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CIBanco, Intercam sell off assets as US extends bank sanction deadline

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The signs of CIBanco and Intercam
CIBanco signed a deal to sell off its trust division, while Intercam is set to be absorbed by Kapital Bank. (Intercam/Facebook, Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

Major changes are in the works for CIBanco and Intercam, two Mexican banks that the U.S. government has accused of laundering millions of dollars for drug cartels.

CIBanco has sold its fiduciary (trust) division to Multiva, while Intercam is to be acquired by Kapital Bank. Multiva is a Mexican financial institution, while Kapital Bank is incorporated in the United States but headquartered in Mexico City.

Banco Multiva storefront
Multiva will take over the fiduciary division of CIBanco, which manages trusts. (Via El Economista)

Mexico’s Finance Ministry (SHCP) announced the sale agreements in a statement issued on Tuesday.

“Thanks to the coordinated work of Mexican financial authorities with members of the national banking sector, agreements have been reached for CIBanco … and Intercam … in the context of the temporary interventions initiated on June 26 by the National Banking and Securities Commission,” the SHCP said.

The ministry said that “after a process of evaluation of different options,” it was decided to “transfer” CIBanco’s fiduciary division to Banco Multiva.

“With this operation the continuity of existing contracts and the full protection of trusts and their beneficiaries is guaranteed,” the SHCP said.

The ministry said that Kapital Bank “will acquire a significant part of the operations of Intercam,” including Intercam shares and “various entities” of the bank.

“This process will allow continued service to be provided to [Intercam’s] customers and savers,” the SHCP said.

The ministry said that the “operations” involving the sell-off of CIBanco and Intercam assets “guarantee the continuity of financial services and the protection of the rights of savers in strict accordance with the Credit Institutions Law and its applicable provisions.”

CIBanco: ‘Our objective has been to protect the interests of our customers’

CIBanco released its own statement, in which it said that it had sold its trust business to Multiva “after a highly competitive and transparent process aimed at selecting the best option for its customers.”

The bank said that Multiva, which has branches in 10 states, is known for its “strength and experience,” and is committed to “maintaining and strengthening the service that we’ve provided to our customers.”

“This decision was taken in close coordination with financial authorities and the shareholders of CIBanco, after an exhaustive technical, operational, and regulatory analysis, considering the situation faced by the institution,” CIBanco said.

“Our objective has been to protect the interests of our customers and to ensure that operations continue under an institution with the capability and responsibility to preserve and enhance the quality of service you deserve,” it said.

The bank said that a “key aspect” of the transition is that CIBanco’s fiduciary team will join Multiva “as part of the process.”

“This guarantees that clients will continue to be served by the same team of professionals who already know their operations,” CIBanco said.

“… We are deeply grateful for the trust you’ve placed in us,” the bank said to its customers.

“Our commitment doesn’t end with this transaction. We will continue working, together with Multiva, during the transition process to ensure it is carried out orderly, safely and without interruptions to your operations,” CIBanco said.

Intercam: ‘The goal is to provide continued support’

Intercam said in a statement that Kapital Bank and Intercam Grupo Financiero “have taken a strategic step forward by finalizing an agreement for the transfer of Intercam’s assets and affiliates.”

A letter from Intercam Bank alerting customers that its assets will be absorbed by Kapital Bank
Intercam’s assets will be acquired by Kapital Bank, Intercam said in a statement posted to its website. (Intercam)

“The agreement includes the acquisition of Intercam Casa de Bolsa, Intercam Fondos, as well as the assets, liabilities, branches and trusts of Intercam Banco,” the bank said.

“The goal is to provide continued support to more than 238,000 Intercam clients, strengthen our financial capabilities, ensure uninterrupted service, and remain at the forefront of innovation and technology,” Intercam said.

The bank said that “all Intercam products, services and channels will remain fully available and continue uninterrupted, now under Kapital Bank, with the same personalized service that has defined Intercam Grupo Financiero for over three decades.”

That remark appeared to indicate that Intercam’s existing branches will remain open.

Kapital Bank has branches in Mexico City, México state, Jalisco, Guerrero and Hidalgo, according to its website, and has an alliance with Scotiabank that allows customers to use that bank’s ATMs without incurring charges.

Intercam said in its statement that “the transfer of trusts will be carried out in an orderly manner, in full compliance with existing contracts.”

“… The integration process — announced today by the Mexican Ministry of Finance and Public Credit (SHCP) — will be gradual, transparent, and subject to approval by the Mexican regulatory authorities,” the bank said.

The Kapital Bank logo
Kapital Bank, based in Mexico City, has agreed to acquire the assets of Intercam Bank. (Kapital Bank)

For its part, Kapital Bank said that “upon closing” it will invest US $100 million in its banking operations to “reinforce operations and ensure obligations to clients and investors are fulfilled.”

“Intercam’s clients will continue using their regular products and channels, now with improved compliance and efficiency due to Kapital’s best-in-class technology and AI, automation, and operational intelligence,” the bank said in a statement.

Kapital Bank noted that it is incorporated in Delaware and “backed by U.S. institutional investors including Tribe Capital, Cervin Ventures, and Tru Arrow.”

“The transaction will yield Kapital approximately 180,000 additional clients. … Following the transaction, Kapital will serve close to 300,000 customers and manage over $3 billion in assets for customers in the U.S., Mexico, and Colombia,” the bank said. 

An eventful week for CIBanco and Intercam

Earlier this week, CIBanco initiated legal action against the United States Department of the Treasury, which in June accused CIBanco, Intercam and the brokerage firm Vector of laundering millions of dollars for drug cartels involved in the trafficking of fentanyl and other narcotics to the U.S.

The publication Law.com reported on Tuesday that “litigation boutique Dunn Isaacson Rhee has filed a lawsuit alleging the Trump administration unlawfully blacklisted Mexico’s 20th largest financial institution under false money laundering allegations.”

“The complaint alleges the U.S. Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network arbitrarily blocked plaintiff CIBanco S.A. from accessing the U.S. financial system in violation of the Administrative Procedure Act and Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution,” the report said.

Law.com said that lawyers “deny the money laundering allegations on behalf of their client CIBanco, an international commercial bank headquartered in Mexico City.”

The facade of a bank with a sign reading CIBanco
CIBanco has filed suit against the U.S. Treasury after the U.S. announced sanctions against CIBanco for providing financial services to cartels include the Beltran-Leyva Cartel, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel and the Gulf Cartel. (File photo)

Also on Tuesday, Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) said in a statement that that it had “extended the effective dates for orders issued on June 25, 2025, prohibiting certain transmittal of funds involving three Mexico-based financial institutions.”

FinCEN said that “covered financial institutions” in the United States “will now have until October 20, 2025, to implement the orders prohibiting certain transmittal of funds involving” CIBanco, Intercam and Vector, “each of which FinCEN found to be of primary money laundering concern in connection with illicit opioid trafficking pursuant to the Fentanyl Sanctions Act and the FEND Off Fentanyl Act.”

It said that the extension “reflects continued steps taken by the Government of Mexico to meaningfully address the concerns raised in FinCEN’s orders, to include maintaining temporary management of the affected institutions to promote regulatory compliance and the prevention of illicit finance.”

“Treasury will continue to coordinate closely with the Government of Mexico on these matters and will carefully consider all facts and circumstances with respect to the implementation of the orders,” FinCEN added.

Even though the United States’ prohibition of transfers involving CIBanco, Intercam and Vector has not officially taken effect, many Mexico News Daily readers told us last month that they had experienced problems completing transfers to and from their CIBanco and Intercam accounts.

One MND reader wrote in the comments section of this article on Wednesday that he is an Intercam client and has “not been able to wire transfer money nor deposit a check drawn on a U.S. bank since this whole thing started.”

‘Our cash is in limbo’: Readers share how US sanctions on CIBanco, Intercam have affected their financial lives

“It was not postponed,” he said, referring to the prohibition on transactions involving U.S. banks and Intercam. “It went into immediate effect.”

In contrast, another Intercam customer told MND last month that she had been able to make transfers to her account from the United States.”

“As an Intercam customer, making a quick call to my bank rep. informed me how I could make transfers from the U.S. into Intercam during this period (and I have successfully),” the person, who asked to remain anonymous, wrote in an email.

The assertions from Mexico’s Finance Ministry, CIBanco and Intercam that the banks’ services will not be affected by their respective sales to Multiva and Kapital Bank may not be particularly reassuring for customers if they are currently experiencing problems transferring money to and/or from their accounts.

For CIBanco and Intercam customers who are currently able to transfer money to and from the United States, that situation will change by Oct. 20, according to FinCEN’s updated schedule, unless another extension is granted.

The sale of Intercam to Kapital Bank could also change the scenario for Intercam customers whose accounts are transferred to Kapital — especially if the transaction is completed before the Oct. 20 deadline.

Mexico News Daily


How have the U.S. banking sanctions affected you?

U.S. financial institutions have until Oct. 20 to implement the sanctions, but some U.S. banks appear to have already cut off transactions with Intercam and CIBanco. If you have an account at one of those banks, are you able to use it normally as you did before sanctions were announced?

Paint it black: Trump’s new security measure for the Mexico-US border wall

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Kirsti Noem painting the border wall
During a press event , U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kirsti Noem gave a demonstration of what U.S. President Donald Trump has in mind for the Mexico-U.S. border wall. (DHS)

U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem was in New Mexico on Wednesday to help publicize U.S. President Donald Trump’s new security measure — painting the Mexico-U.S. border wall black.

Armed with a paint roller and a can of black paint, Noem said the strategy was specifically requested by Trump because he believes black paint will make the wall too hot to climb.

“We are going to be painting the entire southern border wall black to make sure that we encourage individuals to not come into our country illegally,” Noem said after painting a small section of the wall.

“When you touch something that is hot during these kinds of temperatures, it is very difficult to climb it, to touch it, to handle it,” she said.

Supporters of the president lauded the plan on social media.

Florida media personality Eric Daugherty said he loved the idea: “The black paint will rapidly heat up with the sun — people will hurt their hands if they try. BRILLIANT”

“This isn’t just a wall anymore — it’s a passive security system, using the laws of physics as defense,” wrote another.

Others were not so sure.

Pedro Ríos of The American Friends Service Committee — a Quaker-founded organization working for peace and social justice — said he didn’t think the black paint would serve as a deterrent.

“We don’t know how many people are climbing the border wall, but we do usually see … ladders thrown about,” he told Fox 5 San Diego. “The smuggling networks are always getting smart ideas about how to cross the U.S.-Mexico border, including maybe using gloves to prevent them burning their hands.”

Ríos suggested a more humanitarian approach that avoids conditions where people could be harmed. He pointed out that border-crossers are simply seeking refuge “after leaving difficult situations in their home countries.”

“How do we create mechanisms [to ensure] that people’s humanitarian and human rights are respected and not cause conditions that will create greater harm and suffering for people,” Ríos said.

The plan to use black paint as a deterrent is not new. Trump floated the idea during his first term (2017-2021), but it was scuttled in 2020 after U.S. Customs and Border Protection said the project would cost an extra US $1 million per mile.

Defending the plan, U.S. Border Patrol Chief Mike Banks, who attended Wednesday’s event with Noem, said the black paint would help deter rust, extending the life expectancy of the wall.

Noem said the government is also considering additional “waterborne infrastructure” along the Rio Grande, which makes up more than half of the border between the two countries.

With reports from The Associated Press, BBC and Fox 5 San Diego

13 suspects arrested over targeted attack that killed two Mexico City officials

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A streetside altar in Mexico City with flowers and a banner honoring two aides to Mayor Clara Brugada who were killed in May
Mourners left flowers and art at the site of the May attack that killed Ximena Guzmán and José Muñoz, aides to Mexico City Mayor Clara Brugada. (Rogelio Morales/Cuartoscuro)

Exactly three months after two aides of Mexico City Mayor Clara Brugada were murdered in a brazen attack in the capital, 13 people were arrested in connection with the crime, authorities announced Wednesday.

However, neither the man who shot and killed Ximena Guzmán, Brugada’s personal secretary, and José Muñoz, an advisor to the mayor, on May 20, nor the masterminds of the attack, were among those detained on Wednesday, officials said.

Brugada announced the 13 arrests — the first in the case — at a press conference on Wednesday morning.

“During the early morning today, in coordination with the federal government, an important operation related to the murder of our colleagues Ximena Guzmán and José Muñoz was carried out,” she said.

“… Thirteen people were detained, including three people who participated directly in the murder and others connected to the logistical preparation for the attack,” Brugada said.

The three people alleged to have “participated directly” in the crime were identified as Jesús “N”, Arlette “N” y Nery “N.” They were allegedly nearby when the two aides were killed and assisted the getaway of the perpetrator.

Eight of the 13 people detained are men, while the other five are women. All of the suspects were only identified by their first names.

Brugada said that the arrests “represent the first advances of an ongoing investigation.”

She assured residents of Mexico City that her government “will continue with its relentless fight against insecurity.”

On the day her aides were murdered, the mayor pledged that there would be “no impunity,” asserting that those responsible for the crime will be detained.

President Claudia Sheinbaum, a former Mexico City mayor, also pledged that justice would be served.

Suspects were arrested in CDMX and México state 

Federal Security Minister Omar García Harfuch told a press conference on Wednesday afternoon that the 13 suspects were arrested in operations carried out in the Mexico City boroughs of Gustavo A. Madero and Xochimilco, and in the México state municipalities of Otumba and Coacalco.

Security Miniser Omar García Harfuch at a podium with a Mexican flag
The suspects were arrested Mexico City and neighboring México state, Security Minister García Harfuch said. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

The suspects face charges including homicide and criminal association.

At the same press conference, Mexico City Security Minister Pablo Vázquez said that the man who shot Guzmán and Muñoz while they were in the former’s car outside the Xola Metro station has not been detained. He also said that the people who planned the attack on the mayoral aides — the autores intelectuales, or masterminds — have not yet been arrested.

“Regarding the motive, there are various lines of investigation. This first stage of the investigation has focused on the perpetration [of the crime] and the logistical support and coordination for the event. We will continue advancing … to eventually get to the masterminds,” Vázquez said.

He also said that authorities are working to detain the man who fired the shots.

“Regarding that, we have lines of investigation,” Vázquez said, adding that authorities were reserving that information to maintain “secrecy.”

Arresting the shooter “is one of the priorities at this stage of the investigation,” he said.

Mayor’s personal secretary and advisor murdered in Mexico City

Vázquez said that the 11 properties raided in Mexico City and México state on Wednesday morning were not only of interest in connection to the double homicide on May 20, but also other crimes, including drug dealing and vehicle theft.

García Harfuch acknowledged that there are many unanswered questions regarding the case.

“We ask for your understanding in this investigation, … which is ongoing. These [arrests] are just the first actions,” he said.

What happened on May 20?

Guzmán and Muñoz were shot dead on the morning of May 20 after the former picked up her colleague at Xola station on Tlalpan Avenue in central Mexico City, as she regularly did.

Security cameras captured a man in a motorcycle helmet shooting the two mayoral aides through the windshield of the vehicle.

The shooter and accomplices fled the scene on a motorbike and in at least one car, according to authorities. The shooter and one accomplice subsequently dumped the motorbike and got into another vehicle that took them to the La Asunción neighborhood in the Mexico City borough of Iztacalco, officials said.

Ximena Guzmán and José Muñoz
The attack occurred on a Tuesday morning in May, as Ximena Guzmán picked up her colleague José Muñoz before work. (X)

From there the suspects who were allegedly involved in the carrying out of the crime on the day it was committed headed to Ecatepec, México state, in a different vehicle, García Harfuch said. Authorities lost track of them after they entered the densely populated municipality.

Guzmán, 42, and Muñoz, 52, were close and trusted collaborators of Brugada, for whom they worked prior to her assuming the mayorship of Mexico City. Neither was well-known outside political circles, and didn’t have any kind of personal security detail.

Officials were followed for 20 days before they were killed  

Mexico City Attorney General Bertha Alcalde said that Guzmán and Muñoz were followed for approximately 20 days before they were murdered on May 20.

There was “advanced planning sustained over time,” she said.

Alcalde said that authorities had established that people in two vehicles had monitored the route Guzmán and Muñoz took to get to work in the historic center of Mexico City.

She said that people who followed the two officials, and who bought and hid cars that were used to plan for and execute the May 20 murder, were among those detained on Wednesday.

The attorney general said that authorities had determined to “a high degree of probability” that a plan was devised to murder Guzmán and Muñoz on May 14. However, the plan was abandoned as Guzmán didn’t pick up Muñoz that day, she said.

Alcalde declined to say whether authorities had established that the suspects belonged to a specific criminal group.

The murder of Guzmán and Muñoz shocked residents of Mexico City, which has a lower homicide rate than many other states in Mexico.

Attacks on politicians and officials are rare in the capital, although García Harfuch was targeted in a 2020 shooting while serving as security minister in the Mexico City government led by Sheinbaum.

With reports from Milenio, Reforma, El País and AP  

Mexico launches ‘Health Routes’ to address medication shortages

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medical supply trucks
Health Routes plans to deliver all necessary medical supplies to more than 8,000 IMSS centers by Saturday. (Rocío Nahle/X)

Mexico’s health authorities have started delivering medications and medical provisions to government run health centers, under a new program designed to resolve lingering supply shortages

On Tuesday, the first day of the new Rutas de la Salud (Health Routes) program, 3,801 kits of medications and medical supplies were delivered.

trucks outside a distribution center
The scope of the Health Routes project is necessarily large, given the longstanding shortage problem. Here is just one distribution center in just one state — Veracruz. (Rocío Nahle/X)

“Medications and medical supplies were delivered to 3,043 health centers in the 23 participating states,” President Claudia Sheinbaum said. “As a result, 37.7 percent of primary care units are now stocked.”

Deliveries to the remainder of the 8,061 Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS) units will continue through Saturday, Sheinbaum said, while distribution to all of the nation’s hospitals will begin next week.

Targeted disbursements of cancer drugs were delivered last week.

Reforms to Mexico’s health care system introduced in 2019 by then-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador were found to be poorly conceived and poorly implemented, resulting in the disruption of acquisition and deliveries, as well as severe shortages at the state-owned mega-pharmacy. The shortages hit cancer patients particularly hard, according to the medical journal The Lancet.

López Obrador scrapped the first version of his health reform and replaced it in 2023, but nine of Mexico’s 32 states opted out of the new programs.

Last November, Sheinbaum introduced a new health plan in an effort to improve coverage, quality and accessibility of medical services in Mexico. Rutas de la Salud is an outgrowth of that plan.

IMSS director Alejandro Svarch said Tuesday that the Health Routes strategy was jointly designed by the Health Ministry and IMSS’s regional teams with the goal of ensuring that every doctor has all necessary supplies.

“The goal is that every patient finds what they need during their medical consultation, with a focus on primary care,” he said, adding that Health Routes will deliver 15 million units comprising top-grade pharmaceuticals and first-level medical supplies by Saturday.

“Previously, medications were delivered in installments. Now, they will be delivered in a logistics package containing all the medications each clinic requires for a month,” Svarch said. 

More than 1,000 delivery routes have been mapped out and packages will be delivered monthly to each IMSS Bienestar medical unit.

Svarch said each kit contains 1,900 articles and features 147 essential medical items, including treatments for hypertension and diabetes, as well as basic painkillers. 

With reports from El Economista and La Jornada

Project Portero, the DEA and the dangers of acting alone

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A DEA agent
Journalist Charlotte Smith examines the fallout of the unexpected DEA announcement earlier this week, and what it means for Americans living in Mexico. (DEA)

The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration’s recent announcement of Project Portero was meant to signal progress. Instead, it feels more like the exposing of something far more troubling. It feels like a glaring lack of coordination, or perhaps respect, between two governments that claim to be partners in the fight against fentanyl.

Billed by the DEA as a bold new joint initiative with Mexico to dismantle cross-border trafficking networks, Project Portero seems to have landed with a thud. Within a day, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum denied the operation’s very existence, thereby blindsiding observers, undercutting any illusion of bilateral unity, and exposing serious communication failures at the highest levels of international security coordination.

Sheinbaum vs. DEA
The DEA has announced what it called “a major new initiative to strengthen collaboration between the United States and Mexico in the fight against cartels.” The Mexican government has denied the existence of any such deal. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro/ DEA/X)

“There is no agreement with the DEA,” Sheinbaum stated bluntly during a press conference on August 19. “No federal institution, neither the Security Ministry, the National Guard, nor the Foreign Ministry, has signed off on anything resembling Project Portero.”

The DEA had characterized the initiative as an example of enhanced collaboration between U.S. and Mexican authorities. It highlighted joint workshops, shared strategy sessions, and an intention to target cartel “gatekeepers” key figures who facilitate the flow of synthetic drugs like fentanyl across the border.

According to the DEA, this initiative represented renewed synergy between two nations grappling with a transnational crisis.

However, Sheinbaum painted a much more limited picture. While she acknowledged that a few Mexican officers had recently attended a workshop in Texas hosted by U.S. officials, she insisted the event was “purely instructional” in nature. It did not, she said, represent any formal agreement, coordinated operation, or approved bilateral initiative.

Her remarks, while diplomatically worded, carried an unmistakable tone of irritation, and a firm reminder that any cooperation must follow established channels of approval.

“These types of announcements should not be made unilaterally,” she said. “Respecting national sovereignty is not negotiable.”

Salvador Cienfuegos
The U.S. arrest of former Defense Minister Salvador Cienfuegos cast a shadow over U.S-Mexico relations in 2020. (Cuartoscuro)

This episode is not without precedent. Tensions over security cooperation have long complicated U.S.-Mexico relations. In 2020, the DEA’s arrest of former Mexican Defense Minister Salvador Cienfuegos in Los Angeles, without prior notification to the Mexican government, sparked national outrage. The fallout from that incident led to new laws in Mexico restricting the operations of foreign agents within its borders and straining intelligence sharing protocols between the two countries.

Although Sheinbaum entered office signaling a more open and pragmatic approach, she approved multiple high-level cartel extraditions to the U.S. in her first month. The sudden rollout of Project Portero may have undermined the trust required to sustain that cooperation. In a political environment still sensitive to perceived foreign overreach, the DEA’s announcement seemed tone-deaf at best, and diplomatically reckless at worst.

The DEA, as of this writing, has not issued any follow-up clarification, nor has it responded publicly to the Mexican government’s denial. For many, the agency’s silence has only deepened the uncertainty and frustration surrounding the episode.

While the controversy may seem like a bureaucratic squabble to some, for the more than 1.6 million Americans who live, work, or retire in Mexico, the implications are anything but abstract. Conflicting narratives between Washington, D.C., and Mexico City sow confusion about the actual level of law enforcement coordination on the ground, particularly in states plagued by cartel violence, extortion, and kidnapping.

Many U.S. citizens living in Mexico assume that behind-the-scenes cooperation between American and Mexican authorities provides a safety net, especially in those high-risk areas. But the fallout from Project Portero casts doubt on that assumption, revealing that some security initiatives may be exaggerated or even misrepresented without clear diplomatic backing.

Without clearly defined, legally sanctioned joint protocols, Americans abroad may not know who to contact or what kind of assistance to expect in a crisis. If a U.S. citizen is kidnapped or caught in cartel-related crossfire, will Mexican security forces coordinate with U.S. agencies? Will those agencies even be legally allowed to step in?

The Project Portero debacle also shines a light on a much deeper problem; a lack of effective, institutionalized communication mechanisms between U.S. and Mexican governments when it comes to sensitive security matters.

Who signs off on binational enforcement strategies before they are announced? What level of inter-agency review is required on either side? Are announcements like this coordinated through embassies, security liaisons, or simply left to individual agencies?

At best, the situation reveals a breakdown in bureaucratic process. At worst, it exposes fundamental disagreements about sovereignty, authority, and transparency.

While the DEA likely saw Project Portero as an opportunity to demonstrate proactive engagement with a key ally, the effect may have been the opposite. By publicly referencing a project without confirming Mexican approval, the agency may have embarrassed the Sheinbaum administration and soured diplomatic goodwill just as it was beginning to stabilize.

For Sheinbaum, the incident served as a high-profile opportunity to reaffirm her government’s position on foreign involvement in domestic affairs. “Cooperation, yes. Subordination, no,” she said, repeating a phrase that has quickly become a mantra for her administration and a clear boundary for future negotiations.

As of now, no joint operations under the banner of Project Portero are underway in Mexico. However, Mexican officials have indicated that they are pressing forward with the negotiation of a broader, legally binding bilateral security agreement; one that will spell out the terms of cooperation, information sharing, and operational authority more clearly and definitively.

Whether such an agreement will be reached in the near future remains to be seen. Domestic political pressure in both countries, especially amid rising violence and the ongoing opioid crisis, may either accelerate or complicate the process.

For Americans living in Mexico, the immediate lesson is simple but sobering. Do not assume that security cooperation exists just because one agency announces it. Binational law enforcement operations are inherently complex, politically sensitive, and often entangled in competing narratives.

Even when both sides have good intentions, miscommunication can create dangerous gaps in protection and support. Assumptions can be costly, and partial truths, even from official sources, can leave citizens exposed in moments of crisis. In the realm of international security, perception matters as much as policy. When one government declares an initiative underway and the other publicly denies it, the consequences extend far beyond the press conference podium. They reach into the lives of everyday people. The citizens, tourists, and retirees are left wondering what protection, if any, they can count on.

The fallout from Project Portero wasn’t just a diplomatic misstep, it was a warning. Americans living in Mexico deserve clear, coordinated, and verified information about their safety. They deserve a functioning framework of binational cooperation, not crossed signals and quiet confusion.

Both governments have a responsibility to do better. Not just for one another, but for the millions of lives caught in the space between them.

Charlotte Smith is a contributing writer with over 20 years of experience as a writer and editor. An award-winning journalist, she actively seeks out stories that resonate with the world around us, while also maintaining a travel blog focused on her life adventuring across Mexico, specifically the states of Jalisco and Nayarit.

Blood, guts, sex and scandal: The history behind Mexico’s infamous ‘nota roja’ tabloids

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newspapers hanging up at a stand
Hundreds of thousands of copies of sensationalist "nota roja" newspapers are sold in Mexico every day. (Peter Davies)

In late June — Friday, June 27, to be exact — I was walking in the historic center of Mexico City when I stopped at a sidewalk kiosk that sells newspapers and a myriad of other miscellaneous items.

The selection of daily newspapers, neatly arranged on a metal frame and held in place with clothespins, had caught my eye. The front pages of several papers featured stories about the government intervention at three Mexican financial institutions accused of money laundering by United States authorities.

But one tabloid newspaper had a very different headline extending across the top of its front page:

“MIAUUU” — the word in Spanish for “meow,” with a couple of extra vowels at the end for emphasis.

“They called him the cat and they found him dead next to a stall in Azcapo[tzalco],” read the deck (subheading) on the cover of the Mexico City edition of the Metro newspaper, published by Grupo Reforma.

To the left of a photograph of the man who was found dead in the northern borough of Azcapotzalco was another, very different image — one of a bikini-clad woman with the following text superimposed on her backside: “Porn star looks for boyfriend online.”

“They called him the cat and they found him dead next to a stall in Azcapo[tzalco],” reads the June 27th edition of the Mexico City edition of the Metro newspaper. (Peter Davies)
Welcome to the world of nota roja journalism in Mexico, which focuses on violent crime, accidents and other adverse events, with gory, stomach-turning photographs often accompanying the sensationalist stories. Photographs of near-naked — or indeed naked — women also routinely appear in the pages of nota roja newspapers.

This kind of journalism is the bread and butter of Mexican tabloid newspapers such as Metro and El Gráfico, both of which are popular, if not highbrow, publications and cover news that is often not reported by the mainstream press.

A new genre is born 

“On Sunday, November 17, 1889, one week after the attack on General Ramón Corona, El Mercurio Occidental astonished the readers of Guadalajara with a striking front page: alongside a portrait of the assassin Primitivo Ron, they printed what appeared to be the imprint of his hand in red ink, next to stains of the same color that resembled blood. People were left stunned at the sight of that cover. … Thus la nota roja was born in the country.”

So wrote historian Ricardo Cruz García in the magazine Relatos e historias en México.

“Unlike in other countries, where it is mainly known as yellow journalism or police reporting, in Mexico the local editorial tradition prevailed and the name nota roja — in honor of that front page [in 1889] — took strong root, [used] to identify information related to crimes, violence, and tragedies that is presented in a sensationalist manner,” Cruz wrote.

Similarly, the journalist Isai Monterrubio wrote in Gaceta UNAM, a publication of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, that the front cover of the Nov. 17, 1889, edition of El Mercurio Occidental “marked the starting point for one of the most emblematic genres of graphic journalism in our country: la nota roja, a record of horror.”

Thus, la nota roja has a rich history in Mexico dating back more than 135 years, with numerous publications — both newspapers and magazines — focusing on this kind of journalism throughout the 20th century and beyond.

Alarma! informed — and shocked — Mexicans for almost 50 years 

One of the most popular, and most shocking, nota roja publications was Alarma!, a magazine launched in the early 1960s, and relaunched as El Nuevo Alarma! in 1991 after a five-year hiatus.

Revista Alarma!
Two editions of Alarma! that were published in 1968, a year of significant bloodshed — and abundant material for Mexico’s “nota roja” publications. (Archivo Histórico de la UNAM)

The magazine really took off in 1964 with the story of Las Poquianchis, who were three women who ran an infamous prostitution ring in Guanajuato,” Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Vázquez, the now-deceased former editor of El Nuevo Alarma!, told VICE in late 2007.

“They were accused of committing 28 homicides. All of their victims were young girls who worked for them as prostitutes, and all of their bodies were found buried in Las Poquianchis’s backyard.”

Rodríguez told VICE that the 1985 earthquake in Mexico City was also a “huge story” for Alarma!, but soon after the “huge boost” in sales generated by the extensive reporting on the devastating natural disaster, the publication “was shut down by the government,” ostensibly due to “things like not printing the appropriate ‘adult only’ warnings on the cover or selling the magazine in plastic bags.”

The second incarnation of the magazine, as El Nuevo Alarma!, lasted more than two decades until 2014. Shortly after the publication of the final edition, Rodríguez died of a heart attack in a Mexico City Metro station, and consequently, as the magazine Chilango reported, became a nota roja story himself.

“People are interested in the kind of thing we publish,” he told VICE in 2007.

“I don’t think it’s an illness, I think it’s curiosity. People like to see what we’re made of inside. We have millions of photographs of cadavers with their intestines hanging out. … It’s really strange, and lots of people love to see that. Plus, if we don’t publish enough dead bodies in an issue, we get emails telling us that we were too conservative,” Rodríguez said.

Enrique Metinides, ‘the legendary master of la nota roja

While thousands of people have contributed to the vast archives of nota roja journalism in Mexico, few, if any, of those contributors achieved the national and international prominence of Enrique Metinides, a photographer who started taking pictures of corpses when he was still a boy.

Born in Mexico City to Greek parents in 1934, Metinides was gifted a camera by his father when he was nine or ten and at age 12 took a photograph that was published on the front page of the newspaper La Prensa, where he became an apprentice photographer.

“El Niño” (The Boy), as Metinides was nicknamed in his early working days, went on to work for numerous nota roja publications over a five-decade career, including Alarma!

In a 2007 interview with VICE, Metinides, who passed away at the age of 88 in 2022, said that “the year after I started taking pictures, my dad opened a restaurant and the local cops used to go there for lunch every day.”

“I got to know a lot of them, and they started taking me to the station to take pictures of the people they arrested and the corpses they would pick up,” he said.

“… I really wanted to be a crime reporter at that age, and I used to collect crime stories from the press, from all around the world. … I started taking pictures all over the city,” Metinides said.

“… I worked for 50 years as a crime photographer. … In Mexico City there’s always been a lot of accidents and a lot of deaths,” he said.

Enrique Metinides
Enrique Metinides, a renowned Mexican photojournalist who got his start in “nota roja” photography, had a unique way of framing the horrible accidents suffered by his subjects. (Germán Romero/Cuartoscuro)

Many of Metinides’ photos have an arresting power — they draw viewers in and make it hard to look away, even though their subject matter is often confronting.

One of his most famous images is that of a woman who was hit by a car and killed on Mexico City’s Chapultepec Avenue in 1979. The photo of the almost serene-looking woman, her head tilted between two poles, is shocking, yes, but also mesmerizing in its own way.

“Enrique Metinides was a very different photographer, … his style was extraordinary,” Trisha Ziff, a filmmaker who made the 2015 documentary “The Man Who Saw Too Much” about Metinides, wrote in the newspaper El Universal shortly after his death.

“… Metinides didn’t just take photos. He was also a witness of difficult events — accidents, crashes, violence in the city,” she wrote.

“… If his work is considered art, it’s because he made very different photographs to those we see among the nota roja photos today. Metinides had a different vision: blood almost never appears in his images, and he uses the moment to capture the whole story,” Ziff wrote.

“… Metinides had a lot of international recognition and received many prizes, including the Espejo de Luz, in 1997, the most important recognition of photographers’ work in Mexico,” she wrote.

 

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The headline of an obituary published in the Milenio newspaper in 2022 read: “Enrique Metinides, goodbye to the legendary master of la nota roja.”

“That niño, who was born on February 12, 1934 and who instead of playing with a ball entertained himself with his German Braun camera, passed away on May 10 at the age of 88 in his Mexico City, which he literally knew from the inside out, in its morgues and in its tragedies, which he portrayed with the dignity that art provides,” the obituary began.

“In a certain sense, the beauty with which he photographed the dead was his way of paying posthumous homage.”

‘Someone once called us raptors,’ but ‘we are human beings’ 

Understandably, nota roja journalism is not to everyone’s taste — and many people would probably argue that it shouldn’t be to anyone’s taste.

Unsurprisingly, those responsible for writing the stories and taking the often gruesome photographs that fill the pages of nota roja publications have faced criticism for their work.

“We have been told many times that we are insensitive,” Luis Manuel Acevedo, a veteran nota roja photojournalist, told UNAM Gaceta.

“Someone once called us raptors. People say those kinds of things about us; we are not like that, we are human beings,” he said.

According to Nelson Arteaga, a sociologist who has extensively researched issues related to violence, la nota roja provides “another narrative about violence in the country.”

He compared the journalism genre to other “forms of expression,” such as cinema, music and literature, all of which allow “the construction of narratives” about violence.

While it’s graphic, gruesome, sexist, sensationalist and salacious, there can be no denying the enduring popularity of la nota roja in Mexico.

Hundreds of thousands of copies of nota roja newspapers are sold in Mexico every day. A newspaper vendor in Mexico City’s downtown told me he sells far more copies of such newspapers than mainstream publications such as El Universal and Milenio.

nota roja and newspaper stand in Mexico's historic center
A newspaper vendor in Mexico City’s downtown told Mexico News Daily that he sells far more copies of “nota roja” newspapers than mainstream publications such as El Universal and Milenio. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)

“In the end, [la nota roja] has a wide audience because violence crystallized into images communicates something to the public,” Arteaga told UNAM Gaceta.

“What I think would be wrong is if these kinds of magazines didn’t exist, because it would be like trying to hide something that’s there,” he said.

In the newspaper El Economista, journalist José Soto Galindo wrote in 2020:

“Scandal and sensationalism are gasoline for an audience with a pyromaniac instinct and a lighter in their hands. What we call yellow journalism is the result of a market ready to consume stories overflowing with morbidity. And it is a thermometer of the level of violence and barbarity that a society is willing to endure.”

The enduring popularity of nota roja journalism in Mexico is also a product — and representation — of the nation’s distinctive cultural intimacy with death.

Octavio Paz, the only Mexican who has won the Nobel Prize in Literature, wrote in his book “The Labyrinth of Solitude” that while death for a resident of New York, Paris or London is a word that is never spoken “because it burns the lips,” a Mexican, in contrast, “visits her often, mocks her, caresses her, sleeps with her, celebrates her.”

“She is one of his favorite playthings and his most permanent love.”

What will you find in a nota roja newspaper today? 

In addition to stories about violent crime and accidents, and pictures of naked women, nota roja newspapers such as El Gráfico and Metro publish crosswords, cartoons, classifieds,  horoscopes, sports news, jokes and agony aunt-style columns, among other recurring features.

In the copy of El Gráfico I picked up in late June, one of the questions asked of “sexual consultancy” columnist Cecilia Rosillo was this: Does one’s pubic hair fall out as one ages?

“I’m truly intrigued,” the reader said.

Nota roja newspapers are also known for their ingenious — albeit sometimes unseemly — headlines.

Personally speaking, a couple of the most memorable headlines over the past decade or so have been “Ya es zombi” (She’s a zombie now), published on the front page of Metro after the 2018 death of The Cranberries singer Dolores O’Riordan, and “Tiembla Cabrón” (Shook like a motherfucker), also in Metro, after the powerful earthquake that shook southern and central Mexico on Sept. 7, 2017.

For those of you who are unfamiliar with the genre, and are interested in reading a few archetypal nota roja stories, here are translations of three articles from the June 27 copies of Metro and El Gráfico that I picked up in downtown Mexico City.

He uses up his last life

El Nahual dies at a market stall in the Pro Hogar neighborhood where he prowled around for 40 years  

Mexico City – The man who died was called Víctor and he was well-known among the residents of the Pro Hogar neighborhood in the Azcapotzalco neighborhood.

However, only a few people knew his name. Almost everyone knew him as El Gato (The Cat) or El Nahual because they believed he had several lives.

Some said he was about 60, although his gray hair and the wrinkles on his face made him look older.

They say he was from Hidalgo, but he arrived in the neighborhood about 40 years ago and lived in the street since then.

“He wasn’t a bad person, he was doing well and he was active, but his problem was that he started taking drugs. At one point we gave him up for dead because he disappeared, but he suddenly came back about two years ago,” a man recalled.

Three months ago, he started having health problems and they worsened to the point that he couldn’t walk. When Thursday dawned he was stretched out on the corner of Street 12 and Street 15, where a watch salesman sets up his stall.

The salesman recognized him and tried to wake him up, but Víctor didn’t respond and he requested help. It wasn’t until 9 a.m. that police from the La Raza Sector and paramedics confirmed that his last life was gone.

Later, specialists from the Mexico City Attorney General’s Office arrived to begin investigations and remove the body.

Metro 

DiDi … ceased 

The motorcyclist went out to pick up an order and was hit by a drunk driver

After leaving a fast-food establishment in the Azcapotzalco borough, a motorcycle deliveryman was hit by an SUV. The DiDi worker died, while police arrested the woman who was driving while intoxicated.

The day before yesterday, before the restaurant’s closing time, the deliveryman arrived at the business in the San Salvador Xochimanca neighborhood to pick up an order. After nine at night, he left the parking lot and headed toward Eje 3 Norte, Camarones Avenue.

But after leaving the location, he was hit by a speeding SUV. The woman at the steering wheel of the Jeep was unable to brake and ended up running over the deliveryman who was riding a low-powered motorbike.

The impact sent the body of the motorcyclist toward the road. Although witnesses stopped to help the man, he died before the paramedics arrived.

WASTED. The woman remained in the SUV until Azcapotzalco police arrived. After listening to her say what happened, the agents took her to the prosecutor’s office.

Witnesses said she was driving in an intoxicated state and was speeding. But it will be investigations that determine if it was alcohol that caused the accident.

The body of the DiDi deliveryman was taken to the morgue of the prosecutor’s office, where it is hoped it will be collected by relatives. Until now, the body hasn’t been identified by his family.

El Gráfico

Eaten alive

She flaunts her outfit to go get tacos and the criticism pours in

The ex-XXX star, Aída Cortés, visited Mexico, where she didn’t miss out on the opportunity to be gluttonous with tacos. But she wore a very eye-catching outfit, which caused her to be eaten alive with criticism.

The Colombian, who managed to earn up to 120,000 dollars a month (a little more than 2 million Mexican pesos) with her explicit content, decided to turn her life around and dedicate herself to singing.

So she came to Mexico to promote her album. During her stay, Cortés uploaded a video where she is seen in a black corset, stockings and thong that left little to the imagination.

“My outfit to go out to eat tacos in Polanco, Mexico,” wrote Aída, but rather than positive comments, criticism pointing to her outfit appeared on her social media.

“Your outfit is very cute, but it wasn’t the right place to dress like that. You should have put on a casual outfit. It was a family place, not a brothel!” wrote an internet user.

Another said: “Change your life, but respect starts with your attire. It looks like you’re still doing the same thing.”

“You’re free to dress how you want, but in a family place … it’s not very appropriate,” others complained.

El Gráfico

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

Viva launches new flights connecting US cities to AIFA airport

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Viva Aerobus
Viva's new U.S.-to-AIFA routes will take flight in November and December ahead of the 2026 FIFA World Cup, which will be co-hosted by Mexico, the U.S. and Canada. (Oliver Holzbauer/Flickr)

Low-cost airline Viva — formerly known as Viva Aerobús — announced two new international routes from Felipe Ángeles International Airport (AIFA) to Austin-Bergstrom International Airport (AU) and New York (JFK), starting this winter.

The route to Austin will begin on Nov. 20, and will operate three times a week: Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday.

A China Airlines plane leaves AIFA
The new flights will connect AIFA airport in México state to New York City and Austin, Texas. (Mario Jasso/Cuartoscuro)

Meanwhile, service to JFK will be seasonal and strategic. It will run from Dec. 12 through Jan. 11, with three weekly flights on Wednesdays, Fridays and Sundays. The route will subsequently return in June 2026, coinciding with the start of the FIFA World Cup. Both Mexico City and New York will be host cities for the competition.

“At Viva, we are preparing to connect Mexicans with various World Cup host cities and to welcome the wave of international tourists who will surely visit our country during this great event,” Viva CEO Juan Carlos Zuazua said.

He added that the carrier would close 2025 with 42 routes to and from AIFA, representing a 44% increase compared to last year.

The new routes join seven different routes the carrier announced in April between the AIFA and the U.S., as part of a strategy to strengthen international connectivity to AIFA. The destinations of those routes include Los Angeles, Dallas, Denver, Chicago, Houston, Miami and Orlando.

“We continue to boost this airport’s international connectivity, tourism, and opportunities for thousands of Mexicans with these new routes,” the General Manager of AIFA Isidoro Pastor Román said. “Thanks to the efforts of airlines like Viva, our staff, our location, and our first-class infrastructure, we are consolidating AIFA as the best option for flying in the Metropolitan Area of ​​the Valley of Mexico,” he said.

According to Pastor, AIFA is projected to transport 7.3 million passengers in 2025, surpassing the previous record of 6.3 million set last year. However, it is still operating below its full capacity.

When the airport opened, officials expected to serve 20 million passengers per year. Yet in the more than three years from its opening in March 2022 to July 2025, the airport has served a total of just 13.5 million passengers.

Though the number of passengers remains low compared to the initial estimates, demand continues to increase each year.

With reports from A21, Puente Libre and Polls.mx

Find authentic culture in these Oaxaca city bookstores

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A scenic overlook of the historic cityscape of Oaxaca city, Mexico. The city is seen nestled in a valley surrounded by hazy mountains.
The city of Oaxaca is a book lover's destination — if you know where to look. (Caleb Bennetts)

Making my way to Salina Cruz, Oaxaca, recently to take the Interoceanic Train across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, I spent two days in Oaxaca de Juárez, a city I hadn’t been to since 2019. Oaxaca was as charming as ever. However, without the first-time visitor’s rush to visit Hierve el Agua or Monte Albán, I was able to dedicate more time to my real tourism passion: visiting bookstores. Here are the best I found in Oaxaca (the city, not the state).

La Jícara Librespacio Cultural

Beer and mezcal on sale in a Oaxaca library
La Jicara sells more than just books, with a selection of local foods too. (Puente a la Salud Comunitaria/Facebook)

La Jícara, which celebrates its 16th anniversary this year, is the powerhouse on this list. Walk up its stone steps and you’ll be greeted by a corkboard offering months’ worth of workshops, concerts and author talks staged in the cultural center. You still won’t be among the books yet, but rather in the center’s restaurant, which serves delicious French fries and drinks that won’t hurt a poet’s wallet. In addition to a broad range of contemporary literature and social sciences from independent publishers across Latin America, I found a book by philosopher Fernando Martínez Heredia that I didn’t even know you could get in Mexico. The bookstore sells very underground Oaxaca-based magazines and prints in formats you never thought possible.

Walk across the covered-patio-cum-restaurant area and you’ll find not only a gift store selling local crafts but La Jicarita, the children’s section of La Jícara, which takes up a room on its own. In addition to an expansive selection of picture books in multiple languages, including bilingual editions of stories in Oaxaca’s Indigenous languages, La Jicarita also features a floor covered with toys so that young readers (or future readers) can play while their adults enjoy a meal or browse books over at La Jícara.

Porfirio Díaz 315, Colonia Figueroa

El Ático

El Ático bookstore in Oaxaca
El Ático may be small, but it offers both classics and contemporary literature. (El Ático)

Steps away from La Jícara, you can duck down into El Ático, whose quirky side is immediately made evident by the hollowed-out 1960s-era TV on the sidewalk that serves as a shelf for the store’s discount offerings. The staff’s rapport with their customers and knowledge of the bookselling landscape was quickly apparent, with several people stopping in to pick up books they’d asked for previously and inquiring about hard-to-find editions that the bookseller on duty confirmed she had a connection for.

El Ático makes good use of its small space — a single room with shelves on every wall stocking classics and contemporary literature, including a good deal of international works translated to Spanish. It has a robust selection of books on local and state history, art and culture that are sure to please Oaxaca aficionados, as well as a shelf of bilingual children’s editions in regional varieties of Indigenous languages like Mixtec and Zapotec.

Porfirio Díaz 1105, Colonia Figueroa

El Burrito

A man standing in front of a bookstore in Oaxaca city
El Burrito packs a mighty cultural punch, carrying international, historic and even rare books. (Oro Radio)

El Burrito’s logo is a donkey with a stack of books on its back. According to owner Jorge González, it represents him. Before he had a bookstore, this FES Acatlán graduate sold books out of a sack on the pedestrian-only street called the Andador Turístico and through the beach towns of the Oaxaca Riviera.

“You can take anything away from a Oaxacan except the street,” González told me.

El Burrito’s owner is outspoken about social issues like gentrification, and González’s concerns are reflected in the store’s offerings. You’ll find not just vintage editions by storied progressive publishers like Ediciones Era, Losada and Grijalbo but also hard-to-find texts published by Mexico’s social movements as they were happening. These include magazines of the 1980s student movement at the National Autonomous University (UNAM). There are also rare editions, a great Oaxacan history section, and well-stocked French- and English-language shelves with contemporary titles like Gabrielle Zevin’s 2022 novel “Tomorrow, and Tomorrow, and Tomorrow.”

If you don’t find anything to your liking, a visit to El Burrito, located in the charming historic neighborhood of Jalatlaco, is still worth it. The bookstore, true to its community-building mission, hosts frequent reading circles and often participates in popular literary tianguis. And González sells a delicious, stomach-warming mezcal made by a palenquera aunt who brings her wares down from the hills. 

Aldama 315, Jalatlaco

Amate Books

Amateur Books in Oaxaca
If you’re looking for good books in Oaxaca, start at Amate. The people who run this place know what they’re doing. (Amate Books)

Checking the shelves at Amate, just up the street from El Burrito — Oaxaca’s bookstores seem to stick close together — one thought was blaring in my mind: Whoever owns this place knows what they’re doing. 

In Mexico, English-language book sections and bookstores broadly follow one of two patterns — the books are either good and used or new and terrible. Across Mexico City, you’ll be choosing between a book of classic poetry that’s falling apart or a brand-spanking-new, plastic-wrapped airport paperback. But the sweeping English-language selection at Amate Books is both good and new, and it’s obvious that the people stocking it are up to date on literature about Mexico. I spotted landmarks in history and sociology written abroad, like Charles Mann’s “1491” and Hilary Klein’s “Compañeras,” as well as English editions of Mexican classics like Carlos Fuentes’ “Old Gringo.” There were also cookbooks and tomes about the world of Mexican mushrooms. 

The store on Calle Aldama is the second iteration of Amate, revived in 2023 after the COVID-19 pandemic obliged owners Henry Wangemann and Rosa Blum to close the store’s original downtown location. Besides reading material, Amate also sells Oaxacan folk art, a reflection of Blum’s many years as a gallery owner here. The masks closest to the door, I noticed, were priced differently from the ones on the next shelf over. Why the variance?

“These are danced,” a staff member told me, “and those ones haven’t been danced yet.”  

Aldama 318, Jalatlaco

Two historic Educals

The Educals are government-operated educational bookstores. (Mexico es Cultura)

Location 1

Educal is the name of a state-owned business that functions as the federal Ministry of Education (SEP)’s book distributor, promoting readership and selling books out of its many locations across the country. The selection at these stores tends to be largely uniform, and that’s true at Educal’s two Oaxaca city locations as well. But even if you’re not interested in, say, the newest history book out from the Fondo de Cultura Económica, these stores are worth visiting on the strength of location alone.

Despite the ticket machine at the entrance, you don’t need a ticket to enter the famous Templo de Santo Domingo de Guzmán. That’s only necessary if you’re going upstairs to the Museum of the Cultures of Oaxaca. The lower level of the complex and its galleries are free, so walk yourself in and to the left, and you’ll find our first Educal.

With its tall ceilings and windows, books elegantly laid out on hardwood tables and reproductions of ancient Zapotec ceramics available for sale, there’s no better place in this church-convent to feel like the scholar-monks who once called it home.

Macedonio Alcalá s/n, Centro

Location 2

Our second Oaxaca city Educal store is found in a decidedly less spiritual place. Walking south from Santo Domingo down Calle Cinco de Mayo, you’ll find the Teatro-Casino Macedonio Alcalá.

Inaugurated in 1909, this gorgeous Art Nouveau building was constructed at the urging of Oaxaca’s elite, who wanted not only a place to socialize but also to put their city on the level of other state capitals. Their opera house couldn’t lack a casino, so the building came with dedicated rooms for billiards, dominoes, cards and chess, as well as a bar.

Educal, which you’ll find by turning onto Calle Independencia, occupies part of this recreational space. It’s not often you find a bookstore selling postcards of the same building it’s located in, but that’s par for the course when you’re selling books out of one of your state’s architectural landmarks.

Independencia 900, Centro

Diego Levin is a historian and researcher.

Health Ministry launches program to reduce soda intake among minors

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children drinking soda in Mexico
Seven in 10 children and adolescents consume soft drinks daily, even with breakfast, according to Mexico's health minister. (Graciela López/Cuartoscuro)

More than a decade after Mexico became one of the first countries to impose a tax on sugary sodas, the Health Ministry is set to launch a new campaign aimed at discouraging their consumption.

“Sometimes we think that health is only about care when we get sick and go to a health center or hospital,” President Claudia Sheinbaum said in announcing the campaign during her daily press conference on Tuesday. “[However,] health is related to care, prevention and particularly sugary drinks, soft drinks.”

Despite the tax, implemented in 2014, soft drink consumption is still excessive in Mexico, and the campaign will emphasize public education. Health Minister David Kershenobich said at the conference that Mexicans drink an average of 166 liters of soda per year, putting Mexico among the top countries for sugary drink consumption globally. 

Seven in 10 children and adolescents consume soft drinks daily, even with breakfast, according to Kershenobich. He stressed that high levels of soda consumption are linked to the development of diabetes and cardiovascular disease, with a single 600 ml soda containing between 12 and 15 teaspoons of sugar. 

In 2024, 190,000 deaths in Mexico were attributed to heart disease and 112,000 to diabetes. 

“One wonders if we have a way to treat these people because we continue to have such a high mortality rate,” said Kershenobich. “And that’s where preventive programs come in.”

Junk food ban goes into effect in Mexican schools

The Health Ministry plans to implement prevention campaigns focused on healthy consumption and education on nutrition from early childhood starting next week.

Programs such as the government’s “Live Healthy, Live Happy” initiative, which was launched by Sheinbaum on Feb. 25 to reduce the consumption of junk food and sugary drinks among children, are key to changing societal habits and tackling chronic diseases, according to Kershenobich.  

Will the soda tax increase?

The emphasis at the press conference was on education, not taxation. But health experts from various institutions recommend introducing higher taxes on sugary drinks to reduce their consumption.  

Judith Senyacen Méndez, the deputy director of research at the Center for Economic and Budgetary Research, said that introducing a 20% tax on the drinks could drive down consumption by between 16% and 19%, based on empirical evidence.

Meanwhile, Iván Bremeunea, the coordinator of the Fundar Center of Analysis and Research’s Tax Justice Program, said a 20% tax could reduce obesity cases by up to 970,000, in addition to generating annual revenue of over 104 billion pesos (US $2.5 billion).

While Mexico’s one-peso-per-liter soda tax (about 10%) did in fact reduce consumption at first, Bremeunea said that the current levy is no longer effective and must be increased. He said that even a further 6% increase in soda prices could reduce obesity rates by 3.2%.

With reports from Instituto Mexicano de la Radio Noticias, Meganoticias, El Universal and El Economista

Economic growth hovers near zero for 5th consecutive month

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Mexican flag
The Mexican economy is now expected to start the second half of 2025 in negative territory after overcoming a technical recession in the first half of the year. (Luis/Unsplash)

Although the Mexican economy is expected to have grown by 0.1% annually in July, it fell by 0.1% on a month-over-month basis, according to preliminary data published by the national statistics agency INEGI on Tuesday.

The figures come from INEGI’s Timely Indicator of Economic Activity (IOAE), which offers early estimates of the results of the Global Indicator of Economic Activity (IGAE).

If the prediction is confirmed, the Mexican economy will experience its second contraction of the year, after a month-on-month decrease of 0.2% in March.

In the second quarter, Mexico’s economy grew by an estimated 0.7% on a quarterly basis and 1.2% annually. However, the economy is now expected to start the second half of 2025 in negative territory after overcoming a technical recession in the first half of the year.

After March’s month-over-month contraction of 0.2%, April posted marginal growth of 0.5% followed by 0% growth in May and June.

“Today’s results reflect a slight moderation in the performance of the main groups of economic activities (secondary and tertiary), with particular emphasis on the performance of secondary activities, as they remain in negative territory in their annual comparison,” the Mexican financial group Monex said in an analysis.

A cloudy economic forecast? Mexico shows 0% monthly growth in June

The industrial sector, a secondary economic activity, experienced a monthly contraction of 0.1%, as well as an annual decline of 1%, according to the INEGI estimates. 

Mexico’s Finance Ministry has nevertheless decided to maintain its existing growth estimate range of between 1.5% and 2.3% heading into the 2026 Economic Package, which it must deliver no later than September 8.

Behind the economic growth data 

Independent economic growth estimates vary, with the OECD predicting a GDP growth for Mexico of 0.4% in 2025, and Citi forecasting 0.3% growth.

The GDP outlook for Mexico has been revised upward, from 0.1% to 0.4%, the national president of the IMEF, Gabriela Gutiérrez, said on a conference call with the newspaper El Economista.

Víctor Manuel Herrera, the president of the National Committee for Economic Studies of the Mexican Institute of Finance Executives (IMEF), said that one factor contributing to the slight upward tick in the growth outlook was the postponement of United States tariffs on Mexican goods, which were expected to come into force on August 1. 

“The announcements have been to implement the new tariffs, then cancel them, then postpone them, and in the end, there isn’t much change, with a few exceptions,” said Gutiérrez. “What this has done is interrupt export flows and then reactivate them.”

With reports from El Economista and Debat