed via the streaming apps Claro Video, Prime Video and Samsung.

Other streaming apps broadcasting the opening ceremony include Vix, HBO Max and the Paris 2024 app.

With reports from El Economista, El Economista, and Centro Caribe Sports

Héctor Melesio Cuén Ojeda, former mayor of Culiacán, is murdered

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Héctor Melesio Cuén Ojeda, 68, was an accomplished businessman and influential politician in Sinaloa.
Héctor Melesio Cuén Ojeda, 68, was the force behind the Sinaloa Party (PAS) and former rector of the Autonomous University of Sinaloa. (Héctor Cuen Ojeda/Instagram)

Héctor Melesio Cuén Ojeda, the former mayor of Culiacán, Sinaloa, and the founder of the regionally influential Sinaloa Party (PAS), was murdered Thursday night in his home state.

Cuén Ojeda was shot while driving near La Presita, north of downtown Culiacán, and it was reported that he died 30 minutes later in a private clinic due to a heart attack brought on by loss of blood. He was 68.

Cuén Ojeda, founder of the Sinaloa Party (PAS)
Cuén Ojeda represented the PAN as mayor of Culiacán from January 2011 through February 2012, before founding the Sinaloa Party (PAS) in August 2012. (Carlos Sicairos/Cuartoscuro)

Culiacán, Sinaloa is a stronghold of the Sinaloa Cartel, formerly led by imprisoned drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán. Two of the criminal organization’s top dogs, notorious drug trafficker Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada and Joaquín Guzmán López, son of “El Chapo,” had been arrested earlier Thursday in El Paso, Texas.

An influential politician, Cuén Ojeda was also a businessman, a pharmacobiological chemist by training and from 2005 to 2009, the rector of the Autonomous University of Sinaloa, where he earned a Ph.D.

The mayor of Culiacán from January 2011 through February 2012, Cuén Ojeda was born in 1955 in Badiraguato, Sinaloa — also the 1957 birthplace of “El Chapo” Guzmán. In June, he was elected to represent Sinaloa in Mexico’s Chamber of Deputies starting in September 2024.

“I would like to express my condolences to his family, his friends, the students and teachers of the University of Sinaloa, and the members of his party,” Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador said at his Friday morning press conference. “We are going to investigate how the events occurred. We don’t have much information,” the president said.

The Sinaloa Attorney General’s Office (FGS) reported that it has launched an investigation, which included a forensic examination of Cuén Ojeda’s body in the hours following his death.

In June, Cuén Ojeda had been elected federal deputy with the coalition Fuerza y Corazón por México (Strength and Heart for Mexico).
In June, Cuén Ojeda had been elected federal deputy with the coalition Fuerza y Corazón por México (Strength and Heart for Mexico). (Cuartoscuro)

Cuén Ojeda is survived by his wife, Jesús Angélica Díaz Quiñonez, three daughters and a son. Díaz Quiñonez is a social activist, a member of several boards and commissions, and a former PAS deputy in the state legislature who has been approved to serve in that same role in the new legislature starting next month.

Cuén Ojeda founded PAS in August 2012, largely to support his run for Sinaloa governor in 2016, which he lost. He had wanted to run for governor in 2010, but the National Action Party (PAN) opted against nominating him — which is why he ran for mayor of Culiacán, instead. 

He was mayor for only 13 months, leaving to run for the Senate.

According to the digital media outlet Animal Politico, Cuén Ojeda “amassed a multimillion-dollar fortune, built a profitable local political party and made the highest educational institution in Sinaloa his preserve of power and influence.” 

Other sources indicated that Cuén Ojeda acquired his wealth through real estate, laboratories, restaurants and the creation of the PAS.

Recently, he was working as a political adviser to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) on a national level. That marked a split from his former alliance with current Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya of the National Regeneration Movement, or Morena party.

On Friday morning, the PAS posted an emblem on its Facebook account as a sign of mourning.

With reports from Noroeste, Reforma, Proceso and El Financiero

Opinion: What would a USMCA review look like for Mexico if Trump wins?

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Valeria Moy head shot
Valeria Moy, an economist, columnist and director of the think tank Mexican Institute for Competitiveness. Follow Moy on X at @ValeriaMoy. (IMCO)

Mexico played a prominent role in the 2016 United States presidential campaign.

Then-candidate Donald Trump essentially pointed to Mexico as a source of problems. From his perspective, the country was not only taking advantage of the free trade agreement that went into effect in 1994, but also sending people to the United States who were stealing jobs from American citizens.

He managed to instill in the public conversation the idea that trade deficits were undesirable — without any nuance — and that he, of course, would reverse the imbalance by renegotiating the treaty.

Despite the continuous threats, Trump’s victory caught Mexico off guard in that discussion. The trade relationship was taken for granted, and there wasn’t even enough information on hand to defend the agreement.

Hastily, a team was assembled that successfully renegotiated the treaty (the US-Mexico Canada Agreement or USMCA), which was signed in November 2018 by the presidents of Mexico and the United States and the Canadian prime minister. It went into effect on July 1, 2020.

The new treaty is very similar to the previous one, but there are some important changes, including the addition of the “sunset clause,” which means that the agreement will be reviewed every six years, with the idea of providing certainty and ensuring that the terms remain relevant.

This idea, which sounds very good in theory, contrasted with the comments of the then-U.S. Trade Representative, who indicated that the clause would help prevent the country from finding itself in an unequal relationship.

The sunset clause will be activated in 2026 leading to a USMCA review, most likely with Trump as president of the United States again. Although the current agreement was signed under his administration, Mexico would do well to be prepared not only for a political bashing campaign, but also for an aggressive U.S. approach to trade.

Some say that Mexico fared well under the Trump administration, and even if we concede that assertion, there is no reason why the same should apply in another Trump term.

The global economy has changed in recent years, adjustments in production methods that began in the years preceding the pandemic have accelerated, and income and consumption patterns have changed. But one thing has remained: the United States is still the largest consumer, and as long as that is the reality, someone will provide the goods the country demands.

Mexico has benefited from the economic growth of its largest trading partner. It’s not just about the relocation, or neashoring, of companies and supply chains; that phenomenon is different. The increase in income, including that derived from the pandemic aid programs in the U.S., has boosted consumption and consequently trade. The trade deficit that so bothered Trump during the 2016 campaign still exists.

But there is an additional ingredient: the growing trade relationship between China and Mexico. And the United States doesn’t like that at all. Trump likes it even less.

Making the assumption that we already know Trump — that we know his ways of negotiating and exerting trade pressure, and therefore we have this scenario figured out —  would be naive.

The current disaster of the Democratic Party — despite Biden’s good economic results — has empowered the former president. It won’t be the same Trump if he’s re-elected; it will be a reloaded one.

Will Mexico be ready for that USMCA review in 2026?

This article was originally published in Spanish by El Universal

Valeria Moy has been the director of the Mexican think tank IMCO (Mexican Institute for Competitiveness) since 2020. She is an economist with degrees from the Autonomous Technological Institute of Mexico (ITAM) and the London School of Economics. She is a regular columnist for El Universal and El País newspapers and was named one of the 100 most powerful women in Mexico by Forbes.