Saturday, May 17, 2025

Shipwrecked conquistador’s 4,000-km tale makes for desert-island reading

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Image of Spanish colonist Cabeza de Vaca
Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca was second-in-command of Spain's ill-fated Narváez expedition of 1527 to colonize Florida. After his odyssey he became a life-long advocate of Native American rights.

Between 1534 and 1536, Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, a conquistador who never conquered anyone, walked nearly 4,000 km across the American continent and lived to tell the tale.

And he told it well. His story, “Naufragios y Comentarios” (Shipwrecks and Commentaries), makes for fascinating reading. Even more fascinating is the retelling of Cabeza de Vaca’s story by Andrés Reséndez, a Mexican-American history professor at the University of California, Davis.

"A Land So Strange" book by Andres Resendez
“A Land so Strange” by Mexican American academic Andrés Reséndez is available in English in all formats. Half the book consists of very interesting footnotes.

His book, “A Land so Strange, the Epic Journey of Cabeza de Vaca,” was published in 2009 and adds much needed clarification, annotations and insights to this bizarre story, resulting in a narrative so curious, compelling and fluid that one of his readers declared that this was “one book I would take to a desert island.”

Cabeza de Vaca was the royally appointed treasurer of an expedition meant to establish a colony of Spaniards in Florida. In 1527, 300 of them set sail from Spain, only to suffer a most amazing series of mishaps.

Hurricanes, shipwrecks, near starvation and the bungling of an incompetent navigator landed the survivors on what is now Galveston Island, Texas, where their chain of catastrophes culminated in the desperate construction of a huge raft, upon which they piled absolutely everything they had (including their clothes and shoes).

When they pushed the raft into the sea, it broke up and sank, leaving 80 survivors who were very literally naked and barefoot and freezing to death. 

Scene from "Cabeza de Vaca" film
In this scene from Nicolás Echevarría’s 1991 Mexican film, “Cabeza de Vaca,” the survivors attempt to make moccasins from strips of cloth.

“It was in November (of 1532), bitterly cold,” wrote Cabeza de Vaca, “and we in such a state that every bone could easily be counted, and we looked like death itself. At sunset, the Indians came… Upon seeing the disaster we had suffered, our misery and distress, the Indians sat down with us and all began to weep out of compassion for our misfortune.”

An extraordinarily cold and harsh winter, coupled with a lack of food, reduced the number of would-be colonizers to 15 souls.

“What had begun as a guest-host relationship between the natives and the Spaniards,” writes Reséndez, “eventually degenerated into a relationship between masters and slaves.”

Without their guns, armor and horses, the conquistadors posed no threat to the local people. On the contrary, the Spaniards proved incapable of hunting with bows, fishing or trapping, so they were given women’s work to do: digging for roots, carrying firewood and fetching water.

Map showing route taken by Cabeza de Vaca's crew across North America after being shipwrecked at Galveston Island
Map showing the approximate route taken by the four survivors, from Galviston Island, Texas to Mexico City.

The situation of the castaways degenerated even further when it was discovered that five of them — who had not taken up residence with the Indians — had avoided starvation by resorting to cannibalism. By the end, quips Cabeza de Vaca, “Only one remained because he was alone and had no one to eat him.”

Their Indigenous captors were greatly shocked and wanted to kill the Spaniards, but Cabeza de Vaca’s owner calmed them down. From then on, the castaways were forced to do brutally hard work and to suffer ignominy and derision on the part of all the tribe members, including the children.

These Indigenous people, the Capoques and Hans, says Reséndez, were not what we are accustomed to call slavers: 

“They did not actively procure and exploit slave labor. They certainly possessed slaves, which were a byproduct of their continuous warfare with neighboring groups… However, this system was a far cry from that employed by more centralized and hierarchical societies like Portugal and Spain.”

Eventually, the group of Spaniards dwindled to four and they were taken to the mainland by their owners to help pick pecans and prickly pears in season.

In 1534, not only were they able to slip away from their captors, they also discovered a modus operandi that would assure them safe passage through whatever strange lands lay before them: they became medicine men.

Art by Paul Gillon of Cabeza de Vaca's journey
Artist Paul Gillon’s conception of the four survivors on the move.

Surprisingly, it was not the castaways who first suggested that they possessed the power to cure the sick but the Indigenous inhabitants. This began back on Galveston Island. Says Cabeza de Vaca, half joking: “On that island, they tried to make us physicians without examining us or asking us for our titles.”

The Indigenous people had demanded that the castaways cure the sick by blowing on the afflicted. The Spaniards took things lightly at first.

“We laughed at this and said that it was a mockery and that we did not know how to cure.”

But, says Reséndez, their hosts were serious. They stopped feeding the outsiders until they did as they were told, and one of them patiently explained to the uncomprehending foreigners that, in the words of Cabeza de Vaca, “even the stones and other things that exist in the wild possess power, and that he used a hot stone rubbed on the abdomen to heal and remove pain, and that we (the survivors), who were humans, had even more virtue and power.”

It was fortunate indeed that in October 1534, the four escapees fell in with a small nomadic band of Indigenous people known as the Avavares, who had heard of the castaways’ reputation as shamans and treated them with respect. They gave them lodging with their own medicine men.

Their new careers began on their first night among, when several Avavares suffering from head pains showed up looking for a cure from the foreigners.

Spanish Postal Service stamp comemorating Spanish colonization of Florida
Stamp issued by Spain to mark the 400th anniversary of the Discovery of Florida.

One of Cabeza de Vaca’s group, Alonso de Castillo, made the sign of the cross over these men and begged God to give them health. According to Cabeza de Vaca, “The Indians said that all the sickness had left them. And they went to their houses and brought many prickly pears and a piece of venison, which at the time we didn’t recognize.” 

The four men’s newfound position was a far cry from their past lives as captives. Avavares who were treated by a medicine man were accustomed to giving everything that they owned to him and even sought additional gifts from their relatives. Over the course of a few days with the Avavares, the four outsiders received so many pieces of venison that they didn’t know what to do with all the meat.

After that, the reputation of the foreign medicine men preceded them across the continent and south to Sinaloa, where in 1536 the unexpected appearance of “bearded Indians speaking perfect Spanish” dumbfounded their countrymen.

By the time Cabeza de Vaca’s group reached Mexico City, the four remaining castaways had walked over 3,800 km.

Their story is well worth a read. And then pack the book away for that future trip to a desert island.

  • Andres Resendez’s book, “A Land So Strange,” published by Hachette Press, can be found on in print and e-book on Amazon. Prefer to watch the movie? It’s harder to find but it’s available for free to watch online if you’re in Mexico on the FilmInLatino website.

The writer has lived near Guadalajara, Jalisco, since 1985. His most recent book is Outdoors in Western Mexico, Volume Three. More of his writing can be found on his blog.

‘Softened’ mining regulation reform advances to Senate

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Mine in Mexico
Adapted from legislation put forward by President López Obrador last month, the reforms reduce the length of mining concessions with the intention of avoiding overexploitation of natural resources. (Canal del Congreso)

Federal deputies approved modifications to mining, water and environmental laws in a lengthy legislative session that concluded early Friday. 

A reduction in the initial length of mining concessions from 50 years to 30 years is the most notable proposed change in the reform package, which was adapted from more ambitious legislation put forward by President López Obrador last month.   

Though Congress adapted the reform to allow mining concessions for up to 30 years, the president’s original proposal to reduce water concessions to five years still stands. (lopezobrador.com.mx)

With the support of lawmakers from the ruling Morena party and its allies, modifications to the Mining Law, National Waters Law, Ecological Equilibrium and Environmental Protection Law and the Law for the Prevention and Comprehensive Management of Waste passed the Chamber of Deputies at the end of a five-hour session that began Thursday night. The proposed reforms will now be considered by the Senate.    

While no new mining concessions have been issued since President López Obrador took office in late 2018, those granted under current laws are valid for 50 years and can be extended for an additional 50 years. 

Under the new proposal, mining concessions would be initially valid for 30 years and could be extended by another 25 years. A subsequent 25-year extension would be possible, but the concession holder would have to participate in a tendering process against other interested parties. 

López Obrador, who has repeatedly criticized previous governments for issuing mining concessions across large tracts of land, had proposed limiting concessions to just 15 years with an extendable period of the same length.

Aerial view of the Cozamin mine in Zacatecas. Canadian company Capstone Gold has operated the mine for 20 years. (Adolfo Vladimir/Cuartoscuro)

A majority of deputies also voted in favor of making public tenders mandatory before the issuance of new mining concessions and obliging mining companies to give at least 10% of their profits to the communities in which they operate. 

If the legislation passes the Senate — where Morena and its allies also have a majority — concessions won’t be able to be granted until local Indigenous people have been consulted, at the expense of the companies seeking permission to mine in Mexico, and cancellation of concessions due to environmental damage and breaches of laws will be easier. 

The reform package also seeks to oblige mining companies to be more transparent. In addition, it aims to protect natural reserves and water sources from direct and indirect damage from mining. 

Joaquín Zebadúa, a Morena deputy from Chiapas, said that previous governments granted over 1,600 mining concessions in natural protected areas. He also denounced mining companies for evading taxes

Indigenous groups across Mexico have long defended their territory from mining projects. (Margarito Perez Retana / CUARTOSCURO.COM)

Raquel Bonilla, a Morena deputy from Veracruz, said that the aim of the reform package is to avoid the overexploitation of Mexico’s mineral and water resources.    

The Mexican Chamber of Mines (Camimex) warned last week that the more ambitious overhaul that had been proposed by López Obrador would cost the sector some US $9 billion in investment in the coming years. The Association of Mines, Metallurgists and Geologists (Aimmgm) said late last month that the original proposal could cause an exodus of mining companies from Mexico and place over 400,000 jobs at risk.  

Opposition lawmakers voiced similar concerns in the Chamber of Deputies prior to voting on the proposed laws. 

The Aimmgm acknowledged in a statement on Friday that the original proposal was modified by lawmakers — “softened” in the words of the El Economista newspaper — but reiterated its concern for the mining industry, which generates 2.5% of Mexico’s GDP. 

Mexico is the world’s fourth-largest recipient of foreign direct investment for mining. Among those concerned about the reforms are mining professionals employed by foreign companies. (AIMMGMN/Facebook)

“Before ratifying the reform approved by the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate of the republic must organize an open parliament and provide the time necessary to carry out a rigorous analysis and comprehensive, inclusive and informed legislative debate, with the participation of all actors involved, in order to agree on appropriate changes that encourage the development of mining and Mexico,” the association said. 

“… Dialogue between the [mining] industry and the public sector is essential to finding the happy medium.”  

Mexico is the world’s leading producer of silver and a major producer of copper and gold. 

Canadian companies are major investors in Mexico’s mining sector. If the Canadian government believes Canadian miners are being treated unfairly in Mexico, it could potentially challenge Mexico’s laws under USMCA, the North American free trade pact that superseded NAFTA in 2020.  

The Mexican government is talking up the potential of the nascent lithium industry, but mining the sought-after metal in Mexico will be challenging as most potential reserves are in clay deposits. 

Lithium was nationalized last year, and the government has created a state-owned lithium company called Litio para México, or LitioMx.   

With reports from Aristegui Noticias, El Universal, Proceso and La Jornada 

National survey shows 50.9% of Mexicans ‘have confidence’ in AMLO

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A man in an AMLO mask gives a thumbs up
President López Obrador remains broadly popular with Mexicans, especially those under 20 or over 60 years of age. (Galo Cañas Rodríguez/Cuartoscuro)

A survey from the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI) has revealed that almost 51% of Mexicans gave President Andrés Manuel López Obrador high confidence ratings.

The National Survey of Urban Public Security asked Mexicans about their perceptions of security and safety in the country, as well as their confidence in authorities. 50.9% of respondents scored the president at least an 8 out of 10 with regards to their confidence in him. 

AMLO tours improvement works in Coahuila
Confidence levels in the president were highest in Mexico in the municipality of Piedras Negras, Coahuila. Here he is seen touring the region in 2020. (Presidencia/Cuartoscuro)

A further 16.9% scored him between 6 and 7, for a total of 67.8% of Mexicans showing medium-to-high levels of confidence in López Obrador’s leadership, according to the survey data.

Confidence in the president scored highest in the municipality of Piedras Negras, Coahuila, with an overall rating of 8.4. Conversely, the Benito Juárez borough of Mexico City, one of the most prosperous in the country, scored him at only 4.2 out of 10.

With the exceptions of Benito Juárez and the city of San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo Leon, the president also outscored state governors, although some municipal mayors showed resilient popularity compared to López Obrador. 

“The fact that is important is that 50% of the population considers that the President of the Republic can be trusted, with a very high level of confidence … ” said Jesús Ramirez, a spokesman for the president.

National Guard patrolling Mexico City's Metro
The deployment of the National Guard to perform civilian duties has also apparently proved popular with Mexicans: 73.6% of Mexicans said they felt the public security force was “effective” or “somewhat effective,” up 2% from December. (Daniel Augusto/Cuartoscuro)

López Obrador rated best with those aged under 20 years and those over 60. He also scored highest with those with “little” or “no” education, according to INEGI. His popularity was higher among men (54.5% in favor) than women (47.8% in favor).

The survey also showed that the majority of Mexicans surveyed have confidence in the National Guard, who have been widely deployed to civilian security tasks across the country. Nearly 74% of Mexicans said they felt the Guard to “effective” or “somewhat effective.”

Confidence in local police forces was significantly lower, however, with only 49.9% saying that local police force inspired their confidence.

The navy scored high confidence ratings, with 87.5% of respondents expressing either “some confidence” or “great confidence” in the armed force’s effectiveness. The army came in second with a confidence score of 83.4%. 

Scores were generally higher than in the last edition of the survey, conducted in December 2022. Mexicans also registered high confidence in their overall safety in urban areas.

With reporting by Milenio and INEGI

Ukraine’s President Zelensky addresses Mexico lawmakers

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Volodymyr Zelensky gives virtual address to lawmakers in Mexican congress
Volodymyr Zelensky, on screen, thanked Mexico for condemning Russian aggression at the U.N. in 2022, and asked that the nation endorse his peace plan. (@pmpojanheimo/Twitter)

During an address to a group of Mexican lawmakers on Thursday, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky called on Mexico to support his peace plan to end the war with Russia. 

“Ladies and Gentlemen! People of Mexico! Aren’t we united by the dream of safety and peace on all the streets of all the cities of our countries? Don’t we equally condemn those who shoot civilians and burn houses?” Zelensky said in a virtual address to members of the Chamber of Deputies’ Mexico-Ukraine Friendship Group. 

Zelensky address congress via video-link
President Zelensky called on Mexico to take leadership and work to help Ukraine regain its territory. (@IEAmbMexico/Twitter)

“… More than five months ago, I presented the Ukrainian Peace Formula. It happened at the G20 Summit in Indonesia,” he said, according to an official English-language transcript of his speech.  

Zelensky said that the formula – a 10-point plan calling for the restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity and the withdrawal of Russian troops, among other points — is “addressed primarily to the world, … to everyone who can participate in the implementation of specific points of the Formula and become a cocreator of the victory over evil, a cocreator of peace.”

He told the Mexico-Ukraine friendship group that “peace must become irreplaceable” and “evil must lose” and invited its members to “choose which clause of the Peace Formula allows Mexico to show leadership.” 

“Ukraine has already proposed to the Latin American community to convene a special summit and speak unitedly in defense of the globally important principles of territorial integrity, peace and respect between peoples, and the sovereignty of nations. I believe [that] with the help of Mexico, it can happen much faster,” Zelensky said. 

Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard speaks at the U.N. General Assembly.
Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard, seen here at the United Nations in 2022, condemned the Russian invasion when it first occurred. (SRE/Facebook)

The Ukrainian president thanked Mexico for voting to condemn Russia’s aggression in Ukraine at the United Nations (although it abstained in a vote that suspended Russia from the UN Human Rights Council) and expressed appreciation for its humanitarian support for Ukraine. 

Foreign Affairs Minister Marcelo Ebrard expressed Mexico’s condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on the day it occurred — Feb. 24, 2022. However, the federal government rejected a request from Ukrainian lawmakers to send arms to the eastern European nation and decided not to impose any sanctions on Russia.  

“We don’t send weapons anywhere, we’re pacifists,” said President López Obrador at the time of the decision, on March 4, 2022. 

The president, who has been critical of European nations’ supply of weapons to Ukraine, put forward his own peace proposal to end the Russo-Ukrainian last September, and Ebrard presented it to the United Nations General Assembly later the same month.  

López Obrador proposed a “committee for dialogue and peace in Ukraine” and said that the prime minister of India, Pope Francis and UN Secretary-General António Guterres should join the group and conduct “direct talks” with Zelensky and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Ukraine promptly rejected his idea; an official close to Zelensky described it as a “Russian plan.” 

Jucopo head Ignacio Mier
Cross-party coordination board chairman Ignacio Mier said that any support for Ukraine was a personal decision, and not representative of the wider will of Congress. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

While López Obrador has personally condemned Russia’s invasion, he has also said that Mexico’s “position is one of neutrality, which has to do with … [our noninterventionist] foreign policy.” 

Some members of his Morena party have sided with Russia. A youth wing of the party in México state voiced “moral and political support” for the invasion, while lawmakers from the ruling Morena party, as well as its ally the Labor Party and the Institutional Revolutionary Party, formed a Mexico-Russia friendship group just over a year ago.   

Asked last April whether he endorsed the friendship group, López Obrador didn’t give a direct response, emphasizing instead that people are “free” to do as they see fit. 

There was an allusion on Thursday to this diversity of opinion within Morena — and other parties — with regard to the war in Ukraine. 

In response to Zelensky’s address, National Action Party Deputy and president of the lower house of Congress Santiago Creel said, “in the name of the Mexican state, we express our strongest condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.”

However, the cross-party Political Coordination Board (Jucopo) of the Chamber of Deputies, over which Morena Deputy Ignacio Mier presides, said in a statement that the opinions expressed at Thursday’s event didn’t represent the Congress, let alone the Mexican state. 

The expressions of Mexican lawmakers are “personal,” Jucopo said after noting that Zelensky’s address wasn’t to the Mexican Congress but rather a friendship group of legislators.     

“The meeting of the Mexico-Ukraine Friendship Group doesn’t represent the consensual position of the Chamber of Deputies,” the statement said. 

The Russian Embassy in Mexico thanked Jucopo for expressing its “clear position” on what it described as “interesting discourse” between Zelensky and the Mexican lawmakers. 

“Once again, we respect the balanced and sensible position of Mexico,” the embassy said on Twitter

The Ukrainian Embassy described Zelensky’s address as “historic” and thanked Creel for inviting its president to the event.  

Mexico News Daily 

Judge suspends importation of Cuban ballast in Puerto Morelos

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Puerto Morelos ballast ship over a reef
Environmental campaigners are celebrating an injunction preventing cargo ships from docking near the protected reef at Puerto Morelos, Quintana Roo. (@MarthaluzCadena/Twitter)

A federal judge has provisionally blocked imports of Cuban ballast for the construction of the Maya Train after a transport ship damaged a coral reef near Puerto Morelos, Quintana Roo.

The judge granted the injunction to a group of environmental activists who claimed the ship had damaged the reef with its anchor while bringing 20,000 tons of porphyrite stone to near Puerto Morelos in March.

The tanker "Melody" off the coast of Quintana Roo.
The “Melody” is alleged to have caused damage to a protected coral reef near Puerto Morelos. (@gchristy65/Twitter)

The stone was intended to be transported by barge from the anchored ship to the port of Puerto Morelos, and then crushed for use as ballast under the tracks of the Maya Train.

“This damage to the reef could have been avoided with an environmental impact statement,” said Aracely Domínguez, president of the Mayab Ecologist Group (GEMA), one of the groups that filed the injunction.

“They do not have a defined guide of what to do and how they are going to do it.”

The damage occurred while the ship was anchoring in a protected area near Puerto Morelos, home to many corals. It was originally reported by diver and underwater videographer Alberto Friscione.

Progress on the flagship Maya Train has been impeded by a lack of ballast, and by legal protests from indigenous and environmental groups. (Martín Zetina/Cuartoscuro.com)

“When [the ship] dropped the anchor, it fell on top of many [corals],” Friscione told EFE at the time. “They pulled the whole chain for several meters, and as the ship drifted, the chain moved and began to break the few or many corals that were there.”

After Friscione’s complaint, the tanker was moved to an area near the island of Cozumel, where there is a larger sand bank and fewer coral species.

The First District Court, based in Mérida, Yucatán, later issued a ruling stopping the boat from anchoring within the Biosphere Reserve next to the Puerto Morelos Reef National Park.

The latest injunction not only suspends stone imports for the Maya Train ballast but also the expansion of the road used for transporting stone from Puerto Morelos to the Maya Train construction areas. The judge found that expanding the road would involve clearing mangroves protected by Mexico’s General Wildlife Law.

This is the latest in a series of setbacks for the Maya Train, President López Obrador’s promised railway loop on the Yucatán peninsula. The project is now seriously delayed, partly due to a lack of ballast and other materials, and has faced numerous protests and legal actions by local activists.

“The environmental struggle cannot be just a movement with marches and protests,” Domínguez said. “We have dedicated 40 years to having the necessary legal tools to have this defense.”

With reports from Infobae

AMLO announces luxury presidential plane’s sale to Tajikistan

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Presidential plane, Jose Maria morelos y pavón
The sale of the luxury airliner has been an important part of López Obrador's rhetoric to differentiate himself from his supposedly spendthrift, elitist predecessors. But he has struggled to find serious buyers. (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)

A PREVIOUS VERSION OF THIS STORY WAS UPDATED ON APRIL 21 TO REFLECT NEW INFORMATION.

The Mexican presidential plane used by former president Enrique Peña Nieto has been sold to Tajikistan for 1.66 billion pesos (about US $92 million), and part of the proceeds will be used to fund two new IMSS hospitals, President López Obrador announced on Friday.

“The truth is, we’re happy because the ostentatious presidential plane is sold,” said the president, who also mentioned during his press conference Friday morning in Veracruz that his administration had been trying to sell the plane to the U.S. for years — first to former U.S. president Donald Trump, then to current president Joe Biden and also to Biden’s vice-president, Kamala Harris.

President Lopez Obrador has said that some proceeds of the sale will go to building two hospitals in the most needed areas of the country. (Moisés Pablo Nava/Cuartoscuro)

On Thursday, while announcing that a deal for the plane was in the works with a then-undisclosed buyer, AMLO mentioned that he’d recently offered Biden a deal where the two countries would exchange the plane for U.S. cargo aircraft and firefighting helicopters.

Some of the proceeds of the sale will go to build two social welfare hospitals: one will be an 80-bed facility for children with disabilities in the extremely poor area of Tlapa, Guerrero, meant to replace an existing, 50-year-old hospital that the president said is in “bad shape.” The other will be a hospital in Tuxtepec, Oaxaca, which will also provide needed services to the region of Papaloapanan in Veracruz, the president said.

Both hospitals will be built by the Defense Ministry (Sedena), the president said. The one in Tlapa will not be built on the site of the current deteriorating one, he added, but on Sedena-owned land in order to avoid demolishing the current facility.

According to a post on the president’s Twitter page on Friday, the government of Tajikistan has deposited the sale money to Mexico’s national development bank, Banobras, into an account belonging to the government-created Institute for Return to the People That Which Was Robbed. Reuters reported that Tajikistan’s government has about 10 days to take possession of the custom-built Boeing 787 Dreamliner — which features marble accents, multiple flat-screen monitors and other luxuries.

Outgoing Mexican president Felipe Calderon with incoming president Enrique Pena Nieto
When Mexico’s exiting president Felipe Calderón, left, passed the baton to his successor, Enrique Peña Nieto, right, he also passed on the luxury plane that his administration bought but he never got to use. (Aarón Sánchez/Cuartoscuro

Selling the plane, which was purchased in 2012 by the Felipe Calderón administration and used by the subsequent Enrique Peña Nieto government, represents the long-awaited fulfillment of one of AMLO’s campaign promises. Selling the plane, he has said, would be a symbol that things in Mexico’s government were no longer the way they were when “corrupt” officials ran things.

On Friday, he told reporters that Calderón and Peña Nieto had run Mexico like “little pharaohs.” 

Forbes México reported that Peña Nieto’s government spent 342 million pesos (US $19 million at current rate) on national and international travel during his first three years in office, while López Obrador’s expenditure from 2018–21 was 18.9 million pesos (US $1 million). AMLO has also traveled far less frequently overseas than previous presidents.

With reports from Forbes México, Latinus, 24 Horas,  Quadratin and El Sol de México

Spanish tutors: my window into Mexican culture

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Spanish lessons in Mexico with Mexican tutor
The writer with her Mexican tutor, Camila. Along with the years of weekly Spanish lessons, Camila also imparts a better understanding of Mexican society. (Louisa Rogers)

I’m with my Spanish tutor, Camila. As we sit opposite each other in the kitchen of the Mexican home my husband Barry and I bought in the heart of Guanajuato 17 years ago, we share details about our lives and she teaches me modismos and helps me with my pronunciation. My class is the highlight of my day.

Since we bought the house, I’ve had seven tutors, each of whom has not only taught me Spanish but also offered a window into Mexican culture that I could not have found as easily or quickly anywhere else. 

In my experience, a tutor provides many more benefits than just language skills. A tutor helps me get beyond the stereotypes to understand the real culture.

Here are eight cultural insights I’ve learned from my different maestros:

  1. The importance of courtesy. When Camila WhatsApps me, she always starts with Buenos días or a similar greeting. I’ve learned to use similar courtesies rather than do the American thing of just getting to the point.If approaching a stranger to ask directions or entering a shop, for example, I know to first sayBuenos días or Buenos tardes. As I get on a bus, I always greet the driver. And when I leave a restaurant, I say — as Mexicans do — buen provecho to the remaining diners.A U.S. expat married to a mexicana told me that when his mother-in-law orders a pizza, she spends five minutes on the phone: 30 seconds ordering the pizza and four and a half minutes greeting and offering courtesies.
  2. Indirect communication. Even among Latino cultures, Mexicans tend to take longer to get to their point. For example, in my yoga class, one member coordinates a monthly breakfast. A few weeks ago, I was tickled when I read her long, effusive WhatsApp message to the group. She took 160 words to basically say, “Let’s figure out where to have our breakfast this month.” So different from my more direct, minimalist — and from a Mexican point of view — abrupt American style.
  3. Hierarchy. Erika, one of our early teachers, explained that forms of address referring to titles and roles are an important sign of respect in Mexico. When we were remodeling our 150-year-old house, for example, we called our former architect by his first name, “David,” but soon learned that our foreman referred to him as Arquitecto, who in turn called him Maistro — meaning a trade specialist of some kind.
  4. Ahorita and other diminutives. Mexicans add –ito and –ita to many words as a way of being warm and personal. The word ahorita means “pretty soon,” but beware of taking it literally — it could mean hours.When our neighbor comes over for a drink, she likes to have a palomita (tequila and Fresca). People refer to their grandparents not as abuelos but as their abuelitos. Camila wished me a fun time at la playita. I sometimes hear a Mexican referring to another person as llenito or gordito, meaning on the chubby side. Using such a term is not insulting as it is in the U.S.Recently, when Barry and I were visiting the state of Hidalgo, I asked a stranger where to get the combi for the pueblo mágico Real de Monte. “Derechito,” he replied, adding, “a la vueltita.” (Go straight, then around the corner). It cracked me up!
  5. Personal space and body language. Mexicans stand and mingle much closer to each other while talking than do Americans. When they come out of a shop, it’s a mystery to me how they don’t seem to look left or right yet somehow join the stream of pedestrians without bumping into people.
    A few years ago, a 25-year-old Spanish tutor told Barry that since her sister was getting married, she would have a room to herself for the first time in her life. Being British, he could think of nothing better.“Isn’t that wonderful?” he asked her.“Oh, no,” she said. “I’ll be lonely.”Their respective reactions reflected very different cultural values!In Guanajuato, I see people touching and hugging frequently in public, as well as adolescents entwined on benches in squares and parks, enjoying a degree of freedom that I don’t see in the U.S. On Friday evenings it’s common for students in the secundaria (middle school) to converge in Guanajuato’s jardín, having fun and unsupervised by an adult.
  6. Women marrying later. In 2020, the average age of mexicanas marrying was higher than that of the U.S. (30 vs. 27). One of our former Spanish teachers is now a law professor in Mexico City in her 40s, still unmarried.

    Another former tutor, a single mom with two grown sons, got back together with her high school sweetheart and now lives with him in Querétaro. Camila just turned 33 and has a boyfriend but is in no hurry to marry. This is completely different from when we first studied Spanish in Oaxaca in the 90s.
  7. Different treatment of sons and daughters. I was puzzled to learn that even contemporary mothers tend to demand more of their daughters. Camila explained that this is partly because the moms are counting on their sons to financially subsidize them when they’re old and widowed. However, this attitude by mothers can backfire when a son grows up and expects his wife to wait on him.
    But Mexican wives are not as financially dependent on their husbands as they once were and don’t have to put up with a husband who doesn’t pull his weight. In 2016, more than 43 percent of Mexican women over 60 were divorced, separated or widowed.
  8. Close (sometimes too close) family ties. Mexicans have strong family ties, with a national tradition of an intergenerational comida together every Sunday. However, Camila says that family unity can fray, especially after the death of parents.All my teachers have pointed out that there are downsides to Mexican family life, like parents placing excess pressure on their adult children. For example, one of our first teachers was teaching Spanish part-time while simultaneously going to university. Because she came from a poor family, we offered to pay for her título, the diploma.
    Later, we learned that her mother insisted on the money being used to repair the bathroom in the family home, which was muy feo. Our teacher felt she simply couldn’t say no to her mom.


I’m usually at least a generation older than my Spanish teachers, but age is irrelevant; we share our lives: I consult with them when I face tricky cultural situations, and they help me decode Mexican culture. As my paid friends, informants and cultural experts, they’re worth every peso I invest.

Louisa Rogers and her husband Barry Evans divide their lives between Guanajuato and Eureka, on California’s North Coast. Louisa writes articles and essays about expat life, Mexico, travel, physical and psychological health, retirement and spirituality. Her recent articles are on her website, louisarogers.contently.com

Mexico in Numbers: The recovery and rise of tourism

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Woman looking at Chichén Itzá ruins in Yucatán
Mexico's diversity of landscapes and rich culture have made it a favorite destination for global travelers, and the tourism industry's recovery since the pandemic appears to be solid. (Depositphotos)

From white-sand beaches to buzzing cities, archaeological sites and charming colonial towns, Mexico has something to appeal to every tourist. Tourism is vital to Mexico, contributing more than 8% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) over the last decade and employing up to 4.4 million people. And it’s not only international tourism: in a huge and diverse country with nearly 130 million inhabitants, domestic tourism is also a major earner.

Mexico never closed its borders during the COVID-19 pandemic, as President López Obrador insisted the economy must come first. As a result, although Mexico’s tourism sector was hit hard, it fared better than many around the world. In 2020, Mexico was the most visited country in Latin America and third most visited worldwide.

A beach in Cancun
Mexico’s coastal resorts attract tourists from all over the globe. (Elizabeth Ruiz/Cuartoscuro)

Even so, the slump was keenly felt in Mexico’s most tourism-dependent destinations and in hard-hit business sectors like the cruise industry. But numbers are now nearly back to pre-pandemic levels and look set to keep growing.

In this edition of Mexico in Numbers, we break down some key facts and figures on Mexico’s tourism industry.

Tourist arrivals: before, during and after the pandemic

International tourism in Mexico has boomed over the last decade, almost doubling between 2010 and 2019, when it reached over 45 million visitors. Although numbers crashed to 24.3 million visitors in 2020, the first year of the pandemic, they were still higher than they had been just seven years earlier, in 2013.

By 2022, the number of visitors  had jumped back to 38.3 million, and that figure is predicted to reach nearly 40 million in 2023. Data from the National Statistical Institute (INEGI) shows that 18% more tourists visited Mexico in February 2023 than in February 2022, suggesting that total numbers this year could even come close to peak pre-pandemic levels.

Where do the tourists come from?

Just one country accounts for more than half of international tourism in Mexico: the United States. Canada is a distant but fast-growing second — the number of Canadian nationals who visited Mexico leapt by 124% between February 2022 and February 2023. Colombia comes in third, and Argentina fifth. The only European country to make the top five is France.

Chart showing tourist nationalities
U.S. tourists make up the bulk of visitors to Mexico from abroad.

Where do the tourists go?

In terms of air arrivals, Cancún is by far Mexico’s top destination. Cancún International Airport (CUN) received 1.6 million international tourists in the first two months of 2023 — more than double Mexico City International Airport (AICM), which received 669,826. Puerto Vallarta and the Pacific coast resorts of Los Cabos came next, followed by Guadalajara, to make up the top five.

While the big-name beach resorts make up the bulk of Mexico’s tourism, the country also boasts 132 Pueblos Mágicos (Magic Towns), as designated by the Tourism Ministry. Smaller cities and towns often found in the country’s interior, Pueblos Mágicos are known for their beauty, history and cultural significance and are popular with national tourists.

Map showing main tourist destinations in Mexico
Most tourists arrive by air, and most arrive in Cancún, followed by Mexico City. Some of the country’s most popular interior destinations (for foreign and domestic tourists) include Taxco and Valle de Bravo.

The 10 Pueblos Mágicos with the most travel bookings for the first quarter of 2023 were Tulum, San Cristóbal de las Casas, Bacalar, Valladolid, Tepoztlán, Valle de Bravo, Taxco, Tequisquiapan, Isla Mujeres and Palenque, according to travel company Despegar.

Air travel on the rise

If tourism in Mexico is booming, air travel in Mexico is booming even more. Last week, the Tourism Ministry announced that 9.43 million passengers were transported on international flights in Mexico during the first two months of 2023 — 29.5% more than in the same period of 2022, and 12.5% more than in the same period of 2019, before the pandemic.

Domestic flights showed a similar pattern, transporting 9.44 million passengers around Mexico during the first two months of 2023. This was 28.2% more than in the same period of 2022, and 24.2% more than during the same period of 2019, before the pandemic.

Tourism: a key economic sector

Tourism is an economic powerhouse in Mexico. It represented just over 8% of the country’s GDP every year between 2010 and 2019, dropping to slightly under 7% in the pandemic year of 2020 and then rapidly bouncing back. Tourism Minister Miguel Torruco predicted last month that tourism would contribute 8.6% to national GDP in 2023.

A recent study by the Tourism Research and Competitiveness Center (Cicotur) at Anáhuac University in Mexico City — which used INEGI data — found that Mexico’s tourism industry had a trade surplus of US $20.9 billion in 2022, the highest figure on record. 

This dwarfs other sectors of the Mexican economy, which registered a foreign trade deficit of US $26.4 billion in 2022. Tourism’s surplus was even seven times greater than that registered in the successful manufacturing industry.

Foreign direct investment in the tourism sector, which is mostly investment into vacation homes and hotels, reached a record US $3.4 billion in 2022, outpacing pre-pandemic levels.

With reports from El Economista

Who is María Herrera, Mexico’s “madre buscadora” who made it onto the Time 100 list?

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Maria Herrera Magdaleno at a protest
Maria Herrera Magadaleno has worked to teach people in rural communities how to search for missing loved ones. She has been internationally recognized for her efforts, even travelling to the Vatican to meet the Pope. (Isaac Esquivel/Cuartoscuro)

For over a decade, María Herrera Magdaleno has been searching for four of her eight children.

To help find them, she created a national network of local collectives to teach people how to investigate a loved one’s disappearance. She has met with Pope Francis, and in November, she sued the Mexican state in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights for its failure to investigate her sons’ disappearances.

Michoacan security forces on patrol
Herrera’s family members went missing probably due to organized crime activity. Poor families in rural areas like where she lives in Michoacán are at risk of violence from cartels and security forces alike. (Juan José Estada Serafín/Cuartoscuro)

Her leadership in a movement described by Time magazine this month as one “no one wants to join,” earned her a spot on the list of the most influential people of 2023 — alongside the likes of the rich and famous: King Charles III, Beyoncé and Elon Musk.

How did a 73-year-old Mexican woman from a small village in Michoacán end up meeting with world leaders, taking on her government in international court and on an international magazine’s radar?  

“She is an extremely powerful woman, and she is a woman who has the ability to connect, to raise awareness, to transmit things that are not easy at all,” Montserrat Castillo, an activist who has known Herrera for a decade, told The New York Times in November.

Herrera, known affectionately as Doña Mari, is from Pajacuarán, a pueblo located at the northeastern edge of Michoacán. After her divorce, as she found herself a single mother raising her eight children and two stepchildren, she used that inner strength to start a business selling clothes, before eventually moving into metals. Her two sons, Raúl, 24, and Jesús Salvador, 24, joined her as the business succeeded and expanded. Things were looking up.

The town of Pajacuaran, MIC
Herrera’s hometown of Pajacuarán in northeastern Michoacán is a typical working-class town on the border with Jalisco. (Visita Pajacuarán)

Then, on August 28, 2008, Raúl and José Salvador failed to return from a trip to the neighboring state of Guerrero. When they didn’t return, Herrera told the Times that she felt an overwhelming sadness come over her and she began to cry, sensing that “something terrible was happening.”

Neither her two sons nor their five other companions on the trip were ever seen again.

Herrera began a tireless search after a lack of support from local authorities. Her efforts eventually took her to Congress in Mexico City, where she also filed a complaint in the federal Attorney General’s Office, thanks in part to a congresswoman from Guerrero who lent her a car. 

After two years of fruitless searching, tragedy knocked at her door again: her sons Gustavo, 28, and Luis Armando, 24, disappeared on a business trip to Veracruz. Later, a nephew and one of her grandsons also went missing.

Herrera was inspired to begin her work when she attended a protest led by poet Javier Sicilia, in Morelia. Her experience led her to begin organizing conferences across Mexico. (Isaac Esquivel/Cuartoscuro)

According to information obtained by Herrera and her family, all four of her sons’ disappearances were abetted by local police, who had ties with organized crime. 

In 2011, less than a month into the disappearances of Gustavo and Luis Armando, the newspaper Excelsior interviewed Herrera. 

“What is our crime?” she asked the reporter. “To be from Michoacán? To be from humble origins? To be hardworking people?”

That year, Herrera joined a protest in Morelia, Michoacán, led by poet Javier Sicilia – who lost his own son to gang violence. There, she spoke before a crowd. 

Herrera at a CAP meeting
As a result of her ordeal, Herrera has traveled extensively, advocating action to prevent disappearances, and teaching families how to look for clandestine burial sites. (@ChangeTheRef/Twitter)

“I heard a shivering scream as they yelled at me: ‘You are not alone! You are not alone!’. They said that several times,” Herrera told the Times.

This sense of connection fueled her to organize conferences where women from all over Mexico learned from anthropologists and forensic experts how to look for signs of disturbed earth that might point to a clandestine grave and how to identify human remains. She also approached universities to convince them to teach students how to look for missing people.

In her years of searching, Herrera has found many graves. However, none of the remains she’s discovered have belonged to her sons. 

Fifteen years into her search, her work has provided visibility for Mexico’s tragic crisis of disappearances: according to Mexico’s National Search Commission, more than 112,000 people are listed as missing in the country. And that doesn’t include the doubtless thousands around the country who have never been formally reported missing because of a lack of trust in government agencies.

Herrera is not planning to quit — neither in the search for her missing relatives, nor in helping other Mexicans with missing relatives. 

“A mother’s heart is in each of her children,” she told the Times. “Losing them is the worst thing that can happen to you.”

With reports from The New York Times, El Financiero and Time

Transport law reform seeks to regulate ride-hailing apps in QR

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Taxi driver protests Uber
New state laws that would regulate ride-hailing services like Uber in Quintana Roo look set to pass in Congress despite protests by taxi drivers, who say such services will still have an unfair advantage. (Elizabeth Ruiz/Cuartoscuro)

Governor Mara Lezama on Wednesday sent a bill to the Quintana Roo Congress seeking to regulate ride-hailing services in the Caribbean coastal state. 

The bill proposes changes to the state Transport Law, including the imposition of a levy on every trip provided by companies such as Uber and Didi in Quintana Roo. 

Uber arriving in Cancun's hotel zone in 2018.
Ride-hailing services legally arrived in Quintana Roo in 2018, when the state modified the Transport Law to permit Uber and other similar companies to operate in the state. Here, service workers celebrated the arrival of the first legal Ubers into Cancún’s hotel zone in 2018. (Cuartoscuro)

The money raised would be payable to the state government and go into a transport fund that will finance roadwork. 

According to a statement from the Quintana Roo government, the bill contains “the specific regulatory elements” required for the “operation of digital and technological platforms” that provide transport services.  

Its submission to Congress comes three months after a Quintana Roo court ruled that Uber could operate in the state without a public transport license. That ruling led to an escalation of a long-running conflict between taxi drivers and rideshare services.  

Lezama, a Morena party governor, said the proposed reform to the Transport Law “promotes free and healthy economic competition and a level playing field” for all transport providers. 

As well as regulation, it is hoped that the levy will raise funds to maintain roads throughout the Caribbean state.(Cuartoscuro)

Drivers for companies such as Uber won’t be required to hold a transport provider’s license if the bill passes Congress, as expected. They will, however, have to register with the Quintana Roo Transport Institute.  

The Supreme Court ruled in 2021 that Uber provides private rather than public transport and therefore is not subject to the same laws as public transport providers.  

Even so, taxi drivers have complained that drivers for ride-hailing apps can work without the expensive license they have to obtain.

Lezama said that the proposed reform to the Transport Law also seeks to provide security to public and private transport users via a range of measures including “real-time geolocation, panic buttons, video cameras and voice recorders that will be connected to our security system.” 

Drivers for ride-hailing services who violate regulations set out in the proposed law could have their registration with the Quintana Roo Transport Institute suspended or canceled, she said. Breaches by taxi drivers could result in the cancellation of their licenses. 

The state government’s statement said that the bill was developed with input from different stakeholders, including taxi drivers and representatives of ride-hailing services.  

Implementation of all the Transport Law changes proposed in the bill is expected to take two years following its approval, according to state government secretary Cristina Torres Gómez.  

With reports from Milenio, La Jornada Maya and Novedades Quintana Roo