In the second quarter of 2023, the cost to rent industrial spaces spiked 24.5% and 16.4% in Monterrey and Ciudad Juárez, respectively. (Shutterstock)
Nearshoring has boosted demand for industrial space in Mexico and is growing, leaving industrial developers struggling to keep up.
Mexico City-based real estate fund Meor reported this week that less than 2% of industrial space is currently vacant nationwide, while the figure in the north is close to 0%. The shortage will likely become more acute over time, as demand for space is expected to double over the coming years. Meor predicts there will be demand for 13 million square meters of industrial space over the next five years.
The real estate fund Meor, which specializes in industrial parks, predicts a demand of up to 13 million square meters (140 million square feet) in industrial space in the next five years. (Meor)
According to U.S. investment bank Morgan Stanley, 300 companies have set up operations in Mexico in 2023 alone, and US $50 billion of foreign direct investment could arrive in the country over the next five years.
“Industrial developers are doing our best, we are all building at rates not seen before, but there are issues that do not allow us to go faster,” Meor’s Chief Investment Officer, Jonathan Pomerantz, told reporters.
“2023 will once again set a record, both in construction and in space occupancy. But I don’t think we’re making the volume necessary to meet demand,” he added.
A record 2 million square meters of industrial space was constructed in Mexico in 2022, Pomerantz said, and 2023’s figure could be even higher. In early September, Mexico’s Ministry of Finance and Public Credit (SHCP) said that construction of industrial sites in some northern cities had increased by more than 150% annually in the second quarter of 2023, driven by high demand and spiraling rents.
An expanse of industrial parks near Monterrey, which currently has the highest rate of leasing and construction of industrial space in the country. (Photo: OCV Salitillo)
“The scarcity of these sites has resulted in increases in their rental prices: during the second quarter of 2023, rents showed annual increases of 24.5% and 16.4% in Monterrey and Ciudad Juárez, respectively,” the SHCP said.
The effects of nearshoring are most apparent in Mexico’s northern states due to their greater industrial development and proximity to the U.S. border. Monterrey, in Nuevo León, has the highest leasing and construction of industrial space in the country, according to thebrokerage firm Solili.
However, while the north is racing to keep up with growing demand, the pace of construction and occupation of industrial space is lagging this year in Mexico’s central region, according to the consultancy Datoz. This meant that transactions of industrial warehouses nationwide fell 17.4% annually in the first quarter of 2023, the firm said.
The north also faces many challenges, particularly regarding energy supply. Most industrial hotspots have enough energy generation, Pomerantz said, but there is a lack of infrastructure for energy conversion and transmission.
Several recent surveys of industrial park owners have found that overall warehouse space in such parks is nearing 100% occupancy, particularly in the north. (ProLogis/X)
Despite these difficulties, shortages and rising rents, analysts agreed that the reconfiguration of global supply chains resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S.-China trade tensions and the Russia-Ukraine war will continue driving businesses to Mexico.
“Given the importance of the United States market worldwide in consumption, settling in Mexico will be necessary for companies that want to maintain a commercial relationship with that country, at least in the short term, despite having higher costs than other countries,” Fernando Pliego, Audit Partner at Salles Sainz, told newspaper El Economista.
You won't soon forget the sound of the Metro cop's whistle. (Miguel Ángel Gómez Cabrera)
Mexico City’s subway is called the Metro, and it’s just amazing. Firstly, it’s extremely easy to use. Even on my very first trip to Mexico, when my Spanish was limited to asking for a cup of coffee to go, I was able to navigate the subway because they made it very easy to identify the various lines and stations.
Each line has a number or letter and is color coded, and each station has a name and a unique symbol, so even someone who’s as directionally challenged as I am can easily get around. To give you an idea of exactly how directionally challenged I am, I once got lost while biking on the Erie Canal towpath in Rochester, New York: the towpath only runs east to west. A Metro ride is very cheap, costing 5 pesos. That’s about US 25 cents.
Every station has a cop or two standing on top of a small platform. I don’t think these cops are there to protect people because I’ve never seen them leave their spots. They prefer instead to talk to other cops or, more often, peruse their cell phones.
What they seem to be there for is to blow whistles that are loud. So loud, in fact, that I’m sure most of them are going deaf. On the Metro’s official X account, they claim that “The whistle is used to inform users of the presence of security personnel at the station, so in case you need assistance, you can identify them immediately.” To me, it seems that their job is to blow the whistle to let people know that a train is arriving.
The point of this is unclear to me: they don’t see the approaching train any sooner than anyone else standing on the platform. If anything, they will probably see it later. The trains aren’t exactly quiet, so even if you’re not looking down the tunnel in their direction, you’re going to hear them. And even if you don’t hear or see them, you’ll feel the breeze they create as they approach. But someone decided that there have to be cops blowing whistles to inform people of that fact.
I try to stand as far away from these cops as possible. I’ve lost enough of my hearing to rock concerts and drumming. I don’t want to lose more to some whistle-blowing enthusiast. But sometimes — especially during rush hour when the platform is packed — avoiding them is simply not possible. At those times, I put my hands over my ears, looking like a live version of Edvard Munch’s “The Scream.”
I don’t know for sure, but it seems that each cop has their own special whistle call. They don’t merely blow one note to let you know that a train’s pulling in. Oh, no. They vary in pitch. They blow short notes. Long notes. Trills. For all I know, they’re all frustrated musicians practicing a new composition. Maybe someday I’ll take the time to ask them.
In her compelling new film, award-winning director, producer, and cinematographer Eme Eidson explores egregious instances of cultural appropriation of Indigenous designs in Mexico by well-known fashion designers as well as hopeful examples of what can be accomplished by responsible, inclusive, and sustainable actors in the fashion industry. (Courtesy Eme Eidson)
Eme Eidson’s first documentary, “El Barrio,” which looks at life in Mexico City’s Tepito neighborhood, won Best Documentary and the Founder’s Choice Award at the New York International Independent Film & Video Festival and Best Documentary at the Los Angeles Film Festival. Her documentary about women weavers in Chiapas pulling their families and communities out of poverty with micro-credit loans, “No Son Invisibles: Maya Women and Microfinance,” featured Nobel Prize Winner Muhammad Yunus of Grameen Bank. It was screened at the Cannes, Torino, Roma, Guadalajara, Tehran, Seattle Latino, Del Rey Beach and Dubai film festivals and was nominated for an Academy Award by the Washington DC Human Rights Festival.
Eidson’s newest inspiring documentary, “Slow Fashion,” takes on cultural appropriation and sustainability in the fashion industry. It was filmed in Oaxaca, India, and Laos.
Eidson’s newest documentary was filmed in Oaxaca, India, and Laos.
The film opens with a notorious 2015 incident that sparked widespread outrage in Mexico, when French designer Isabel Marant came under fire for plagiarizing a traditional embroideredhuipil design created by Mixe weavers from Santa Maria Tlahuitoltepec, Oaxaca. Then another French fashion company, Antik Batik, brazenly sued Marant for copyright infringement over that design and similar pieces. In December 2015, a French court provided a small measure of justice by ruling that neither Marant nor Antik Batik could copyright huipil designs as they are a cultural artifact of the Mixe people. After the court ruling, protests outside her New York store, and social media shaming, Marant apologized and stopped selling the blouse. She provided no compensation to the Mixe community, however.
“Isabel Marant has yet to give a percentage of her profits to the weavers in compensation for the use of their designs. The women still get nothing,” Eidson noted. “She repeatedly takes traditional designs from various parts of Mexico, changes them slightly, and then sells them in her stores in Europe and the U.S. for US$400 or more. Meanwhile, the traditional, handmade designs from the Mixe women weavers in Tlahuitoltepec sell for only 400 pesos (US$22) in Oaxacan markets.”
“She doesn’t hire the Mexican women to sew these designs by hand,” Eidson continued. “To make matters worse, knockoffs machine-made in China then end up in Mexico, in the Indigenous women’s own markets, selling for much less. These women have to compete with cheap Chinese knockoffs of their own designs. Their designs travel all the way around the world in a way that brings them no benefit and harms them economically.”
Isabel Marant was back in the news in 2020 when Mexico’s Minister of Culture, Alejandra Frausto Guerrero, accused her of “borrowing” yet another design from the Purépecha people of Michoacan. “This practice is not only unethical but immoral,” Eidson asserted. “These talented women often don’t have running water or electricity, and you’re going to steal from them? The designs are like gold; without them, the shirt loses almost all of its value. Designers such as Marant are making a fortune from these precious historical designs that don’t belong to them.”
Eidson makes a compelling case that it is possible and necessary to give credit and compensation to the indigenous communities.
The 2015 incident motivated Oaxaca’s congress to declare the Mixe community’s traditional designs and language as Intangible Cultural Heritage per UNESCO guidelines. This decision to recognize Mixe embroidery as a cultural heritage is an important symbolic step, but unfortunately, it is not legally binding. The weavers can only hope it will be enough to deter more theft of their designs. An internationally recognized industry standard with legal teeth is needed, argues Eidson.
Several other high-end designers stand accused of similar practices. In October 2022 the American luxury brand Ralph Lauren apologized after Beatriz Gutiérrez, wife of President López Obrador, pointed out the company’s appropriation of Contla and Saltillo designs. Mexico has also lodged complaints against leading “fast fashion” brands like Zara, Anthropologie, Shein and Mango.
After illustrating the extent of the exploitation, Eidson provides examples of what can be accomplished by responsible, inclusive, and sustainable actors in the fashion industry. The documentary moves from Mexico to Laos, where we meet Nancy Takayama, a professor and sustainable fashion activist who works with communities of Laotian artisans and weavers. She explores socially conscious ways of collaborating, believing that designers should not just take the artisans’ heritage—their designs—but provide something concrete in return, such as royalties.
In Jaipur, India, we are introduced to Mireia Lopez, a progressive New York City eco-designer who demonstrates how to respect artisans by working in a just and fair manner. “She’s like a warrior,” said Eidson, “for social justice and environmental sustainability.”
Eidson makes a compelling case that it is possible and necessary to give credit and compensation to the Indigenous communities whose designs provide such clear “inspiration” to fashion designers. Given the vast economic disparity between local communities of origin and the global companies who are appropriating their designs, she argues, it becomes a matter of not only collective intellectual property rights but also human rights.
Eidson is delighted by the positive reception that Slow Fashion has received. After it premiered at the International Human Rights Festival: This Human World in Vienna, Austria, last December, European schools widely distributed it. It was also screened at The Manhattan Film Festival last June and was subsequently acquired by Docsville and NYC’s Filmmakers’ Cooperative. In addition, it has won a number of awards: Impact Doc Awards’ Award of Merit for Contemporary Issues/Awareness Raising, Accolade Global Film Competition’s Award of Recognition for Liberation/Social Justice/Protest/Contemporary Issues/Awareness Raising, and the Green Academy’s Achievement award.
“To change the consciousness about cultural designs in fashion—that’s the impact I’d like the film to have,” said Eidson.
Eidson’s next project, entitled “The Great Metamorphosis,” is a series of short documentary films focused on leaders of environmental projects worldwide. “I am drawn to people who are tackling the global existential crisis of climate change,” Eidson explained. “The idea is to create a moving web that connects environmentally conscious leaders and their followers on social media, thereby regenerating the earth’s systems and transforming people’s behavior in order to avoid catastrophe.”
The best way to watch Slow Fashion is at www.docsville.com. Learn more about the movie and the issues it raises at www.slowfashionfilm.com. Eidson also invites you to share your thoughts with the filmmaker at https://www.slowfashionfilm.com/contact, and you can follow her on Instagram: eme3studio or Facebook: Eme Eidson.
Based in San Miguel de Allende, Ann Marie Jackson is a writer and NGO leader who previously worked for the U.S. Department of State. Her novel “The Broken Hummingbird” will be out in October. Ann Marie can be reached through her website, annmariejacksonauthor.com.
Pemex is the world's most indebted oil company, with US $43.4 billion in debt obligations as of June. (Pemex/X)
Mexico’s state oil company is struggling to pay firms that play a crucial role in allowing it to perform its core functions – extracting and refining crude.
Pemex has failed to pay at least three suppliers and contractors on time this year, one of which has opened a dispute resolution procedure against the state-owned firm, according to documents obtained by the Latinus news website.
Pemex director Octavio Romero on a recent visit to a Pemex platform in Tabasco. (Pemex/X)
Latinus obtained three letters that show that Pemex has outstanding debts to Hokchi Energy, Houston-based oil field service company Baker Hughes and Mexican rail operator Ferromex.
Pemex owes over US $500 million to those companies, Latinus reported.
Hokchi, the Mexican subsidiary of Argentine company Pan American Energy, notified the state oil company on Sept. 14 that it has initiated a dispute resolution procedure due to “lack of payment,” Pemex CEO Octavio Romero told federal Finance Minister Rogelio Ramírez de la O in a letter sent last Monday.
The news agency Reuters reported that the commencement of a dispute resolution procedure is “a first step before potential legal proceedings.”
Finance Minister Rogelio Ramírez de la O in an appearance before Congress on Wednesday. (MARIO JASSO/CUARTOSCURO.COM)
Hokchi, which supplies oil and gas to Pemex, says it is owed almost $188 million plus interest and financial costs it has incurred. Pemex’s debts to Hokchi, Mexico’s second largest producer of crude oil and gas, correspond to purchases made since February, Romero said.
The Pemex chief requested an “urgent meeting” with Ramírez and his team to review the matter, and said that the situation was becoming more complicated every day. He said that Pemex – the world’s most heavily indebted oil company – wasn’t in a position to pay Hokchi due to its obligation to settle other debts.
Latinus also obtained a letter sent to Romero by Jesús Rosas, the general director of Baker Hughes de México.
The Sept. 13 letter mentioned an “unusual delay” of payments to “different entities” of Baker Hughes. Rosas said the company was currently owed $308 million, “which represents almost five months in delays in payments.”
Pemex oil refinery in Tula, Hidalgo. (Pemex)
In another letter sent to Ramírez last Monday, Romero noted that Ferromex had “suspended the service of removal of fuel oil” from Pemex refineries in Tula, Hidalgo, and Salamanca, Guanajuato, due to “lack of payment.”
Pemex’s debt to Ferromex is about 317 million pesos (US $18.45 million), Latinus reported.
Romero warned that the Salamanca refinery may suspend crude processing on Sept. 25 if fuel oil – a byproduct of oil refining – is not going to be taken away by train, a form of transport that has a greater capacity than the “sole alternative” – specialized pipas, or tanker trucks.
If the refinery stops processing crude due to a lack of space to store fuel oil, that situation could lead to a shortage of fuel in the Bajío region, the Pemex chief said, noting that the supply of jet fuel to the Guadalajara airport could even be placed at risk.
The money owed to Hokchi, Baker Hughes and Ferromex is just a small fraction of Pemex’s total debt obligations in the near term. The company had debt obligations of 746.7 billion pesos (US $43.44 billion) at the end of June, the newspaper El Economista reported, noting that the money had to be paid in a period of less than a year.
Of that amount, 231.15 billion pesos (US $13.45 billion) is owed to suppliers and contractors and 516.45 billion (US $30 billion) is classed as other debt.
Former Mexico City Security Minister Omar García Harfuch has announced his intention to run for the nomination as Morena candidate in the upcoming mayoral elections. (Andrea Murcia/Cuartoscuro)
Former Mexico City security minister Omar García Harfuch announced Wednesday that he will seek to represent the ruling Morena party at the 2024 mayoral election in the capital.
García, who left his position as security minister earlier this month, told a press conference that he would compete in Morena’s internal process to select the new “coordinator of the defense of the transformation in Mexico City.”
García Harfuch said that he would seek the nomination to continue the “defense of the transformation in Mexico City” – a reference to the work of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s administration. (Andrea Murcia/Cuartoscuro)
Former Mexico City mayor Claudia Sheinbaum has already been selected as the national coordinator of the “transformation” President López Obrador says his government is carrying out in Mexico. She will represent Morena at the 2024 presidential election.
García said he believes in the “humanist” political project led by López Obrador and Sheinbaum, noting that he shares their view that “we must fight to eradicate poverty, corruption and inequality.”
The ex-security minister, who was wounded in a 2020 armed attack allegedly carried out by the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, also said he wants to contribute to the ongoing construction of a peaceful and safe capital where all citizens benefit from economic development.
He said he would visit all 16 alcaldías (municipalities or boroughs) of the capital to listen to citizens in order to deepen his knowledge of their needs and wants.
Incumbent mayor Martí Batres (left) and García Harfuch at a police event earlier this week. (Galo Cañas/Cuartoscuro)
“Listening to the voices of everyone, we can define the route that will guide us in the process of change that has been promoted in recent years,” García said.
“… My commitment to serve is absolute,” he said before noting that he had dedicated a significant part of his life to “serving my country with honesty, devotion and professionalism.”
The 41-year-old Cuernavaca native served as a high-ranking law enforcement official in the federal government led by former president Enrique Peña Nieto before becoming Mexico City security minister.
García’s main rival for the Morena nomination for the mayoral election is Clara Brugada, who last week left her position as mayor of the eastern alcaldía of Iztapalapa. Polling shows a tight race between the two mayoral aspirants.
Sandra Cuevas, currently mayor of the Cuauhtémoc borough of Mexico City, has also said she will run for mayor as an opposition candidate. (Sandra Cuevas/Twitter)
Morena’s national president Mario Delgado could also seek to represent the party at the June 2, 2024 election.
Among the potential candidates for the alliance made up of Mexico’s main opposition parties are Sandra Cuevas, mayor of the central Cuauhtémoc alcaldía, and Santiago Taboada, mayor of the Benito Juárez borough.
The new mayor (jefe/jefa de gobierno in Spanish) will take office in late 2024. The current mayor is Martí Batres, who replaced Sheinbaum in June.
From left to right, Mark Bishop, Shruti Pandit, Danysteria, Sai Romero, Michael Weakley and Tommy Ettling are part of a growing community of foreigner and Mexican comedians who work in English in Mexico. (Courtesy Brad Dorrance)
On a recent episode of the My Latin Life podcast, interviewer Vance comments to comic Stephen Steers, “Imagine you’re Mexican though. And you’re walking into a bar and they’re just doing stand-up comedy in English. And you’re just like, this is it… the gringos have taken over Mexico!”
Like all humor, there is an exaggeration here, but it speaks to how much things have changed for foreigners living in Mexico. The explosion of the younger, English-speaking demographic has changed assumptions about who expats are and what they want from life in Mexico.
Brad Dorrance performs in Cozumel. (Courtesy Brad Dorrance)
It also presents unexpected opportunities. 20 years ago, an “English comedy scene” in Mexico would have been unthinkable. Today, aspiring comics, even foreign ones working in English, find Mexico fertile ground to get started.
The center of English-language comedy is Mexico City, where the concentration of young professionals can both fill seats and provide new talent on stage.
One such professional demographic is the entrepreneur or digital nomad. Mark Bishopis all about performance in a nurturing environment. His “real job” is developing online psychological support services, but he is attracted to doing comedy for his own social and emotional well-being.
Bishop did one set in his home state of New Jersey just before moving to Mexico. But Mexico City has provided him with a community of comedy lovers, starting with the Friday night English sets at Café del Viajero in Narvarte, an increasingly popular neighborhood among expats.
Stephen Steers makes a point during a set in Mexico City. (Courtesy Stephen Steers)
As much as Bishop appreciates the opportunity to hone his craft there, he noticed a lack of diversity in the crowd, especially with the growing number of Black Americans coming to Mexico. Last January, he and partner Namanda Musoke launched The Comedy Kickback from their Mexico City apartment. He explains that within months, they attracted not only Black and English-speaking Mexican crowds but Netflix writers, local DJs and others in entertainment.
Performing comics lean toward minorities and women as well, but Bishop stresses that all are welcome. The different mix means a different experience for audience and performers alike, with some comics stating to the couple that it has been the best crowd they have performed in front of in Mexico.
Stephen Steersis another digital nomad and entrepreneur who strongly believes that people like him should consider trying comedy. The dynamics of business and comedy, he says, are very similar: risk-taking, immediate feedback and seeing failure as an opportunity to improve. Though Steers performed sporadically in the U.S., he was frustrated with the difficulty getting stage time. Moving to Playa del Carmen during the COVID-19 pandemic, he found a much more welcoming environment and located open mic sessions in the tourist enclave almost immediately. Needing the energy of a major city, he moved to Mexico City last year, though he often still works with people he met in Yucatan.
Michael Weakley is one of Mexico City’s pioneers in English stand-up. He began soon after he arrived seven years ago, just when the influx of younger foreigners really began to be felt. One of his reasons for doing comedy is to raise funds for his non-profit, Global Education Network, which aims to augment resources in Mexican public schools.
Performance of The Comedy Kickback at Blaxicocina in Mexico City. (courtesy Mark Bishop)
He started out performing at places like the American Legion and Pinche Gringo BBQ. Today, his focus is producing Inappropriate Laughter based at the Rouge Bohème Bistro in Colonia Roma, performing mostly as a host.
There is one other category of expat that seems to be drawn to comedy: teachers. This makes sense as they are already used to “performing” in front of tough crowds. Brad Dorrance came to Mexico 11 years ago to study Spanish and never left. A music teacher in the U.S., he now teaches elementary at the American School in Mexico City.
“Comedy was always in the back of my mind,” Dorrance says. But it was an open mic at Pinche Gringo that finally got him to say, “Let’s see if this will work.” Indeed, it has worked for Dorrance at the personal level, finding it highly creative and enjoyable, but it has also made him a better teacher. “Yes, I have to teach math, etc.” he says, but “The kids remember the funny stuff. It is what they tell their parents about. In the end, we are dealing with human beings.”
Another funny teacher is Greg MacPhee, who has taken his Mexican comedy experience back home to Boston. For the past year, he was in Mexico City to improve his Spanish but found the opportunity to “cheat” and try stand-up in English here irresistible.
The relative anonymity here was important. “…you’re in a foreign city, and you think you can reinvent yourself. No one back home is going to find out about it if you crash and burn.” Now, with a little confidence under his belt, he is ready to try his luck at open mic events up north.
Opposite of Dorrance, MacPhee finds teaching informs his comedy. His high school students had told him he was funny, but it also gave him a thicker skin. “I’m used to being the most unpopular person in the room.”
If not for money and fame, why do comedy?
For Mark Bishop, comedy is like life, a balance of risk and community support. (courtesy Mark Bishop)
None of the aspiring comics I spoke to are necessarily looking to make it professionally, although none are adverse to the idea either. All have found that performing has personal and professional benefits, mainly related to how they interact with people, think on their feet and take failure in stride.
But what really sets starting out in Mexico apart, it seems, is that the English-language comedy scene is flexible, welcoming and supportive. “Doing stand-up comedy here is a way to make friends for me,” Mark Bishop says. I am free to build community here.” The social support and lower cost of living give these comics the breathing space to work out what material works for them.
And all have nothing but good things to say about comedy promoters like Funny Girl Productions and Playa del Comedy for not only offering classes and workshops but also a sense of community among performers that is genuinely supportive. But the main benefit for the comics is finding the courage to chase their dream. As Steers says, “Once I got up [on stage], I was like, ‘Yup, I should have gotten up here some time ago.’”
Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico over 20 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.
Bar CDMX aims to recreate the experience of a night out in central Mexico City, but in the heart of LA. (Bar CDMX/Instagram)
A new “secret” Mexico City-themed bar has opened in downtown Los Angeles, aiming to bring Mexican hospitality – and flavors – to the city’s bar scene.
Bar CDMX, the latest offering from the Pouring With Heart group, officially opened its doors at the end of August. As well as serving outstanding cocktails, the bar is looking to recreate the feeling of a night out in the Mexican capital.
The bar is “hidden” in central LA – giving the feel of a backstreet Mexican gem. (Michelle Poveda/Instagram)
“LA needed something different,” Assistant Manager Noah Iniguez explained to LA Downtown News. “Something that stands out when you go out to Mexico…is the hospitality. And something that’s lacking right now, ever since COVID happened, is hospitality. You go somewhere and they just look at us as a number; you scan a barcode. Here, you feel the hospitality as soon as you talk to our host.”
Inspired by iconic Mexico City locations such as El Palenquito and Xaman, Bar CDMX serves a range of agave spirits and rums, including popular Mexican cocktails like the carajillo and the mezcal paloma.
Decorated with work by Mexican street artist Beo Hake, the walls are adorned with homages to the capital, including mirrors with the names of popular CDMX neighborhoods like Condesa, Coyoacán and El Centro.
“Mexico City looks at times like the jungle is wrestling to take over a city, and we want our bar to feel the same,” Iniguez said.
The bar offers a mix of traditional Mexican classics and innovative new cocktail flavors. (Bar CDMX/Instagram)
“We wanted to create the feeling of finding a bar hiding, tucked away in Mexico City,” designer Jared Meisler told LA Downtown News. Bar CDMX is “hidden” below the Victorian Brock & Co. building, giving it an authentic feel, as if the bar has been ripped right out of Roma Sur or Escandón and transported to central LA.
The bar is soundtracked by rock en español classics, and also boasts a range of Spanish-language arcade machines. While it is far from the first Mexico City-themed offering in LA, Bar CDMX succeeds at replicating a chilango night out for those missing the bustle of the Mexican capital.
Bar CDMX is located at 515 7th Street, Los Angeles.
The organization Article 19, which defends the right to free speech and expression, particularly of journalists working in Latin America, published their most recent report on aggression against the Mexican press. (Carolina Jiménez Mariscal/Cuartoscuro)
An act of aggression against Mexican media workers and organizations was committed every 16 hours on average during the first half of 2023, according to press freedom advocacy organization Article 19.
Physical attacks, threats and murder are among the forms of violence documented by the Mexican branch of the international non-governmental organization in a report entitled “Violencia contra la prensa: entre ataques, estigmatización y ausencia del estado” (Violence against the Press: between Attacks, Stigmatization and Absence of the State).
An act of aggression against Mexican media workers and organizations was committed every 16 hours on average during the first half of 2023. (Article 19)
Some of the acts of aggression documented by Article 19 are crimes, while others are not. Let’s take a look at the report’s key findings.
The press suffered 272 acts of aggression between January and June
The most common form of aggression was “intimidation and harassment” with 68 documented cases, or 25% of the total. Ranking second was “illegitimate use of public power” against the press with 61 cases, while “threats” ranked third with 49 cases.
Among the other acts of aggression documented by Article 19 were physical attacks (15 cases); kidnapping (8 cases); torture or cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment (3 cases); and murder (1 case).
Of the 272 victims, 148 were men, 84 were women and 40 were media organizations.
Article 19 noted that an additional two journalists were murdered in July and a photojournalist disappeared the same month. It said that 161 journalists have been murdered since 2000, including 41 during the current federal administration.
The president frequently comments on the press in his morning pressers, many of which are considered aggression. (Moisés Pablo Nava/Cuartoscuro)
The state is the main perpetrator of hostile acts against the press
Just over half of the 272 acts of aggression against media workers and organizations – 140, or 51% of the total – were committed by government authorities. Public officials perpetrated 102 of those acts, civilian security forces committed 34 and the armed forces committed four.
State government officials committed the highest number of acts of aggression against the press – mainly “illegitimate use of public power” and “intimidation and harassment” – followed by federal officials and municipal officials.
Private citizens made up the second largest group of perpetrators of crimes against the press. Article 19 also documented acts of aggression committed by organized crime groups and political parties.
Journalists covering corruption and politics are most at risk
Just over half of the 272 acts of aggression – 137 – were committed against media workers who report on corruption and politics.
The investigative journalist Anabel Hernández has faced threats and attempts on her life for her work reporting on corruption, and many of her sources have been murdered. (Gabino Acevedo/Cuartoscuro)
“This fact highlights once again the potential role of authorities in violence against the press,” Article 19 said in its report.
There were 67 documented offenses against journalists who cover security and justice; 29 against those who report on protests or social movements; and 26 against reporters who cover human rights issues.
Mexico City is the epicenter of violence against the media
Almost one-quarter of the documented acts of aggression – 65 cases or 23.9% of the total – were committed in the capital. Quintana Roo, which includes the resort cities of Cancún and Playa del Carmen, ranked second with 21 cases followed by Guanajuato (Mexico’s most violent state in terms of homicides) with 19 cases. Puebla and Coahuila were close behind with 18 and 17 cases, respectively.
On a positive note, there wasn’t a single documented case of aggression against the press in seven states: Hidalgo, Chihuahua, Querétaro, Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Nayarit and Tabasco.
Mexico City is both a refuge for journalists displaced from rural regions, and a focal point of violence against the press. (Daniel Augusto/Cuartoscuro)
A lot of aggression against the press emanates from AMLO’s mañaneras
Of the 65 acts of aggression in Mexico City in the first half of the year, “over half, 42, came from … the morning press conferences of the federal executive,” Article 19 said.
“Of these, 39 were against media outlets located in Mexico City, mainly national media outlets like Reforma, Carmen Aristegui Noticias, the Proceso magazine … among others. In … the morning press conferences, the federal executive power … described the press in a negative way on 114 occasions, of which 42 were classified as acts of direct aggression,” the organization said.
Article 19 noted that not all of those remarks “correspond to an act of aggression documented and classified in this report.”
The organization said in 2019 that López Obrador’s “stigmatizing discourse” against the media “has a direct impact in terms of the … risk it can generate for the work of the press because [his remarks] permeate in the discourse of the rest of society and can even generate attacks.”
Ana Elizabeth García presents ‘Who’s who in the lies of the week’ as the president looks on. Screenshot/Gobierno de México YouTube
As the statistics above indicate, the president frequently makes verbal attacks on the press. He accuses the vast majority of media outlets of “manipulating” information rather than reporting the truth.
Almost 3,000 acts of violence against the press since AMLO took office
Article 19 documented 2,941 “cases of violence against the press during the mandate of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador,” who was sworn in on Dec. 1, 2018.
During the first six months of former president Enrique Peña Nieto’s second last year in office, there were 276 acts of aggression against the press – four more than in the first half of this year. In the first half of 2011 when Felipe Calderón was in the fifth year of his presidency, Article 19 documented 91 cases.
Journalists in Mexico conduct their work in hostile and underpaid conditions. (Article 19)
What should the authorities do?
In the final pages of its report, Article 19 made numerous recommendations to authorities to address “the context of violence that persists against journalists and media organizations.”
It advised federal, state and municipal governments to “create and implement comprehensive public policies” that prevent violence against the press and protect media workers.
Article 19 also called on authorities to adopt “a narrative that recognizes the importance of the work of journalists and media outlets within a democratic context, and to abstain from making stigmatizing, criminalizing and disqualifying statements against them.”
Among other recommendations, the NGO advised legislatures to “legislate in favor of journalistic work and freedom of information” and urged the Federal Attorney General’s Office to take steps to ensure that investigations into crimes committed against the press are “effective, exhaustive and diligent.”
The state already has a strong presence in the aerospace and I.T. industries. (Parque Industrial Querétaro)
Companies from Asia and the United States are seeking to relocate operations to Querétaro that could amount to over 94 billion pesos (US $5.5 billion) in investment, the state’s Sustainable Development Minister Marco Antonio del Prete Tercero said in an interview with Forbes México.
How many investment projects are there?
Marco Antonio del Prete Tercero (center) said that 14 of the investments were likely to be made in existing operations in the state. (Marco Antonio del Prete Tercero/X)
According to del Prete, there is a portfolio of 54 projects, which could create 20,000 new jobs.
Where are the investors coming from?
The state’s head of the National Chamber of the Processing Industry (Canacintra) Esaú Magallanes Alonso said that Asian and U.S. companies have approached Canacintra seeking to grow their presence in the North American market.
“They [Asian companies] want to sell to the U.S. and [U.S. companies] want us to increase the production line to increase sales,” he explained.
Querétaro is a rapidly expanding industrial hub, strategically located close to Mexico City, but without many of the downsides of industrial operation in the capital. (NAI Mexico)
At least nine companies from China, two from Singapore and one from Taiwan have shown interest in investing in Querétaro, he explained.
Which industries are investing?
The investment projects are in the manufacturing and I.T. sectors, according to del Prete, who did not provide a timeline for the proposed developments.
How many are new investments and how many are expansions?
According to del Prete, at least 14 of the 54 potential investment projects are expansions of current plants in the state.
Industrial park developer Finsa opened its third site in Querétaro earlier this year in response to high demand from companies looking to nearshore operations in the Bajío state. (Finsa)
“We can see that there is a great appetite to relocate productions, that is, […] to expand their production lines and production packages in Querétaro,” he said.
How does Querétaro compare to other states in receiving foreign direct investment (FDI)?
While Querétaro has seen a number of multi-million dollar investments from foreign companies this year, its FDI contracted during Q2, mainly due to a reduction of funding for new investments, the Economy Ministry (SE) said in its latest report.
FDI totaled US $500 million between January and July, a figure that represents a 30% contraction compared to the first half of 2022, when the state recorded US $714.6 million dollars of investment.
Industry in Querétaro state has already seen US $500 million of investments so far in 2023. (Isquisa)
The SE also said that companies in Querétaro have mainly reinvested profits in the last 4 years.
According to the SE, Ciudad de México ranked in No. 1 as the entity with the highest FDI at US $10.2 billion, capturing 35% of the country’s total FDI. Coming in No. 2 is Nuevo León with US $2.7 billion (10%), followed by Baja California with US $1.5 billion (5%) and Jalisco with 1.4 billion (5%).
The Amazonas pose with the flag of Yucatán at Chase Field. (Gobierno de Yucatán)
The Amazonas de Yaxunah, a women’s softball team from Yucatán state, beat a local Arizona team 22-3 during an exhibition game on Monday as part of Hispanic Heritage Month in the United States.
Held at Chase Field, the ballpark of Major League Baseball’s (MLB) Arizona Diamondbacks, the game marks the Mexican team’s first international win.
Chase Field is home to the Arizona Diamondbacks, who played the San Francisco Giants in the stadium on Tuesday. (Gobierno de Yucatán)
Citlalli Poot Dzib, captain of the Yucatecan team, threw the first pitch of the match, while pitchers Patricia Tec and Juanita Moo contained the offensive by Arizona. Batting by Lili Chan, Citlali Dzib and Berenice Ay, finally gave the Amazonas the decisive advantage.
The Indigenous women, who perform domestic labor or work in crafts or embroidery to earn income for their families, were invited to throw the first pitch in Tuesday’s MLB game between the Diamondbacks and the San Francisco Giants.
Besides their talent as athletes, the Amazonas have achieved fame for wearing the traditional huipil – called the hipil in the Yucatán peninsula – and for playing barefoot.
They came together in 2019 as part of a government fitness program in Yaxunah.
The government of Yucatán helped pay for the Amazonas’ travel, lodging and visas. (Gobierno de Yucatán)
“Not just anyone plays barefoot and in their traditional clothing,” Amazonas fan Esther Can told newspaper El País during a match in Yucatán. “They represent us as Yucatecans; they represent our grandparents.”
According to El País, the athletes train two days per week in a field they share with the local soccer team on the outskirts of the Yaxunah community – some 25 km from Chichén-Itzá – between the access road to the town and the jungle.
Yucatán Governor Mauricio Vila Dosal has said that the Amazonas’ field will be renovated to include bleachers and bathrooms for visitors so that the team can play more exhibition games in their hometown.
The state government also said in a statement that these initiatives promote healthy social activity, and the empowerment of women with more spaces for opportunity and development.
The Yucatán state government also supported the team with all expenses to cover the trip to the U.S., including the price of their passports, U.S. visas, flights and accommodations.
