Hidden in plain sight are many things that tell the story of Mexico’s multicultural history.
While we tend to think of the country as having a monolithic mestizo heritage (a blend of Indigenous and Spanish), there are important additions left behind by groups of immigrants that have shaped the country’s culture, art and its cuisine.
Middle Eastern immigrants brought tacos árabes to Puebla which would go on to become Mexico’s most ubiquitous taco — tacosal pastor. Lebanese immigrants brought the kibbe to the Yucatan, now a popular roadside street food, and in Mexico City, one Japanese immigrant invented what would become one of Mexico’s most beloved snacks — cacahuates japoneses or Japanese peanuts.
Yashigei Nakatani: From Japan to Mexico
Japan and Mexico have diplomatic ties stretching back to the 1800s when both countries signed a Treaty of Friendship, Trade and Navigation. By the time World War II rolled around, there was already a nascent Japanese population in Mexico — in Manzanillo, many were fishermen, in Guadalajara Japanese workers came to work on the railroad, and of course, many arrived in Mexico City, the country’s capital which held the most economic opportunities for recent immigrants.
When Japan bombed Pearl Harbor, the United States pressured the Mexican government to move Japanese immigrants away from the ports and the borders, and many in the community were deported on the alleged suspicion that they were spies.
That was the case with Heijiro Kato, the factory owner and boss of Yoshigei Nakatani Moriguchi, a young immigrant working in Kato’s button factory in Mexico City.
Yoshigei Nakatani and wife Emma Ávila Espinoza. (KiddysplaceMx/X)
Nakatani had been in Mexico since 1932. He arrived and rented a room in the capital from his future mother-in-law, in the downtown neighborhood of La Merced, determined to make something of himself in his new adoptive city.
Nakatani soon met and fell in love with his landlady’s daughter Emma Ávila, who spied him singing on the rooftop of the building they shared and began to teach him Spanish. By 1941, they had five children and when Nakatani lost his job at the factory, he needed to find a way to make an income fast.
A new variation on a Japanese confection
Growing up in his hometown of Sumotoshi, Nakatani had learned how to make traditional Japanese sweets and candies. He figured he would try his hand at selling confections, so he and his wife started making muéganos, a Mexican candy made from flour, nuts, and coated in honey. Selling them out of their house on Carretones Street in the Merced, the candies were a hit, so they decided to expand and try to replicate a popular snack from Nakatani’s childhood — peanuts covered in a coating made from rice flour with soy sauce, and a touch of sugar.
Rice flour wasn’t available, so he replaced it with wheat flour, but the resulting snack was as good as the original — slow-toasted until perfectly golden brown, with slight salty spice and a hint of sweetness.
The original Niṕon brand of Japanese peanuts, which was bought in 2017 by Totis. (Amazon)
Everyone in the family eventually formed part of the business — his children helped to design the logo, pack the peanuts into their tiny cellophane bags, and run the machinery that they would eventually acquire to keep up with demand. In the neighborhood they were known as “the Japanese guy’s” peanuts and so Nakatani decided to name his business Cacahuate Nipón in the 1950s.
A family business and legacy
Business boomed and by 1970, Cacahuate Nipón officially incorporated and moved out of their space in the Merced neighborhood to produce on a larger scale. Unfortunately, the recipe for Japanese peanuts was never patented and during the 1980s, Cacahuate Nipon faced competition from big industrial corporations that were also making the snack, placing them in some of the country’s biggest convenience store chains.
The family overcame this challenge by expanding production to other popular sweets, like chamoy candies. They were extremely successful and were bought by Totis (part of La Costeña) in 2017, after which they started a new company called Dulces Komiru.
More recently, continuing the culinary legacy of his family, chef Eno Nakatani, grandson of Yashigei Nakatani, opened Fideo Gordo, a Japanese-Mexican noodle shop in Mexico City’s fashionable Colonia Roma.
Here he makes fusion dishes like ramen in birria broth and pork chicharrón topped with shrimp ceviche. Fideo Gordo is just one of the newest examples of Mexico’s great gastronomic melting pot, inspired by the many cultures that have expanded the country’s palate to the delight of locals and visitors alike.
Lydia Carey is a freelance writer and translator based out of Mexico City. She has been published widely both online and in print, writing about Mexico for over a decade. She lives a double life as a local tour guide and is the author of Mexico City Streets: La Roma. Follow her urban adventures on Instagram and see more of her work at www.mexicocitystreets.com.
This article is part of Mexico News Daily’s “Japan in Focus” series. Read the other articles from the series here.
Mexico is obsessed with anime. How did the art of Japanese animation come to be so appreciated on the other side of the world? (Reddit)
Mexican popular culture has had a love affair with anime, a highly stylized form of Japanese illustration and animation, over the last five decades. Subjects can range from the childish to the serious, and many of the most popular stories are tales of superheroes and fantastic adventures, similar to popular series and movies in the United States.
Today, 50 years after the first episodes were shown on Mexican television, anime has become an important part of Mexican culture. Anime streaming giant Crunchyroll estimates Mexico to be its fourth largest market worldwide. The country was an early adopter of the art form and has developed an intense cultural obsession that continues to this day.
How did anime first come to Mexico?
Astroboy was one of the first series to air in Mexico, back in the 1970s. (MUBI)
While Mexico and Japan have diplomatic ties dating back centuries, the story behind how anime first arrived in Mexico is rather simple. In the 1970s, then Televisa president Emilio Azcárraga Milmo bought the rights to show Japanese cartoons in Mexico because it was the cheapest option. With no domestic animation industry and the cost of importing cartoons from giants Warner Brothers and Hanna Barbera eye-wateringly high, Milmo looked across the Pacific for content.
These early titles included classic Japanese series such as Astroboy, Kimba the White Lion and Mazinger Z. The imported cartoons proved extremely popular, and Mexican interest in anime grew.
Fast forward a decade to the 1980s and toy giant Bandai decided to take a chance on this new Mexican market. Fresh off the success of exporting “Saint Seiya: Knights of the Zodiac” to the Spanish market, Bandai hoped to reproduce this success in Latin America. They exported action figures and merchandise from Europe to Mexico, offering TV Azteca the chance to air the series for free, as long as they agreed to run commercials for the new toys alongside. This was a riotous success.
Mexico’s undisputed champion: Dragon Ball Z
The rush to show the best anime was now on. TV Azteca offered classic series like Sailor Moon, while Televisa imported Ranma ½ — but the biggest hit of all was Dragon Ball Z. The classic show arrived in 1996, and quickly became Mexico’s anime of choice. Thanks to a Latin American Spanish dub, it was possible for audiences across Mexico to enjoy the show without the need for subtitles, which further enhanced its popularity. There have been suggestions that Dragon Ball Z is more popular in Mexico than in its native Japan. Regardless of whether that is true, Dragon Ball, and its subsequent spin-off series, have become one of the most ubiquitous elements of Mexican popular culture today.
La Cumbia de Gokú - Los Weyes Que Tocan ft. Cañada de la Cumbia | QueParió!
It is hard to overstate the subsequent effect that Dragon Ball has had. Taquerías, microbuses and street stalls across the country are bedecked in merchandise to this day. Popular images from the show have become memes. Characters’ catchphrases are used in conversation. When creator Akira Toriyama died earlier this year, there were rumors that warring cartels had ceased hostilities to honor the legendary animator (which turned out to be false). However, large crowds did gather to perform signature “spirit bomb” moves from the show in Toriyama’s honor.
When the show ended in 2018, the city of Ciudad Juárez attempted to broadcast the finale to a gathering of 15,000 people. The event caused a diplomatic spat between Mexico and Japan after animation studio Toei — and the Japanese Embassy in Mexico — denounced the events for copyright infringement. Fortunately, Mayor Armando Cabada stepped in and reached an agreement with Toei, and the day was saved.
While globally, Dragon Ball Z has been superseded by smash hits like Pokémon, Naruto, Bleach and One Piece, Akira Toriyama’s classic series remains etched in the national psyche.
How Mexico has influenced anime
Mexico’s infatuation with Japanese culture is not just a one-way street. There are several anime series that either feature or take place in Mexico.
Seis Manos tells the tale of a battle between drug cartels and martial artists. (Netflix)
Netflix’s Seis Manos is set in 1970s Mexico and follows the story of a group of martial artists who take on the cartel in the fictional town of San Simon. The series also stars voice acting from veteran Danny Trejo.
El Cazador de la Bruja, the story of two girls traveling south to Peru to avenge a murder,primarily takes place in Mexico. The Japanese-made series is considered a homage to Mexican culture, with several songs about tacos. While there is no Spanish language dub, El Cazador de la Bruja is available to watch on Crunchyroll.
A story of pre-Columbian Mexico, Onyx Equinox follows the story of Izel and her sister Nelli, who are tasked by the gods to save the city from falling into the underworld. The show is a Crunchyroll exclusive.
With shows of all types continuing to be smash hits with audiences, it is unlikely Mexico will tire of this popular Japanese cultural export any time soon.
The PISA assessment plays a key role in driving positive change and development within national education systems. (Crisanta Espinosa Aguilar/Cuartoscuro)
In its constitution, Mexico states that every individual has the right to receive an education. But as with other human rights such as health or safety, some kind of assessment or test is necessary to know if the state effectively implements this right as required by its citizens.
In the case of Mexico, education is an area that has been neglected by many administrations, independently of the ruling party. This is aggravated by long-standing national problems including deep poverty, demographic inequality, the gender gap and insufficient education budgets. Students in Mexico consistently score among the lowest in reading literacy, mathematics and science compared to the other 37 nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
Students in Mexico have the lowest reading literacy, math and science scores among member nations of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). (Rashide Frias/Cuartoscuro)
Regarding the government’s annual budget, in 2014, the OECD noted that Mexico’s annual expenditure per student was well below the OECD average. By 2017, economic pressures caused the Mexican government to cut their education budget even further — by more than 11%. Today, Mexico spends US $3,239 annually per full-time equivalent student, compared to the OECD average of US $12,647.
What is PISA and why does it matter?
The Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) is a valuable tool that goes beyond simply testing students. PISA provides governments with a clear picture of how well their education systems are preparing students for the future. This international benchmark allows countries to identify areas of strength and weakness, fostering collaboration and innovation in education on a global scale.
Recommendations from the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness (IMCO) stress the need to prioritize mathematics in academic curricula, enhance resource distribution and implement standardized assessments to address educational challenges highlighted by the PISA evaluation.
In 2022, Mexico’s 15-year-olds scored an average of 410 points in science, lower than the OECD average of 485 points. In mathematics, Mexico ranked in 57th place — out of 81 countries — with 395 points and 49th in reading with 415 points, placing below the OECD and total sample averages. Furthermore, Mexico has one of the highest indexes of mathematics anxiety among OECD and partner countries, indicating challenges in this subject area.
Overall, Mexico’s performance on the PISA assessment reveals areas of improvement needed in educational outcomes and highlights disparities in performance compared to other countries, especially in mathematics and science proficiency levels.
Like many other forms of diagnosis and evaluation, the PISA test can be perfected, and in fact, context must be taken into account to decide what to do with the results.
Still, based on the results obtained from the PISA, diagnoses can be made at the country level for the design of public policies. In the PISA 2025 test, for example, emphasis will be placed on scientific education so that there is a diagnosis of how different countries are preparing their students to understand science and the ways in which the field offers reliable knowledge. The idea is that students become informed citizens for future decisions related to their personal health, their family and how all of this relates to the environment and the well-being of the communities where they live. There is also a section of the 2025 test that invites students to show their knowledge of varied perspectives and solutions for the different socio-ecological crises they may face in the future.
The bottom line? PISA, through evaluation and assessment, helps to improve the full exercise of Mexican students’ right to education, in terms of evaluating where we need to invest more resources to improve classroom outcomes.
Patricia Illoldi-Rangel holds a Ph.D. in Biological Sciences from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and a Master’s degree in Education from the Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education.
In addition to her research work, Patricia has been actively involved in teaching at various levels. She has served as a professor at the high school, undergraduate, and graduate levels in both public and private institutions. Specifically, she has taught courses related to STEM subjects, sustainable development, environmental education and educational innovation.
Have you ever wondered what riding the Maya Train from end to end is like? Lydia Carey has a complete guide to Mexico's newest railroad. (Isabel Mateos/Cuartoscuro)
Ever wanted to travel the rails on the brand new Maya Train but needed a travel guide to help?
I’ve been curious about the Maya Train since plans for its construction were first announced in 2018. I have a certain nostalgia for the trains I took into Chicago as a child and have always wished Mexico had more train travel options available. I’ve followed along with the many controversies and discussions around the train, with detractors saying it will be the worst thing to happen to the Yucatán peninsula and supporters saying it will be the best. In the end, the results will probably be mixed, which is what I found on my trip to ride the entire open route from Cancún to Palenque.
After eight days and seven stops, I can tell you that the biggest issue I faced was not the train itself, but the transportation infrastructure from the stations to the destinations where we stopped. This travel guide should help you avoid some of the pitfalls I experienced.
The train is modern, stylish way to get around the Yucatán, but it still has some teething problems. (Isabel Mateos/Cuartoscuro)
I recommend buying your tickets online in advance to avoid any issues. Keep in mind that on every stretch of the train — except the one from Valladolid to Mérida — the air conditioning started out great and got progressively worse as we went along. It was never completely off but there were plenty of times that I wished for more.
Cancún
The station in Cancún feels grand, like one of the classic European train stations you see in movies from the early 20th century. There was a good crowd the day I boarded, as the section from Cancún to Mérida is one of the most popular routes. On the train I met Lucy and Javier, two retirees who were traveling all over the Yucatán via the Maya Train, stopping in Valladolid, Mérida and Campeche.
“We remember when there was a train from Guadalajara to Mexico City,” Lucy told me. “We used to take it all the time.” The couple were looking forward to seeing what this new train was like.
That first ride to Valladolid was exciting. The train was gleaming — brand new, clean and super smooth. I bought a drink at the snack counter and chatted with the other riders. The view out the window this time of year was mostly dry jungle, but inside riders seemed happy to just chat and relax. There was no Wi-Fi on board, something I would come to discover was true of the entire route. Workers told me that some of the cars were outfitted with Wi-Fi, but even though on a few sections the network did appear on my phone, it was always without internet.
Cancún station has an air of opulence to it, akin to the great stations of Europe. (Elizabeth Ruiz/Cuartoscuro.com)
Getting to and from the train
Arriving at the Cancún airport, there are free shuttles that bring you to the train station from terminals 2, 3 and 4, departing five times a day.
Make sure to get one of these shuttles, because if not the taxi drivers will rip you off, charging at minimum 800 pesos, or US$50, for a 10-minute ride to the station.
Valladolid
The city of Valladolid is old-world chic, with a growing number of boutique shops and very decent regional restaurants. It’s a great base for exploring the amazing wildlife at the nearby Ría Lagartos biosphere reserve, particularly their flocks of electric pink flamingos, or visiting Las Coloradas, the area’s famous rose-colored salt flats. I stayed in one of the gorgeous nature villas at Oriundo Hotel outside of town, but most of the hotels and restaurants are right in the center of town. There are also many lovely cenotes nearby to while away a day swimming and picnicking.
Getting to and from the train
There are no taxis that wait at the station as of yet — though with increasing arrivals I think there will be — so arriving in Valladolid your option is the waiting bus that takes you to the ADO bus terminal in the center of town. The trip costs 35 pesos and lasts about 20 minutes. The fact that Valladolid is a small town and most of the action is downtown made this the most convenient connection of the whole trip. I stayed overnight in Valladolid and took the same bus back the next day and the ADO ticket counter people were fully informed about the bus’s schedule.
Mérida
Mérida has an easy charm which makes it an essential stop for any Maya Train itinerary. (Mario Morales Rubi/Wikimedia)
Arriving in Mérida in the evening there were no taxis but several e-trams — part of Mérida’s public transportation system — were waiting to take arrivals to both the La Plancha and Paseo 60 stations for 45 pesos. The trip took about 30 minutes. The bus driver knew little about the rest of the connecting route through the city, so I took a 70 peso taxi from the drop-off station to my hotel. Mérida has Uber and Didi, and both apps are inexpensive and work well — although wait times tend to be longer than in a big city like Mexico City. This makes getting around the city a breeze, and while I’m a big fan of public transportation I gave up trying to figure it out in Mérida and just took cabs or walked.
Getting back to the station was easy, but I had to go to the La Plancha tram stop the day before and ask about the train times which are not announced anywhere online that I could find. When I got there, the times were written on a tiny piece of paper taped to the ticket counter. When I asked the woman there if the times were published anywhere she said no; they “weren’t set yet.” Anyone wanting to know had to come to the station to check. I came back the next day and the bus to the train station did leave on time. It cost 45 pesos, like my trip into town.
Edzná
The ancient Maya city of Edzná in Campeche. Be warned – reaching it from Edzná station is not easy! (Soft_light/Shutterstock)
Leaving Mérida I decided to go all the way to Edzná to see if it would be possible to see the ruins there before they closed for the day. On the way I met Paulina who was traveling with two other women back from Mérida to Palenque where they lived. I asked her how the trip was going and she said their trip on the train was cheaper than the bus and took 4 hours less time so for them it was no-brainer. They seemed a happy group, even if by this time we were all sweating on this leg of the trip.
The archaeological ruins at Edzná, a former powerful regional capital on the Yucatán Peninsula from AD 400 to 1000, were stunning. The site is small, the buildings dramatic and there were only a handful of other tourists. I recommend going early in the day, as there is little tree cover and walking around in the midday heat almost did me in.
Getting to and from the train
When I got to the Edzná station things more or less fell apart, and I had to remind myself to go with the flow and embrace the chaos. I had previously asked about transportation in Edzná from other train workers and was told there would be taxis there, but when I arrived there was nothing but me, a hot breeze, some sad-looking palm trees and a stray dog. Zenaida, the woman working at the station, was extremely kind but a bit shocked by my assumption that there would be transportation.
Zenaida told me that a bus line is in the works but hasn’t been developed yet because “the station isn’t finished,” which was why there were no stores there either. I’m not sure how unfinished a station is when it’s already receiving passengers, but I kept my opinion to myself. Zenaida called a motorcycle taxi for me who might have been the only one in town and also offered car service from one of the station’s employees who uses his vehicle as a kind of Uber for tourists who want to get to the Edzná ruins there.
The ruins — the only attraction in Edzná as there is no town to speak of and only a single store along the highway — are 15 kilometers away and the hot wind in the back of the mototaxi made the trip feel like riding in a microwave. Abram, my driver, was a super nice guy and talked to me about the hotel that the government was building near the site that would allow people to spend the night there once it opens at the end of June — the same date Zenaida said that the Edzná station would be finished.
So down the road, it looks like there will be transportation and lodging; for now, be sure to bring water and food, as there are no shops at the ruins either. Since the train only arrives in Edzná in the afternoon and doesn’t leave until the next morning I took a combi — a small shared van — back to Campeche. The worker at the ruins said it came at 3:30 p.m. at a stop down the road. Instead, it showed up at 3 p.m., right at the entrance to the ruins. I almost missed it.
Campeche
Take in the colors of the Mexican Caribbean in sunny Campeche, an ideal midpoint for your journey southwards. (Enrique Amaya/Unsplash)
Campeche is another gem. Yucatán’s walled city was often attacked by pirates during the colonial years, and the city’s multi-colored facades and the remaining sections of its great wall make for a charming ambiance. The seafood here is also top-notch. Be sure to amble down Calle 59 with its cafes and bars lit up with twinkling lights in the evening. If you want to see Edzná, I recommend staying in Campeche and making it a day trip.
Getting to and from the train
Since I didn’t arrive in Campeche on the train, I didn’t get the experience of coming into town from the station. I now know that buses wait for each arriving train to take passengers into the city center. They drop you off on the oceanfront, where the massive letters that spell out Campeche stand., From there, it’s a short walk to the restaurants and hotels of the Historic Center.
Getting back to the station was painful. There’s no information online except for a few articles from December 2023 that say there are stops at four different points throughout the city. I ended up going to the bus station and being told there was a bus that picked up riders at 6:30, 10:30, and 11:30 at the same spot as the drop-off. I arrived there at 11:10 and waited until 11:34, but no bus came.
“Sometimes they come early and sometimes they come late!” a man wearing a Maya Train hat told me. “That’s how we do things in Campeche, everything backwards!” said his buddy.My advice for Campeche is to take a cab to the train station, which will cost you 150-200 pesos from the Historic Center.
Palenque
Palenque offers impressive ruins and stunning waterfalls to travelers who have reached the end of the line. (Lousanroj/Wikimedia)
The home of one of Mexico’s greatest archaeological sites is also known for its waterfalls and swimming holes, so that’s what I chose to do on this part of the trip — I’d already seen the ruins before. The waterfalls of Misol Ha, Roberto Barrios and Agua Azul are all gorgeous places to spend an afternoon staving off the heat and communing with nature, especially during the week, when there are fewer tourists. The town of Palenque itself has never held much draw for me, but it’s a good base for exploring the region.
On the train, the landscape from Campeche to Palenque was a little more exciting, passing small farms, cattle ranches and greener jungle. The Palenque station was probably the most grandiose and lovely of all the stations along the route, and many passengers I met along the way were making the trip from Campeche or Mérida straight to Palenque, so I envision this station getting a lot of use in the future.
Getting to and from the train
The day before going to Palenque, I stopped off in Escárcega, where, once again, there was no public transportation. The station workers called me a cab. Coming back the next day they told me the train was having technical difficulties and it would be at least an hour and half late. We finally got into Palenque 2.5 hours late, and despite the station manager assuring us that there was a public bus that would take us to the ADO bus station in the center of town, it never arrived.
Instead, there were taxis, which charged 150 pesos to the hotel zone in town and 200 to the hotels on the road to the ruins. From the ADO station in town, I found out that the buses to the Maya Train station leave at 6 a.m. every day and wait for the arrivals on the 5 p.m. train every afternoon. When I mentioned to him that when we arrived late there was no bus waiting, he said, yeah, sometimes if they tell us train is late we don’t wait.
Reflections on my journey
Except for Edzná, all of these cities are major stops on the train, and so are the most likely to have transportation. Still, as you can see, it wasn’t well organized at many of the stops. Some of the small stations along the route are not fully operational yet, and many lack basic infrastructure. It’s more likely that these smaller stops will be useful for locals traveling around the peninsula than tourists like the two women riding from Campeche I met going to see their mother in the tiny town of Carrillo Puerto.
I do think some of the operational kinks are bound to be fixed as the train heads towards its first anniversary, but for international tourists who don’t speak Spanish, much is needed to make travel smoother including informational signs, a map of the route at stations, reliable and easy-to understand-public transportation and English-speaking staff. While it was an adventure and I did love riding on a train again, I think I will hold off on another trip on the Maya Train until it’s a little further down the track.
Lydia Carey is a freelance writer and translator based out of Mexico City. She has been published widely both online and in print, writing about Mexico for over a decade. She lives a double life as a local tour guide and is the author of Mexico City Streets: La Roma. Follow her urban adventures on Instagram and see more of her work at www.mexicocitystreets.com.
Mexican cuisine can be very strange indeed... but if you're brave enough to give these unusual ingredient a try, you might find your next favorite snack! (Cody Copeland)
Mexican gastronomy is a worldwide favorite, beloved enough that it’s been recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Outside of Mexico, it is easy to find guacamole, al pastor-style meat, chilaquiles and tacos of all kinds, as well as other lesser-known foods like pozole or mole. But none of these are unusual kinds of Mexican food.
In Mexico, there are some ingredients considered strange and exotic, even by locals. Some of these were eaten in pre-Hispanic times, while some have been created more recently. Nevertheless, they all are a part of the longstanding artform that is Mexican cuisine. Don’t be afraid to try these!
Chapulines
Chapulines, anyone? (Ana Luisa Gamboa/Unsplash)
Grasshoppers are the most widely known of what could be considered “exotic” Mexican cuisine. There are many different types of edible chapulines found all around the country, but they’re traditionally associated with the state of Oaxaca. One of the most popular ways to eat them is on a traditional Oaxacan tlayuda. Although small, chapulines are high in vitamins and minerals. They’re acidic and crunchy, and delicious on their own.
Iguanas
If you’ve gone to a Mexican beach, there’s a high chance that you have seen an iguana trotting around. They are especially common in the southeast, the region that took to also eating them. Some people say it tastes like chicken.
Maguey Worms
If you’re a mezcal enthusiast, you’ve probably seen one of these little guys lying at the bottom of a bottle. Maybe you’ve even eaten it with your last shot! But you might not know that maguey worms are eaten outside of mezcal, too.
There are actually two types of maguey worms. The red ones are moth larvae that infest magueys and eat them, while the white ones are butterfly caterpillars that grow onthe leaves and roots of magueys. They are expensive because you can only get three or four out of a maguey, which dies after the harvest. They are most commonly consumed in Hidalgo, but also eaten in other states like Tlaxcala. Eat them fried, with butter or olive oil, in a taco.
Escamoles
Mexican “caviar” is made from ant eggs, rather than sturgeon. (Jacob García/Cuartoscuro)
Some people call it the Mexican caviar: ant eggs. Delicious and strange at the same time, escamoles have been eaten here all the way back to pre-Columbian times, which is why they can be easily found in areas closer to historic ruins, like Teotihuacán. The dish’s name actually comes from the Nahuatl words for “ant” and “stew.”
You can find escamoles in soups and tacos, or cooked with butter, onion and garlic. They’re packed with protein and are quite nutritious.
Huitlacoche
Once upon a time, France discovered moldy cheese was actually delicious. Mexicans realized the same thing about corn. Huitlacoche, known as corn smut to English speakers, is a very dark, greenish-blue fungus that grows on ears of corn infected with a pathogenic fungus. It is considered a “manjar” — a delicacy — and is most commonly eaten inside quesadillas or tacos.
Scorpions
Take a trip to Durango to try a local delicacy – fried scorpion. (La Ruta de la Garnacha/YouTube)
Scorpions are found in many places in Mexico, especially areas that are hotter or more humid. This is especially true for Durango, a northern state that has become known for serving these somewhat terrifying arachnids. Although they’re not necessarily a traditional dish, Durango is the place to go for them. Scorpions can be served fried, inside a taco, or on a stick.
Chicatana ants
Chicatana Ants are another Oaxacan delicacy. These huge ants — they grow to between 1.8 and 3 centimeters — are toasted in hot pans and develop a crunchy consistency. Although they can be eaten straight after toasting, one of the most common ways to eat them is to grind them into a salsa. Like many of the other items on this list, they are high in vitamins and minerals. You can find them mainly in Oaxaca, but natives of Veracruz and Tabasco enjoy chicatanas as well.
Jumiles
These are a typical dish of the Pueblo Mágico of Taxco, in Guerrero. They are flying insects that are eaten either inside a sauce or with lime and salt, and — you guessed it — in tacos. Some say they taste like cinnamon, which could be because Jumiles eat the branches and sticks of oak trees. Either way, it’s a strong taste that you either love or you hate.
Collecting jumiles is quite difficult, as they live quite high in the canopy and are fast fliers. Apart from a delicacy, they are also considered sacred by some people in Taxco, as they are considered to be dead loved ones that fly in to visit.
Cuetlas
What meal would ever be complete without a side of butterfly larvae? (Juan Pablo Zamora/Cuartoscuro)
Another pre-Columbian meal, cuetlas — also known as chiancuetla and tepolchichic — are butterfly larvae. These larvae grow on a select few types of trees during the rainy season. They are eaten mainly in Puebla, but you’ll also find them in Guerrero and Veracruz. Their taste is delicious and similar to that of chapulines. Plus, they are rich in protein, iron and vitamin B.
The best way to enjoy cuetla is grilled and inside tacos with guacamole.
Of course, the list does not end here. With some names more eye-catching than others, things like eye tacos, rattlesnakes, pejelagarto fish, rat soup, lake shrimp and brains can also be found in different parts of the country. If you’re feeling adventurous, take a little trip around, do some research and try one — or all!
Montserrat Castro Gómez is a freelance writer and translator from Querétaro, México.
Mexicans will vote in the biggest elections in the country's history on Sunday. Former U.S. ambassador to Mexico Earl Anthony Wayne shares his thoughts on the significance of these elections for both Mexico and the United States. (Cuartoscuro)
On June 2, Mexicans will choose a new president, a new congress and many thousands of state and local officials in Mexico’s largest elections ever.
At present, polls show a large advantage to Claudia Sheinbaum, the presidential candidate supported by incumbent President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO), over her principal rival, Xóchitl Gálvez, who heads the opposition coalition ticket in Mexico’s presidential elections.
Beyond the presidential race, the outcomes in congressional and state elections will have big implications for the political clout of Mexico’s new president, the temperature of political debates, and the potential for approving major reforms of Mexico’s institutions, championed by AMLO to further his vision of Mexico’s transformation.
As elections approach, analysts in Mexico, the U.S., and internationally have expressed serious concern about the strength of Mexico’s democracy and the potential negative impact of AMLO’s proposed reforms.
Given the closely interconnected relationship between Mexico and the United States, Americans must pay close attention to the outcomes of Mexico’s elections and what follows. The U.S. needs good working relations with its southern neighbor to deal with migration, crime and trade issues.
AMLO is hoping that his allies will win a super majority in both houses of Congress in June, allowing his party to pass proposed constitutional and legal reforms when lawmakers take office in September, and before he leaves office on Oct. 1.
The proposals would significantly alter the workings of Mexico’s electoral authorities, Congress, judiciary, and independent regulatory institutions, among others. The thrust of the reforms as proposed would centralize more power in the executive branch and the presidency. However, there is significant opposition to several proposals, including some that previously spurred mass protests. It is far from clear what may result.
What happens in Mexico is vital for the United States. Mexico is the U.S.’s largest trade and co-production partner, supporting some 5 million U.S. jobs. Most irregular migration crosses the US-Mexican border. Mexico remains the largest single source of U.S. immigrants and the source of family and cultural ties for over 35 million U.S. citizens. Also, the vast majority of the deadly fentanyl fueling U.S. overdose deaths comes in through Mexico.
The U.S.-Mexico relationship is simultaneously domestic and international for both countries. There is much to gain by cooperation, but the policies and politics of both countries often spur tensions and discord. It takes strong political commitment and skillful management to sustain good collaboration.
Of great concern is that the quality of Mexico’s democracy and governance has been declining, according to a variety of reports that compare countries around the world. This alarming trend gets too little attention.
Mexico faces daunting challenges in building prosperity and assuring rule of law. Regular news reports of criminal violence and thriving cartel power underscore this. Mexico has had more homicides during the current presidential administration than during any other presidential term in recent decades. Mexico is ranked as having the third worst criminality score globally, with extortion and other crimes worsening. A key study notes that despite improvements over the past four consecutive years, Mexico was less peaceful in 2023 than it was in 2015. Significant violence has marred the election season and many worry about organized crime shaping local elections.
There are respected international studies that put Mexico’s democracy in a broader perspective, which I summarize below.
The Bertelsmann Transformation Index, covering some 130 countries, shows Mexico dropping in its scores between 2016 to 2024. It argues that Mexico is “currently on a path of de-democratization.” It cites attacks on independent institutions and a significant decline in Mexico’s rule of law and governance scores, among other concerns.
The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index 2023 ranks Mexico 90th out of the 167 countries it studied. This index categorizes Mexico as a “hybrid” democracy, which falls below a “full” or a “flawed” democracy. It finds Mexico’s ranking dropped 15% since 2018 and highlights the numbers of civilian deaths related to criminal violence.
International IDEA’s Global State of Democracy Indices, which cover 173 countries, finds that since 2018 Mexico has declined in 12 of the 22 indicators it uses for assessing countries. The biggest declines are in parliamentary effectiveness, freedom of speech, press freedom, judicial independence, predictable enforcement, and strength of civil society.
The Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Democracy Reports, which cover 202 countries, find a notable decline in Mexico’s ratings for all of its indexes, and shows particularly large drops in Mexico’s scores for “deliberative democracy,” “liberal democracy,” and “electoral democracy”. V-Dem cites attacks on judiciary and electoral institutions, false government information, and increased polarization, among other issues.
Freedom House’s latest Freedom in the World report, rating some 195 countries, characterizes Mexico as “partly free.” It describes a decline in freedoms beginning after 2017 and flags concerns with organized crime and violence, corruption, lack of government transparency, poor rule of law, and civil liberties more broadly.
The World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index finds that Mexico’s rule of law scores declined notably between 2018 and 2023 among the 100 plus countries analyzed, with particularly bad ratings on corruption, security, and criminal justice performance.
The World Bank prepares Worldwide Governance Indicators covering over 200 countries and territories. The data from 2012, 2017 and 2022 show Mexico’s percentile rank declined in every category over the ten years, with the largest drops in government effectiveness, regulatory quality, rule of law, and control of corruption.
Finally, a 2023 Pew survey of 24 countries also flashed a warning on Mexico’s democracy. The Pew survey showed that support for a leader making decisions without interference from a parliament or court had grown more in Mexico than in any other country studied (rising 23% to 50% of those polled).
The key point: it is essential to understand Mexico’s current election cycle in the context of the serious concerns raised by expert studies examining democracy and governance around the globe. These echo Mexico-focused analyses by media and organizations about the violation of human rights and civil liberties, attacks on individuals and NGOs that criticize the government, and violence against journalists and activists.
Mexicans of course have the most at stake, but next in line is the United States. The U.S. is invested heavily in ties with Mexico, including a major trade agreement and a massive presence of U.S. companies.
The U.S. will be better off with a strong, democratic Mexican partner to help fortify prosperity and security, just as Mexico needs a strong partner in the United States. Both countries need to understand the trends shaping electoral outcomes on the other side of the border, and engage each other to forge as constructive a partnership as possible. This will bring better outcomes for Americans and Mexicans.
Earl Anthony Wayne is currently teaching as a Distinguished Diplomat in Residence and Professorial Lecturer at American University’s School of International Service. He is a Public Policy Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars and Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of its Mexico Institute. Wayne is a former Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs, a former U.S. ambassador to Mexico and to Argentina and a former Deputy Ambassador in Afghanistan.
INE workers in Puebla unload ballot boxes for the Mexican elections, while soldiers and other officials watch. (Mireya Novo/Cuartoscuro)
More than 1,000 international observers, including representatives from the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United States, Canadian and British embassies in Mexico, will monitor Mexican elections this Sunday.
The National Electoral Institute (INE) announced Sunday that it had accredited 1,309 of 1,355 people who requested to observe the June 2 elections, at which Mexicans will elect some 20,000 municipal, state and federal representatives including a new president.
The requests of 46 people were rejected, mostly because they failed to present all the required documents on time.
The INE said in a statement that the number of requests it received was the highest since 1994, when international observers were first permitted to monitor elections in Mexico.
The electoral authority said that this year’s international election observers come from 63 countries, and noted that visitors from Montenegro, Tanzania and Zimbabwe will monitor Mexico’s electoral process for the first time.
It also noted that 740 of the accredited international observers are men, while 569 are women. Almost 84% are from other countries in the Americas, 12.5% are from European nations, and the remainder are from Africa, Asia and Oceania.
The number of election monitoring requests this year was the highest since 1994, according to the National Electoral Institute (INE). (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)
The INE listed the “missions” with the highest number of accredited international observers.
They include the OAS (100 accredited persons); the Global Alliance of Young Politicians (94); the United States Embassy (76); the Canadian Embassy (21); the Congress of Guatemala (18); the Congress of Honduras (18); and the British Embassy (10).
Former Chilean minister heads up OAS election monitoring team
The OAS said in a statement last week that its Electoral Observation Mission, led by former Chilean foreign minister Heraldo Muñoz, was arriving in Mexico “in a staggered manner” ahead of the June 2 elections.
“The purpose of the Electoral Observation Missions is to support the improvement and strengthening of electoral processes and systems,” said the OAS, a Washington D.C.-based organization made up of more than 30 member states.
“To achieve this objective, the Mission will have a team of 100 people, including specialists who will analyze issues such as electoral organization; voting abroad; electoral technology; electoral justice; political financing; political participation of women and indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples; political-electoral violence; and campaigns, media and digital communication.”
The OAS said it will deploy observers to all 32 federal entities of Mexico and to five foreign cities: Dallas, Los Angeles, Madrid, Montreal and Washington, D.C.
The Organization of American States (OAS), shown here at a recent council meeting, is one of the organizations sending the most observers to monitor Sunday’s elections. (OEA-OAS/Flickr)
They will “observe the process from the opening of the voting booths to the transmission of the results,” the organization said.
The OAS also said that its Mission to Mexico “expresses its concern about the incidents of violence that have occurred in the context of these elections and particularly deplores the loss of human life.”
The OAS said “in the final stretch of the electoral process,” its Electoral Observation Mission “hopes that citizens and candidates can express themselves freely and that election day takes place free of violence and in a climate of democratic coexistence.”
Violence also a concern for Transparencia Electoral
Transparencia Electoral, a Buenos Aires-based organization dedicated to the promotion of free and fair elections in the Americas, will have 16 accredited international observers monitoring elections in Mexico this weekend.
Luis Miguel Santibáñez, the organization’s coordinator for Mexico and Central America, told the newspaper El Financiero that violence is a major concern in this electoral cycle.
“We’re very concerned about the issue of security; the reports of violence are complex, they’re alarming,” he said.
Armed attackers killed Lucero López Maza, candidate for mayor in La Concordia, Chiapas, in mid-May. (Gaby Coutino/X)
Santibáñez said that it was up to authorities to ensure that citizens can go out and freely participate in the elections this Sunday in that part of the country. He said he hoped the security deployment is sufficient to stop acts of violence that could disrupt the elections in Chiapas or anywhere else in the country.
For his part, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador said earlier this month that insecurity was not a threat to elections anywhere in the country. Specifically asked whether elections could go ahead in violence-stricken parts of Chiapas, Michoacán, Zacatecas and Tamaulipas, the president responded:
“Yes, yes they can, yes they can. I’ve been hearing some voices from the conservative [or opposition] bloc saying they don’t want elections in some regions. And I feel that in some cases it has to do with campaigns or politicking.”
Santibáñez said that the elections were taking place in a “climate of polarization” and noted that some people have spoken of an “unlevel playing field” due to the influence of López Obrador, whose political protege Claudia Sheinbaum is the leading candidate in the presidential election.
The Transparencia Electoral official said it was up to the INE to watch over the political “players” to ensure the “integrity” of the elections this Sunday, the largest in Mexican history.
Mexico and Japan have a history extending back over 400 years. (Shutterstock)
The year was 1609 and a Spanish galleon called San Francisco was sailing off the coast of Japan en route to Acapulco from Manila when it shipwrecked.
More than 300 crew members, including the governor-general of the Philippines — part of New Spain at the time — were rescued by Japanese fishermen and taken to Japan, where they would spend a period of months before sailing to Acapulco on a Japanese ship in 1610.
Japanese “Red seal ships” were used for Asian commerce during the first part of the 17th century. (Wikimedia Commons)
Twenty-two Japanese representatives, including the merchant Tanaka Shōsuke, joined the voyage to Acapulco, becoming some of the first known Japanese people to travel to the Americas.
During the time he spent in Japan, the Philippines governor, Rodrigo de Vivero, met with the Japanese shogun of that time and the two men, according to Mexico’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE), “attempted to establish, through a treaty, the frameworks for a mutually convenient economic and political relationship” between Japan and New Spain, whose capital was Mexico City.
“The shipwreck of San Francisco is significant,” the SRE says, “because it brought about the first direct negotiation between a high-ranking official of New Spain …[and] the shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu, maximum leader of Japan at that time.”
While the establishment of the independent country of Mexico was still more than 200 years away in 1609, that first meeting between the Philippines governor and the Japanese shogun is considered the “first contact” between Mexico and Japan and is therefore said to mark the commencement of “exchange,” if not ties, between the two countries.
Former Mexican president Felipe Calderón and Yukio Hatoyama, the Japanese prime minister, at a meeting in 2010 in celebration of 400 years of friendship. (ALFREDO GUERRERO/CUARTOSCURO.COM)
Celebrations to mark 400 years of friendship between Mexico and Japan were held in both countries in 2009 and 2010, and the Mexican president at the time, Felipe Calderón, visited the East Asian constitutional monarchy in the latter year.
“During these four centuries … [Mexico and Japan] have systematically strengthened their economic, political and cultural ties while forging a solid friendship based on mutual understanding and cooperation,” Calderón wrote in a op-ed published by The Japan Times during his visit.
In this article — the first of Mexico News Daily’s “Global Mexico: Japan in Focus” series — I will examine how the relationship between Mexico and Japan has evolved over the centuries, and take a look at the state of bilateral affairs today.
A brief history of Mexico-Japan relations
Known as Sakoku or “closed country,” Japan’s isolationist foreign policy came to an end in the early 1850s when the United States sent warships there and forced Japan to enter into a Treaty of Peace and Amity.
According to Mexico’s Embassy in Japan, the decision to end the isolationist policy “was received with interest in Mexico,” which at the time had been an independent country for some three decades.
In 1888 — 279 years after “first contact” was made — Mexico and Japan signed a Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation in Washington D.C.
The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs describes the pact — with which bilateral relations were formally established — as “Japan’s first ‘equal’ treaty with a Western country.”
Mexico’s president at the time was the iron-fisted Porfirio Díaz, while Japan’s leader was Kuroda Kiyotaka, the country’s second prime minister.
Japanese prime minister Kuroda Kiyotaka was in power when Mexico and Japan signed a bilateral treaty in 1888. (Wikimedia Commons)
In an article alongside Calderón’s piece in the Japan Times, Mexico’s Embassy in Japan said that the 1888 treaty “was a key support for Japan in the renegotiation of unequal treaties held with Western powers.”
“For Mexico, it was the first diplomatic instrument with an Asian country by which it renewed its old bonds with that continent,” the article continued.
Trade between Mexico and Japan increased in the subsequent years.
In 1897, less than a decade after the treaty took effect, 35 members of “the so-called Enomoto Colonization Party” settled in Chiapas, “marking the first organized emigration from Japan to Latin America,” according to the Japanese Foreign Ministry.
“Some people fled after just a few months,” but six Japanese people who stayed went on to form an association in Acacoyagua, Chiapas, that was involved in a range of activities in Chiapas including the education of children at the first Japanese school in the Americas, according to Discover Nikkei.
There is a monument in Acacoyagua, Chiapas to Japanese emigrants who arrived there in 1897. (Historia de Acacoyagua blog)
“In 1902, Tsunematsu Fuse and his wife … arrived and educated second generation Japanese and Mexicans. They also made a great contribution to the local community by compiling a Spanish-Japanese dictionary, laying waterworks and building bridges,” the article said.
Meanwhile, bilateral relations between Mexico and Japan chugged along, and the two countries signed another treaty in 1924 that “updated” some of the points in the 1888 one, according to the SRE.
Less than two decades later, the bilateral relationship came to a halt.
In 1941, amid World War II, Mexico suspended its diplomatic relations with Japan and shut down its missions in that country in response to the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor.
More than a decade passed until the two countries reestablished diplomatic relations in 1952, when famed writer Octavio Paz was dispatched to Tokyo as Mexico’s ambassador for a brief period.
Two years later, Mexico and Japan signed a cultural agreement that paved the way for exchange and collaboration in a range of areas.
In 1959, Mexico welcome a Japanese prime minister for the first time when Nobusuke Kishi visited, while Mexican president Adolfo López Mateos traveled to the Land of the Rising Sun in 1962 to open a new Mexican Embassy.
In the 1950s and ’60s, several major Japanese corporations including Marubeni, Mitsui, Mitsubishi and Sumitomo began operating in Mexico. Others would follow in subsequent decades.
During the first two decades after bilateral relations were reestablished, “trade and financial transactions as well as investment flows between the countries grew significantly,” according to the Mexican Embassy, while in the 1970s, the relation “registered a qualitative jump” when Mexico became a significant exporter of oil to Japan.
President Adolfo López Mateos (far left) met with Hirohito, the emperor of Japan (far right), on his tour there in 1962. (Culture Ministry/INAH)
In 1977, the Liceo Mexicano-Japonés, a school, opened in Mexico City, allowing more collaboration and exchange between citizens of Mexico and Japan.
The following decade, during the Latin American Debt Crisis, Japan provided significant monetary support to Mexico.
According to the SRE, Japan was Mexico’s second largest international creditor in 1987 with 29 Japanese banks providing loans totaling US $16.11 billion or 15% of Mexico’s total foreign debt at the time.
In 1989, the Japanese government lent Mexico more than $2 billion, an amount higher than the sums Mexico received amid the debt crisis from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, according to the SRE.
The loan helped Mexico provide “the necessary guarantees” to creditors as it attempted to restructure its debt, the Foreign Ministry said.
The bilateral relationship in the 21st century
Trade
Mexico and Japan today have a significant commercial relationship, with two-way trade worth more than US $24.5 billion in 2023, according to Mexican government data.
Mexico shipped exports worth $3.97 billion to Japan last year, while Japanese imports were worth $20.6 billion. Mexico was thus left with a trade deficit of $16.63 billion with Japan in 2023.
Mexico’s top export to Japan last year was copper ores and concentrates, which brought in $402 million in revenue. Among Mexico’s other exports to Japan are machinery, pork, tuna, tequila and fruit.
Japanese car maker Nissan is one of the most prominent in the Mexican market. (Nissan México)
Japan’s top export to Mexico in 2023 was motor vehicles, which brought in $1.95 billion in revenue. Japan also exports a range of other products to Mexico, including auto parts and audio and video equipment.
Japan had a 3.45% share of Mexico’s import market last year, according to the Bank of Mexico, while Mexico’s share of Japan’s market was just 0.67%.
The commercial relationship between the two countries grew significantly after an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) that liberalized bilateral trade took effect in 2005.
In 2015, Mexico’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs noted that trade between Mexico and Japan had increased 71% since the trade pact went into force, while Mexico’s exports to Japan doubled. Trade between the two countries has continued to grow since then.
Japan’s ambassador to Mexico, Noriteru Fukushima, said last December that nearshoring was expected to increase Japanese investment in Mexico by up to 66% in 2024.
“Many from Japan want to know what is happening in Mexico, what’s going to be done in Mexico, what Mexico is going to be like because many companies are coming because of nearshoring,” he said at the 33rd Mexico-Japan Business Plenary Meeting.
Japan’s ambassador to Mexico, Noriteru Fukushima, said Japanese companies are looking to expand their investment in Mexico to capitalize on the nearshoring opportunity. (Cuartoscuro)
According to the Economy Ministry, Mexico received a total of $34.2 billion in foreign investment from Japan between January 1999 and December 2023.
Around 1,300 Japanese companies operate in Mexico including large automakers such as Toyota and Mazda, air conditioner manufacturer Daikin, tire manufacturer Bridgestone and electronics company Sony.
Among the Mexican companies that operate in Japan are fruit and vegetable producer and processor Grupo Altex and KidZania, owner of an international chain of family entertainment centers.
Multilateral cooperation
Mexico and Japan collaborate in a number of international forums including the G20, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, or APEC, and the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development, or OECD.
According to the SRE, Mexico has worked “hand in hand” with Japan in the G20 to “build agreements and find collective solutions to the common problems the world faces.”
In January of last year, Marcelo Ebrard, Mexico’s foreign minister at the time, met with Yoshimasa Hayashi, who was Japan’s foreign minister between 2021 and 2023.
“The relationship with Japan is a strategic and deep relationship … because of history and culture, and because today there are 1,300 Japanese companies in Mexico, and thousands of jobs. … We have a shared future and what we want is to broaden it,” Ebrard said at the meeting.
Marcelo Ebrard met with Japanese Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi in 2023. (Gob MX)
For his part, Hayashi said that “Japan and Mexico are strategic global partners who share fundamental values based on a solid friendship and trust.”
The two countries current foreign ministers, Alicia Bárcena of Mexico and Yōko Kamikawa of Japan, met in Brazil earlier this year at the G20 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting.
“Secretary Bárcena … expressed Mexico’s high appreciation and great confidence in its relationship with Japan, and her expectations for further investment in Mexico by Japanese companies, especially bearing in mind the importance of nearshoring and relocation, in electric mobility and large-scale infrastructure projects in Mexico,” the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan said in a statement.
By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)
The new agreement allows Emirates customers to fly from Mexico City to 21 destinations in Mexico as well as several cities in the U.S. (Unsplash)
Mexican airline Viva Aerobus signed an interline agreement with Dubai-based Emirates, enhancing connectivity for passengers traveling from the Middle East to Mexico.
The partnership will increase access to multiple destinations in Mexico while also unlocking more international routes for Emirates passengers, including 20 convenient flight options that connect six points in Mexico with several popular cities in the United States.
In September, Emirates announced a codeshare agreement with United Airlines, bringing its number of destinations in Mexico to 8. (Emirates)
Executive Vice President and Chief Planning and Alliances Officer at Viva Aerobus Javier Suárez praised the agreement in comments published by Emirates’s press office last week.
“We are excited about this new partnership with Emirates. … [which] allows passengers from the many Mexican cities to make a short stop in Mexico City, board an Emirates flight to reach the great city of Barcelona and/or to continue their trip to Dubai and beyond. All of this with the convenience of buying a single ticket,” Suárez said.
Emirates’ offered a similar statement: “We are pleased to activate an interline partnership with Viva Aerobus to deepen our reach in Mexico beyond Mexico City,” said Adnan Kazim, Emirates’ deputy president and chief commercial officer. “This new offering is in line with our Fly Better promise … and we look forward to further developing the partnership in the future to elevate its benefits for our customers.”
The interline agreement will allow Emirates customers to fly from Mexico City to 21 domestic destinations while benefiting from the convenience of the two airlines’ one-bag-on-one-ticket policy.
Aviación Online reported that travelers arriving to Mexico City from Dubai will now be able to connect to other Mexican destinations including Acapulco, Cancún, Guadalajara and Monterrey. The interline network will also feature direct flights to Mexico City from Chicago, Dallas/Fort Worth, Los Angeles and Miami, among other U.S. cities.
In addition, Emirates SkyCargo, the freight division of the Dubai-based carrier, operates two freighter services in the country, to Mexico City and Guadalajara.
Mexican authorities detained the alleged head of security for Los Chapitos, Néstor Isidro Pérez or "El Nini", last November. (Sedena/Cuartoscuro)
Néstor Isidro Pérez Salas, the alleged security chief for the “Los Chapitos” faction of the Sinaloa Cartel known as “El Nini,” was extradited to the United States on Saturday, U.S. authorities said.
U.S. President Joe Biden and Attorney General Merrick B. Garland both issued statements to announce the extradition of Pérez, just six months after his arrest in Culiacán, Sinaloa, last November.
The U.S. ‘grateful’ for alleged security chief’s extradition
Biden noted that the suspect known as “El Nini” faces charges in the United States “for his role in illicit fentanyl trafficking and for murdering, torturing, and kidnapping numerous rivals, witnesses, and others.”
“This is a good day for justice,” he said before thanking President Andrés Manuel López Obrador “for his decision to extradite this dangerous criminal.”
Garland said that U.S. authorities “allege El Nini was one of the Sinaloa Cartel’s lead sicarios, or assassins, and was responsible for the murder, torture, and kidnapping of rivals and witnesses who threatened the cartel’s criminal drug trafficking enterprise.”
Prior to his extradition, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency was offering up to US $3 million for information on El Nini. (U.S. DEA)
“… I am grateful to our Mexican government counterparts for their extraordinary efforts in apprehending and extraditing El Nini. With this enforcement action, El Nini joins the growing list of cartel leaders and associates indicted in, and extradited to, the United States,” added the attorney general.
Pérez faces organized crime, weapon possession, fentanyl trafficking and money laundering charges in the state of New York. He also faces a range of charges in the District of Columbia.
Prior to his arrest, U.S. authorities were offering a US $3 million reward for information leading to his capture.
Pérez is allegedly the leader of “Los Ninis,” the security apparatus of Los Chapitos, led by sons of El Chapo, including Ovidio until his arrest.
El Nini allegedly spearheaded Los Chapitos’ war against rival criminal group Los Rusos — another faction of the Sinaloa Cartel led by Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada García — for control of Mexico’s northwest border region. His nickname is a derogatory term for a person who neither works nor studies.
Biden said Saturday that the U.S. and Mexican governments “will continue to work together to attack the fentanyl and synthetic drug epidemic that is killing so many people in our homelands and globally, and to bring to justice the criminals and organizations producing, smuggling, and selling these lethal poisons in both of our countries.”
