Wednesday, July 16, 2025

The Herculean task of digitizing Mexico’s vast Indigenous history

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Mexican girl
Images like this are part of the Nacho López Photographic Archive, which the National Institute of Indigenous People is currently in a race against time to digitize. (INPI)

The challenge of the 21st century is how to convert over a century of audio, video, text and more into digital formats before it is too late.

In the thick of this for Mexico’s National Institute of Indigenous People (INPI) is head archivist Octavio Murillo Álvarez de la Cadena and his staff, who say that their work is particularly important because “Indigenous peoples have been historically marginalized,” not to mention that many Indigenous cultures are threatened with disappearing or complete assimilation.

Digitizing vinyl recordings
Digitizing vinyl recordings from the Henrietta Yurchenco Phonogram Library. (INPI)

In total, INPI has a collection of over 520,000 non-digital items, which not only includes multimedia but also an important collection of handcrafts. 

That collection today exists in analog mediums: 

The earliest multimedia comes from the 19th century, almost all recorded by foreigners who took advantage of then-new technologies to record Mexico and its Indigenous people.

Digitizing equipment
Digitization requires the purchase of extremely expensive equipment, one of INPI’s biggest challenges in the process. (Wikimedia Commons)

Mexico would not consider doing the same in any systematic way until after the Mexican Revolution, when the government sought to create a new identity for the country that acknowledged both its European and Indigenous heritage. 

This mexicanidad, or Mexicanness, has been an important concept since but not without problems: under the term indígenismo, federal authorities worked to reconcile conflicting ideals of preserving traditional communities with integrating them into the wider Mexican society.

But indígenismo also inspired a wide array of documentation efforts using new and old technologies. Originally, these efforts were scattered among different bureaucracies, and not always with the interests of the Indigenous peoples paramount. This began to change with the founding of the National Indigenista Institute in 1948, and its Ethnographic Audiovisual Archive (AEA). By the end of the century, it would evolve into INPI and its various archives.

INPI has embraced digitization for many of the same reasons that other institutions all over the world have — less handling of delicate materials, faster and easier consultation and greater accessibility by the public and international scholars. 

Old photo of Mexican youths
Many materials are subcategorized by theme, like this photo, part of a series called Portraits of Mexico. Another challenge in digitization is retaining the associations among images, which in their current form is done by physical proximity.

INPI is also experiencing many of the same successes and challenges institutions in other countries have: digitization, despite its simplistic concept (to create electronic copies) presents a number of technical challenges. 

The fragility and degradation of many analog objects necessitate investment in highly-specialized equipment and training for staff for the initial transfer, The creation of new systems and procedures and maintenance of digital files.

Next is the sheer volume of files. Limits on time and money means that decisions have to be made as to what gets digitized and how quickly. Most considerations are familiar: age and condition of originals, their importance to INPI’s mission and who created them. INPI is fortunate to have in-house experts for each of its archives as well as access to outside help. 

But INPI has considerations that other institutions may not. One carryover is a history of censorship in the Mexican government, as well as making and using archives for political purposes. Unlike the U.S., cultural materials created by the Mexican government are not automatically in the public domain, precisely to keep some control over how material is used. Digitization is unlikely to change this.

Mexican woman weaving
A photo from the Nacho López Photographic Archive. Many photos, footage and audio recordings in INPI’s archives were taken by foreigners using the most innovative technology of the time. (INPI)

Politics is an extremely important part of how the archive is managed, including when it comes to digitization, says Murillo. Because of a problematic history between Mexico City and Indigenous and Afro Mexican communities, it is important to involve feedback from them, especially since one of INPI’s criteria for prioritization is how well a file or object “represents a marginalized group.”

Consultation is facilitated by INPI’s system of 23 radio stations all over the country. Run by local Indigenous communities, station staff also serve as intermediaries between Mexico City offices and peoples that INPI serves. 

Legal issues can include copyright, but INPI avoids many problems because it holds the authorship rights over most of this collection. Interestingly, Mexican law creates new rights for digital copies as derivative works. This means, for example, for a film shot in 1950, it is necessary to get permission from the author of the original as well as INPI as the converter to use the digitized file. 

More important is the notion of collective rights over cultural expressions. This is a fluid area in Mexican law right now, in part driven by controversies related to the use of images and more from marginalized peoples by both Mexicans and foreigners.

Photographing historic materials in Mexico for digitization
Despite INPI’s efforts, and help from both government funds and private sources, INPI’s head archivist Octavio Murillo Álvarez de la Cadena acknowledges that some of its vast collection may deteriorate before they can be preserved. (INPI)

The last “political” issue is navigating the constantly changing bureaucratic and political tides that any cultural agency needs to do in order to get needed resources. Murillo and his staff’s successes in this regard means that Mexico leads Latin America in digitizing its Indigenous heritage, having been able to get the basics needed for the work. 

This allows them to focus more on developing procedures and working out technical issues. Murillo still sees struggles ahead: many politicians see monies for cultural projects as a kind of “charity” rather than an investment, he says. 

But time is not on the side of preservation programs like these, and there is still a very good chance that records will be lost before they can be digitized. 

When I asked Murillo if INPI would consider offers from outside organizations to support his efforts, his answer was an unhesitant “absolutely.”

Leigh Thelmadatter arrived in Mexico over 20 years ago and fell in love with the land and the culture in particular its handcrafts and art. She is the author of Mexican Cartonería: Paper, Paste and Fiesta (Schiffer 2019). Her culture column appears regularly on Mexico News Daily.

Chihuahua’s misogynistic music ban is great, but I’ve got questions

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Illustration by Angy Márquez
Chihuahua city recently instituted a regulation that prohibits public performances that denigrate women. (Illustration by Angy Márquez)

The other night, I had a terrifying dream: I’d gone to some fascist political rally with some “friends” whom I was trying to convince of my own fascist loyalties, lest I be “outed” as a liberal. 

To the side of the stage, I saw the police beating people and then throwing them into a van that had compartments for individual bodies. I immediately started worrying that my own writings would be discovered and I’d suffer the same fate.

It was a violent dream, and an odd one. Though a few readers have written to me to explicitly say, “Be careful what you write about, you don’t want the wrong kind of attention from the wrong kinds of people,” I generally don’t worry about bad guys getting obsessive about my very regular writing for a fairly niche audience. 

I’m also not known as someone who goes around shouting about free speech, especially when it means the “freedom” to humiliate and slander disadvantaged groups or rile people up. And I certainly don’t believe that money or guns count as speech. But actual speech, including sung speech, is speech.

How do we decide, then, what kind of speech is acceptable and what is not? Can freedom of speech still be respected even if we restrict certain kinds under certain circumstances? 

The recent story about restrictions on lyrics that are denigrating to women performed in concerts in the city of Chihuahua has me mulling this over quite a lot. Basically, performers in Chihuahua can be heavily fined for including misogynistic song lyrics in their shows. (In case you’re wondering, this is for live shows only; they’re not banning songs from being listened to privately — as if they could! — or censoring their presence on all the various platforms they appear.)

Patricia Ulate, the councilwoman advancing these rules, insists that the restrictions are a necessary step in a city plagued with violence against women. She also pointed out that narcocorridos were restricted in 2015 as well during a time of rising crime. (If you’re not clear on these genres, the corrido is a traditional, Mexican ballad whose lyrics narrate a story.  Narcocorridos are corridos whose lyrics tell stories that glorify organized crime and drug cartel leaders.)

In this case, performers of corridos tumbados — a fusion of corridos and narcocorridos with more modern, urban musical genres like hip hop and reggaeton — are the most likely to face fines if they perform certain songs. 

And while the president has insisted that he won’t be a part of censorship, he’s also had quite a lot of negative things to say about popular music that glorifies crime and drug use. I share in his amazement that this music is popular in the first place. Because when music insulting half the population is wildly popular, what does that say about the people who love it?

Well, like they say: there’s no accounting for taste.

First off, a disclaimer: at least from the little information given regarding this rule, I am generally happy that it was made. Music that is obviously denigrating to women makes me feel a mix of anger and humiliation that I very much doubt is unique to me (my working title for this — the editor always changes it, so I’m not worried about its appropriateness — is “All Them Bitches,” lest I allow myself to get too intellectual about the whole idea of free speech and determine that it’s all always okay, something I do not actually believe).

Especially when that music is performed in a context where a record amount of violence against women and of women being treated as second-class citizens is very real; it’s a glass-shard icing on a murderous, awful cake. 

Still, I have some questions.

What exactly will be considered denigrating? Who decides whether it’s denigrating or not? Video is included as part of this rule. Will video footage of a woman dancing in a bikini during a concert — a trope as unoriginal as it is ubiquitous — count as denigrating? 

I’m wary on both ends of this debate. As someone who makes a living by expressing her own free speech — which I obviously believe is good and decent and true, just as anyone expressing themselves usually does — I worry about a slippery slope: if we can find a reason to restrict some kinds of speech, we can find a reason to restrict others. 

This time it’s about preventing violence, but it’s not a huge jump to wade from there into limits on political speech, especially in a country where the ruling powers like to take such an active role in steering the national conversation.

On the other hand, I’ve seen how certain forms of “freedom of speech” — especially in my own country, the United States — can take on a life of its own, to all our detriment. The fact that anyone has the freedom to say pretty much anything that’s untrue has caused our society to spiral into a chaos of incivility in which we cannot even agree anymore on basic facts. The people who used to claim that President Obama was a fascist and a Nazi — whom we thought we were laughing off the national stage 15 years ago — now own the stage: the joke’s on us! So things are not looking good.

This is a sticky topic, and I don’t have a solution. Not letting people sing about how fun it is to hurt women in a place where women are being hurt all the time seems like a good idea. Not letting people sing about how cool it is to be a drug trafficker in a place overrun by drug traffickers seems like a good idea.

But there’s no law against being rude and odious, and proving cause and effect is tricky. (My country can’t even get a majority of lawmakers to admit that the proliferation of firearms has anything to do with mass shootings.)

Here’s what the Mexican Constitution has to say: “Free speech shall be restricted neither judicially nor administratively, but when it represents an attack to public morality or individual rights — as well as when it produces a criminal offense or disturbs the public order — the right to information shall be enforced by the State.”

Under these rules, the Chihuahua restrictions are fair. I just hope nothing I produce is ever considered “an attack to public morality” by anyone in power.

Sarah DeVries is a writer and translator based in Xalapa, Veracruz. She can be reached through her website, sarahedevries.substack.com.

Book reveals the lesser-known story of Mexico’s Indigenous slaves

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Christopher Columbus
Columbus arrives in the New World.

Slavery is as old as civilization and has taken a wide variety of forms across history, but if you speak of slavery today, most people will envision the Atlantic slave trade, which snatched Africans from their homeland and transported them far away to be sold as property.

This is why Andrés Reséndez, Mexican historian and professor at UC Davis, wrote “The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America,” published by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt in 2016.

A tribute offered conquistador Nuño de Guzman in 1529 from one small town included textiles, feathers and slaves.

The book’s very title suggests that Reséndez addresses a system perhaps as bad as the one perpetrated upon Africans, and it also suggests that not many people know about that system.

I must confess I was jolted by what the author has to say about Christopher Columbus and his plans for the lands he discovered. I was obliged to quickly remove Columbus from that pedestal he had occupied in my mind since childhood.

Apart from being a skillful and imaginative navigator, Admiral Christopher Columbus, reports Reséndez, was also a shrewd and experienced businessman. When he secured a sponsorship for his voyage from Ferdinand II and Isabella I in April of 1492, he insisted that clauses be added to the contract that gave him one-tenth of “all the merchandise, whether pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices and any other marketable goods of any kind, name, or manner that can be bought or bartered.”

Upon encountering problems in extracting tribute from the Indians of Hispaniola, where he had established a base, Columbus noted the “tameness” and “ingenuity” of the local people. In the very first letter he wrote upon his return to Spain, addressed to Royal Comptroller Luis de Santangel, he promised to deliver “as many slaves as their Majesties order to make, from among those who are idolaters.”

The Other Slavery by Andres Resendez book cover
Andrés Reséndez’s 2016 book on Spain’s slave trade in Mexico and the Americas won the Bancroft Prize and was a National Book Award finalist when it was first published. (Houghton-Mifflin)

He wrote another revealing letter to Ferdinand and Isabella early in his second voyage to the Americas, in reference to dozens of captive Indigenous people he had just sent to Spain, apparently as samples of “marketable goods.”

“May your Highnesses judge whether they ought to be captured,” says the admiral, “for I believe we could take many of the males every year and an infinite number of the women.”

Columbus was not bashful about touting the quality of the “human merchandise” he promoted:

“May you also believe that one of them would be worth more than three black slaves from Guinea in strength and ingenuity, as you will gather from those I am shipping out now.”

A year later in 1495, he sent 550 Indigenous captives to Spain to be auctioned off as slaves. He crammed them into four caravels, light sailing ships only meant to hold 100 individuals each. Two hundred of them perished during the journey.

With this voyage, Reséndez says, Columbus inaugurated the infamous Middle Passage that would later kill countless Africans packed like spoons into filthy holds for a typical voyage of four to eight weeks. 

King Charles I of Spain
Portrait of King Charles I of Spain (Charles V) by Jakob Seisenegger. After years of protests by people like Bartolomé de Las Casas, Charles abolished New World Indigenous slavery in 1542.

Once they had established a foothold in Mexico, conquistadors were rewarded for their participation in the conquest not just with booty but with parcels of land known as encomienda. The Indigenous people already living on that land were assigned to the new owner — now an encomendero — as his workers. 

Though the nominal arrangement was that the encomendero would see to the Christian education and safety of his workers in exchange for labor and tribute, the reality was that they were enslaved.

In addition to their agricultural labor, Indigenous slaves were an essential and integral part of the mining industry, which was soon flourishing all over Mexico: a mine was always with the slaves forced to work it.

The leader in mining was Hernán Cortés himself. Notarial records show Cortés spending more than 20,000 pesos in a single day to buy three mines and hundreds of slaves.

Indigenous miners carrying heavy bags of ore on their backs in Mexico
Although Spain ended the practice of slavery, conditions did not necessarily get better for Mexico’s Indigenous people. This 20th century photo shows Indigenous miners carrying heavy bags of ore on their backs. (Unknown)

“Ultimately,” says Reséndez,  “not only was Cortés the richest man in Mexico, he was also the largest owner of Indian slaves. And wherever Cortés led, others followed.”

Most mines required digging, usually downward through solid rock. Since explosives were not introduced until the early 18th century, miners had to dig with simple picks and crowbars and wedges, working from sunrise to sunset. On top of this they faced the dangers of tunnel collapses and, in the long run, death from silicosis, which filled their lungs with scar tissue.

And then there was the job of carrying the ore to the surface, up notched pine logs called “chicken ladders,” in leather bags weighing around 150 kilos.

Perhaps the most horrible job of all in mining work was the “patio process.” Silver ore was crushed to powder, spread over a patio and sprinkled with mercury. Water was added to form sludge. Then a slave, still wearing shackles, had to walk over this toxic mud in order to mix it thoroughly.

Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas
Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas was one of the leaders in the movement to end Indigenous slavery in the New World. (Wikimedia Commons)

“This job,” says Reséndez, “invariably resulted in serious health problems, as the poisonous metal would enter the body through the pores and seep into the cartilage in the joints.”

Fortunately, in the Spanish court there was a group of activists trying to mitigate the worst excesses of the conquistadors. Prominent among them was Bartolomé de Las Casas, a Dominican friar who witnessed Spanish atrocities in the Caribbean firsthand.

One of the friar’s favorite tactics to win people over to his cause, says Reséndez, was to scandalize court members by reading aloud from a manuscript that would later become his book “A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, which described the manner in which the Spaniards “dismember, slay, perturb, afflict, torment and destroy the Indians by all manner of cruelty: new and [diverse] and most singular manners such as never before seen or read of.”

University students today around the world still learn about the gory details of the Spanish colonization of the Caribbean from this book.

historian Andres Resendez
Mexican historian Andrés Reséndez is a professor of history at UC Davis. (American Academy of Arts and Sciences)

Eventually, new legislation known as the New Laws aimed at establishing a different relationship between Spain and its Native American vassals. The new code stated that Indigenous people were free vassals of the crown. 

“So from now on,” it declared, “no Indian can be made into a slave under any circumstance.”

Spaniards in the New World who had long relied upon Indigenous slave labor were in shock. Naturally, they tried to use every trick in the book to continue as before, but now they had to worry about getting caught by the crown. 

As in his retelling of Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca’s odyssey across America, Andrés Reséndez’ prose is captivating. Once you start reading “The Other Slavery,” you may find it hard to put down.

The writer has lived near Guadalajara, Jalisco, since 1985. His most recent book is Outdoors in Western Mexico, Volume Three. More of his writing can be found on his blog.

Reforma: AMLO violated INE election speech ban 12 times

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Mexico's President Lopez Obrador
President López Obrador remains unrepentant and says his speech has simply been "the truth." (Rogelio Morales Ponce/Cuartoscuro)

President López Obrador has defied a National Electoral Institute (INE) order to abstain from speaking about electoral issues on 12 occasions in the last three weeks since the INE issued the ban, the newspaper Reforma reported Friday.

The Complaints Commission of the INE ruled on July 13 that López Obrador mustn’t speak about electoral matters in the lead-up to 2024 elections. Its ruling came in response to a complaint filed by National Action Party (PAN) Senator Xóchitl Gálvez, a leading aspirant to become to the 2024 presidential candidate for the Broad Front for Mexico. The Broad Front is an alliance of the three major opposition parties: the PAN, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD).

Mexican politician Xóchitl Gálvez holding microphone
The INE’s Complaints Commission ruled July 13 that López Obrador mustn’t speak about electoral matters in the lead-up to 2024 elections, a ruling that responded to a complaint by National Action Party Senator Xóchitl Gálvez, who has recently emerged as the frontrunner to win the opposition coalition’s candidacy for president. (Xóchitl Gálvez/Twitter)

Gálvez, who has been a frequent target of López Obrador’s criticism, said in her complaint that the president’s comments about her reproduced “patterns and historical standards that have always placed women below the interests and strategies of men.”

Since July 13, the president has spoken directly or indirectly about the PAN senator at seven of his morning press conferences, Reforma said, adding that he has also discredited Deputy Santiago Creel, another aspirant to the Broad Front for Mexico’s nomination, and the PAN-PRI-PRD bloc itself.

In addition, López Obrador has defied the INE order by creating a new segment for his morning press conferences in which he presents the remarks of selected people on issues related to the 2024 elections, which he calls “No lo digo yo” (It’s Not Me Saying It).

Gálvez claimed that López Obrador was guilty of gender-based political violence against her, but the INE Complaints Commission didn’t agree and consequently didn’t impose additional constraints on him that the senator requested. However, the Federal Electoral Tribunal, the nation’s highest court on electoral matters, ruled this week that some of the president’s remarks could in fact be considered gender-based political violence and directed the INE to impose the measures Gálvez requested.

Mexican politician Santiago Creel holding a microphone
Federal Deputy Santiago Creel, who also recently put in his name in the ring for the Broad Front for Mexico candidacy, has been another focus of AMLO’s disparaging comments at the mañaneras, Reforma said. (Santiago Creel/Twitter)

On Thursday, López Obrador — who claims that Gálvez has already been chosen in a conspiratorial manner as the Broad Front for Mexico’s candidate, and who has described her as the “candidate of the mafia of power” and a “puppet of the oligarchy,” among other disparaging remarks — denied that had made comments that constituted gender-based political violence.

“The only thing that I want is for them to tell me what the gender-based political violence that I committed against the woman is,” he said. “The only thing I put out is that an official [with Gálvez’s companies] received [government] contracts worth around 1.5 billion pesos,” he said.

When a reporter reminded him that he had called Gálvez — a former mayor of the Mexico City borough of Miguel Hidalgo — the candidate of a group led by businessman and noted government critic Claudio X. González, López Obrador responded:

“I didn’t lie then either. … What’s wrong with that? What violence can it be?”

López Obrador made similar remarks on Friday, while the INE this morning once again ordered the president to abstain from speaking about Gálvez. The electoral oversight body didn’t, however, direct him to refrain from making comments that constitute gender-based political violence, a directive Gálvez had sought.

Gálvez’s swift rise in visibility and popularity appears to have spooked López Obrador, although he maintains publicly his confidence that the ruling Morena party candidate —most likely former Mexico City mayor Claudia Sheinbaum or former foreign affairs minister Marcelo Ebrard — will triumph at the June 2, 2024, election and succeed him as president.

Reyes Rodríguez Mondragón presidente of Mexico's TEPJF
Reyes Rodríguez Mondragón, president of the Federal Electoral Tribunal, the nation’s highest court for electoral matters. The tribunal ruled this week that some of the president’s remarks about Xóchitl Gálvez could be considered gender-based political violence and directed the INE to impose an order against AMLO making such speech. (Crisanta Espinosa Aguilar/Cuartoscuro)

An indigenous Otomí woman, Gálvez was born into a family of modest means in Tepatepec, Hidalgo. Her background could give her an advantage with millions of poor Mexicans — the same people who make up a large part of the president’s support base.

López Obrador asserted in early July that Gálvez had been supposedly selected as the Broad Front for Mexico candidate by an “oligarchy” led by González “because they suppose that if she was born in a pueblo [town], she’ll have the support of the pueblo [people].”

However, he claimed, the senator is “not of the people” but rather “part of the conservatives.”

In a video message directed to López Obrador, Gálvez said that he couldn’t “imagine a woman getting a candidacy by her own merits because you, Mr. President, are sexist.”

“The only women you respect are those you appoint because men like you are afraid of an independent and intelligent woman,” she added.

With reports from Reforma, El País, El Financiero and Expansión Política

Ancient fossilized flamingo egg found near Felipe Ángeles airport

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Phoenicopteridae flamingo
Phoenicopteridae flamingo, the species discovered at AIFA, is an ancestor of the more modern flamingos that live in Mexico. (Katie Chan/Wikimedia)

Ongoing construction at the new Felipe Ángeles International Airport (AIFA) near Mexico City has led to the discovery of an ancient flamingo fossil egg, believed to be from the Pleistocene Epoch.

The finding was uncovered at a depth of 31 cm (12 inches) at a construction site in Santa Lucía in the state of México, according to the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH).

Fossilized flamingo egg
The fossilized egg was found at a depth of 31 cm, during construction work at the new airport. (INAH)

INAH officials said the remarkably preserved egg is incredibly rare. It is only the second discovery of its kind from the Phoenicopteridae flamingo family in the world, and the first in the Americas.

Known as the most recent ice age, the Pleistocene Epoch began 2.6 million years ago, ending around 11,700 years ago.

The presence of the egg suggests that the area was the site of a shallow lake between 8,000 and 33,000 years ago and that flamingos once thrived in central Mexico, officials said. Today, the pink-feathered American flamingo species is mainly found in South America, the Caribbean, the Yucatán Peninsula and the southeast U.S. coast.

The fossilized egg is 93.5 mm (3.7 inches) by 55.8 mm (2.2 inches).

Egg comparison chart
The find was compared with the eggs of existing flamingos, in order to determine the species which it belonged to. (INAH)

A study carried out to determine what kind of animal laid the egg found the flamingo to be a match based on its measurement, shape and shell patterns. Other waterfowl such as pelicans, cranes, geese, swans and the common loon were ruled out.

The finding “confirms that flamingos were part of the lake landscapes of Central Mexico, and that the lakes that made up the Basin of Mexico underwent a significant number of changes,” INAH noted, “possibly due to the environmental influence derived from glaciations and intense volcanic activity.”

With reports from Reuters, Aristegui Noticias and INAH

Peso rallies slightly after depreciating nearly 4% against US dollar

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Mexican pesos and US dollars
The peso had made a slight recovery by Friday, trading at 17.08 to the US dollar after four days of depreciation. (Shutterstock)

The Mexican peso regained some ground Friday morning after recording losses against the US dollar during four consecutive days between Monday and Thursday.

One greenback was trading at 17.05 pesos at 11 a.m. Mexico City time after closing at 17.28 on Thursday. The U.S. dollar had strengthened slightly to 17.08 by 1 p.m.

The peso depreciated almost 4% against the US dollar during the first four days of the workweek after reaching 16.62 to the greenback last Friday, the currency’s strongest position since late 2015.

At one point on Thursday, the peso had weakened 1.8% from its closing position on Wednesday, falling to 17.33 to the dollar “as investors flocked to the greenback and sent long-term U.S. yields higher,” according to a report by the Bloomberg news agency.

There was increased appetite for the greenback even though Fitch Ratings on Tuesday downgraded the United States’ long-term foreign-currency issuer default rating to AA+ from the top-tier AAA. Kevin Gordon, a senior investment strategist with Charles Schwab Corporation, said that investors had accepted the “paradox” that U.S. government bonds were a safe haven, even after Fitch’s downgrade.

Positive manufacturing and construction data out of the United States and growing aversion to risk benefited the greenback this week. An estimate from the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta that the U.S. will record real GDP growth of 3.9% in the third quarter and better than expected data showing that private U.S. employers added 324,000 jobs in July were also cited as factors that buoyed the dollar.

Road construction workers
U.S. job creation data was strong in July, though non-farm job growth was lower than expected, causing a slight weakening of the dollar on Friday. (Nicolas J Leclercq/Unsplash)

“The dollar is likely rising more in response to the economic data that continues to be stronger and therefore the market thinks that the Fed will continue to raise rates,” Michael Arone, chief investment strategist for State Street Global Advisors in Boston, said Wednesday.

“… The dollar is getting a rally, in conjunction with a little bit of flight to safety,” he said.

However, the dollar weakened on Friday after a different set of employment data showed slower than expected U.S. non-farm jobs growth in July. Data derived from the U.S. Department of Labor’s survey of households showed that non-farm payrolls increased by 187,000 positions last month, 13,000 fewer than the number predicted by economists surveyed by Reuters.

Marc Chandler, chief market strategist at Bannockburn Global Forex in New York, said that the Job data from the U.S. Department of Labor brought an end to this week’s surge in Treasury yields and halted the dollar’s recent ascent.

“… The dollar’s upside correction is almost over,” said Chandler, who was quoted in a Reuters report.

The weaker than expected job data makes it less likely that the U.S. Federal Reserve will lift its funds rate, which rose by 25 basis points to a range of 5.25-5.5% last week. A decrease in annual inflation to 3% in the United States in June also increases the probability that the interest rate hike announced by the Fed last week was the final one in a tightening cycle that began in early 2022.

Analysts cite the Bank of Mexico’s high benchmark interest rate – currently 11.25% – and the significant difference between that rate and that of the Fed as one factor in the current strength of the peso. Strong incoming flows of foreign capital and remittances are among the other factors cited.

The governing board of the Bank of Mexico will convene next Thursday to discuss monetary policy, but has already indicated that it expects to maintain the current 11.25% interest rate for an extended period, even as inflation slows.

The peso has appreciated significantly against the US dollar in 2023 after trading at about 19.5 to the greenback at the start of January.

Bank of Mexico deputy governor Jonathan Heath confirmed in interviews this week that the central bank plans to maintain the current interest rate. (Wikimedia Commons)

Bloomberg reported that some strategists, including those at Goldman Sachs, have warned that Mexico’s currency is overvalued “after this year’s run-up left it trading near an eight-year high.”

According to the same Bloomberg report, Shamaila Khan, head of emerging markets and Asia Pacific at UBS Asset Management Americas Inc, said that the peso’s rally in 2023 led many investors to bet on additional peso strength, which increased the currency’s losses between Monday and Thursday “as many ran for the door” as appetite for risk waned.

With reports from El Economista, El Financiero, El País, Reuters and Bloomberg

US asylum restrictions remain in place as appeals court reviews case

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A queue of migrants
Migrants waiting to file asylum requests in Mexico. New legislation in the United States has restricted access, with penalties of up to five years for migrants who have their claims rejected. (Damián Sánchez/Cuartoscuro)

President Biden’s restrictions on asylum seekers at the United States border can remain in place while the courts review their legality, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco ruled on Thursday in a 2-1 vote.

California District Judge Jon Tigar’s July 25 ruling said that Biden’s regulation was illegal because it unfairly rules out asylum summarily for some migrants, but Tigar stayed the ruling for two weeks to give the Biden administration time to appeal.  

Those who remain in Mexico for extended periods of time often fall prey to organized criminal groups seeking to exploit them. (Daniel Augosto/Cuartoscuro)

The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals said it will expedite the case’s review.

The restrictions use Title 8 of the U.S. legal code to expel asylum seekers who have transited through a country where they could have made a claim, or who have entered the U.S. by illegal pathways. The measures have been in place since pandemic-era Title 42 migration restrictions ended on May 11.

While Title 42 rules allowed asylum seekers to be immediately expelled on public health grounds, Title 8 grants asylum seekers the right to a hearing first. However, if their asylum claim is rejected, they may be deported and banned from the U.S. for up to five years.

Groups including the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) had challenged the Title 8 expulsions, arguing that southern transit countries — which usually include Mexico, Belize, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia and Ecuador — do not offer safe alternatives to the United States for asylum seekers. Tigar has previously blocked similar Trump-era migration restrictions on similar grounds.

Judge Jon Tigar
California District Judge Jon Tigar ruled that Title 8 illegally blocked access to asylum for some migrants, but stayed his ruling to allow an appeal. (Circuit 9)

“We are pleased the court placed the appeal on an expedited schedule so that it can be decided quickly because each day the Biden administration prolongs its efforts to preserve its illegal ban, people fleeing grave danger are put in harm’s way,” said Katrina Eiland, deputy director of the ACLU’s Immigrants’ Rights Project.

Biden had previously pledged to reverse former President Trump’s hardline migration policies, but toughened his stance in the face of record numbers of migrant crossings. Irregular border crossings dropped sharply after Title 42 was replaced by Title 8 in May.

However, the new policy heightens pressure on Mexico by forcing asylum seekers to wait for asylum hearings in Mexican border cities, where they often fall victim to organized crime groups. 

In January, Mexico agreed to receive up to 30,000 migrants a month whose asylum claims are rejected, but it has urged the U.S. to allow more pathways for legal migration.Last week, the two governments reached a new agreement on non-Mexican asylum seekers, which will allow some migrants from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela to apply for U.S. refugee status from Mexico.

 With reports from Reuters and NPR

Heavy rains forecast for most of Mexico on Friday

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A woman standing in a flood
Heavy rains will affect up to 24 of Mexico's 32 states, with the potential for flooding and landslides in the some areas, warns the National Meteorological Service. (Victoria Valtierra/Cuartoscuro)

Intense rain is predicted across much of Mexico on Friday, with possible landslides, floods and cyclonic conditions in the southwest.

The National Meteorological Service (SNM) said that the wet conditions are due to a combination of Tropical Waves 18 and 19 and a low-pressure channel in the southwest.

Conagua map
A map of the low-pressure areas currently affecting Mexico. (Conagua)

The interaction of these systems will bring a 70% chance of cyclonic development in the next 48 hours, in an area 390 km south of Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán. Coastal areas of Colima, Guerrero and Michoacán are warned of gusts of wind up to 80 km/h and waves of up to 4 meters.

Meanwhile, rain is forecast for 24 Mexican states — 70% of the national territory. “Intense” rain of 75–100 millimeters is predicted in Chiapas, Colima, Guerrero, Jalisco, Michoacán, Nayarit, Oaxaca, Tabasco and Veracruz.

There will also be very heavy rain in México State, Guanajuato, Morelos, Puebla, Sinaloa and Zacatecas; heavy rain in Aguascalientes, Campeche, Ciudad de México, Durango, Hidalgo, Querétaro, Quintana Roo, Tlaxcala and Yucatán. Colima, Guerrero, Michoacan could also see wind gusts of up to 80 km/h and the coasts of these states could see waves of up to 4 meters.

“The predicted rains will be accompanied by lightning, strong gusts of wind and hail conditions,” the SMN warned. “Heavy to intense rain could cause a rise in the level of rivers and streams, overflows, landslides and floods.”

Despite the rain, high temperatures are still predicted in the northwest, north and northeast , reaching maximums of over 45 degrees Celsius (113 F) in Baja California and Sonora, and between 40 C (104 F) and 45 C in Baja California Sur, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo León, Sinaloa and Tamaulipas.

Mexico City, on the other hand, will be cloudy and temperate, with temperatures falling to as low as zero degrees in the surrounding mountain regions of México State, Hidalgo, Puebla and Tlaxcala.

With reports from El Financiero

Actopan’s Feria de Barbacoa: a festival of taco delights

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A taco from Hidalgo
Hidalgo, two hours north from Mexico City, is renowned for its barbacoa tacos. Actopan celebrates the very best of the art form each year. (Juan Pablo Zamora/Cuartoscuro)

The alternative news outlet Vice brought me to the municipality of Actopan in Hidalgo. How else would I know that a small city two hours north of the capital was home to the best tacos de barbacoa in the world?

I first saw them on Todos los Tacos, a Vice web series that was my crash course in Mexican street food. From there, my curiosity grew. 

Part of the allure of these tacos — and barbacoa, more broadly — is that they’re regional. Other tacos are good too. I try not to argue with my chilango friends when they wax poetic about al pastor, but those are just not as special to me; you can get them pretty much anywhere. There’s more magic in the limited edition stuff. Like the McRib or a Shamrock Shake, you don’t know when you’ll get another chance.

You can imagine my delight when for the first time a few years ago, I happened on a roadside stand somewhere near Teotihuacán that was selling barbacoa tacos. After my first bite, I knew I’d found the one.

Lamb being cut
Barbacoa tacos usually come with either beef or lamb, which is slow-roasted over the course of the day, then seasoned with herbs and spices. (Feria de la Barbacoa y el Ximbo/Facebook)

Years later, after unwavering devotion, I decided to make the pilgrimage. A flight from Mérida to Mexico City, a Metro ride to the Terminal Norte transport hub, a two-hour bus to Actopan, and a 20-minute walk into town. All for a festival in Mexico’s barbacoa mecca.

I wouldn’t necessarily recommend going to these lengths — particularly if you’re not as barbacoa-obsessed as I am — but if you happen to find yourself in Mexico City in early July and in search of an enticing half-day excursion, La Feria de Barbacoa y Ximbó in Actopan is an excellent bet. 

When you arrive, walk or taxi into the center. You can’t miss the plaza. You’ll see tents and small crowds on their way there, but it’s hardly a throng or anything remotely overwhelming. Most of the festivalgoers are locals, and the city’s population barely surpasses 30,000.

It’s a quaint affair, and I don’t say that condescendingly. The streets in the town center are exceedingly walkable, and for the purposes of this festival, you won’t need to leave that area unless you’re checking out one of the sponsored concerts at the nearby municipal sports center. Again, though, a quick taxi ride or 30-minute walk really makes that a nonissue. 

Meat and Drink

When it comes to trying the festival’s foods, the obvious starting point is the taco de barbacoa. Apart from its flavor — unctuous slow-cooked meat with just the right amount of fat; acidic salsa of onion, cilantro, tomato, habanero, and lime; and supple corn tortillas — it never leaves you feeling shortchanged.

A taco de barbacoa
A well-constructed taco de barbacoa is a thing of beauty. Cilantro, lemon, lamb and chile come together to form an unforgettable flavor. (Ethan Jacobs)

The chunks of lamb and beef are generous. There’s weight to each serving — the tortilla on which it’s presented is always reinforced by another, like an edible, double-bagged meat grocery. It comes in variations as well, the straightforward order being res for beef or borrego for lamb. Within those cuts, you can mix and match different parts depending on how lean or fatty you want your taco. 

If you’re feeling adventurous or have a diet that demands alternative protein, this festival covers those bases as well. Located on the fringe of the Mezquital Valley, Actopan actively preserves the region’s culinary heritage through the use of a number of edible insects that are considered delicacies in the region. These include escamoles (ant eggs), chicharras (cicadas), chapulines (grasshoppers) and chacas (beetles), though you’re bound to come across a few more variants.

To accompany these, it’s hard to top pulque. A traditional milk-colored alcoholic beverage made from the fermented sap of the agave plant, pulque is sweet and slightly thick. In its natural form, its alcohol content can give it a bit of a stronger flavor, though you’ll often see it served curado — with fruit or nut additives that lower the alcohol content and soften the blow.

Those looking to avoid alcohol completely might consider trying one of the many juices on offer that highlight the region’s produce. Two that caught my eye were tuna roja (red cactus pear) and xoconostle, a slightly more acidic cactus fruit. Usually, if you can’t pick just one, friendly local vendors are more than happy to let you sample and mix flavors until you find a concoction that suits you.

Everything Else

Once you’ve had your fill, stretch your legs and mosey around for a bit. A leisurely walk around town serves as a great way to burn off a few calories while taking in sites like the former convent of San Nicolas and the 8 de Julio open-air market. 

Pulque choices
The festival also offers a range of pulques – traditional fermented agave drinks, prized by the Aztecs – which pair perfectly with the food on offer. (Ethan Jacobs)

Apart from food, the tented areas are lined with artisanal goods, including handwoven bags, shirts, hats, and jewelry. There’s also a handful of vendors selling books, as well as enough dessert kiosks to satisfy just about any sweet tooth.

Actopan’s municipal government does a nice job of spotlighting local musical talent in a variety of choral and orchestral concerts spread out over the course of the festival. They take place in the main plaza as well as at the nearby Unidad Deportiva (the aforementioned municipal sports center), giving you more than enough ways to stay entertained. 

Failing all that, if you happen to find yourself in town on the festival’s final day, check out the judging of the food you’ve traveled all this way for, in the annual barbacoa contest.

Evaluating dishes for presentation, flavor, aroma and texture, a panel of experts rate the region’s most acclaimed purveyors of barbacoa, conferring upon the winner first-place bragging rights and a lucrative cash prize. With so much on the line, you’ll be able to cut the tension with a knife, though one would hope that overnight slow-cooking renders that unnecessary.

Whether for the food, the music, the sights or the shopping, La Feria de La Barbacoa is sure to send you home satisfied, much like the hearty taco de barbacoa itself.

Ethan Jacobs is a freelance writer and writing coach based in Mérida. He has written extensively in narrative and short fiction formats, and his work has received recognition both domestically and internationally in microfiction, short fiction, and narrative essay formats.

Bus falls into ravine in Nayarit, killing 18

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Police rescuing an injured person from bus crash in Nayarit
In addition to the 18 deaths, 20 people — including six children and the driver—were taken to a nearby hospital, according to the Nayarit Attorney General's Office.

Eighteen people are dead after a bus traveling from Mexico City to the Mexico-United States border veered off a highway in Nayarit and plunged into a ravine early Thursday.

Twenty other people, including six children and the driver, were taken to hospital in Tepic, according to a statement issued by the Nayarit Attorney General’s Office (FGE) Thursday afternoon.

Bus in a ravine in Nayarit, Mexico
Authorities have arrested the bus’s driver, who they believe was driving faster than the highway’s speed limit. (Government of Nayarit)

The FGE said that the accident occurred at about 3 a.m. on the new Libramiento Norte highway in an area just north of Tepic called Barranca Blanca. A bus owned by the Elite bus company with approximately 42 people on board fell into a ravine that is approximately 40 meters deep, the statement said.

The position of the bus in the ravine made for a challenging rescue operation for emergency services personnel.

The FGE said that the deceased passengers haven’t been identified but reported that most were foreigners and that some of them were heading to Tijuana, Baja California, to cross into the United States. It said that 10 men, five women, two girls and a boy died in the crash.

The FGE said that people from India, the Dominican Republic and African nations were on board the bus, which is believed to have been traveling above the 80 km/h speed limit when it reached a curve, at which point it lost contact with the road.

The Nayarit accident comes not quite a month after a July 5 highway bus crash in Magdalena, Peñasco, Oaxaca, that killed 29 people. (Social Media)

In addition to being hospitalized, the 42-year-old driver has been “detained as the probable culprit of the events,” the Attorney General’s Office said. He began driving in Guadalajara — located about 220 kilometers southeast of the site of the accident — after relieving another driver.

The driver who drove the first leg of the journey, a man from the Dominican Republic and a man from Mazatlán were among 14 people who gave accounts of the accident to authorities, they said. The FGE said that the bus was in “regular mechanical condition without damage in its brake system,” but its tires were worn.

The accident occurred less than a month after a bus crash in the mountainous Mixteca region of Oaxaca left a death toll of  29 people. Seventeen people were killed in February when a bus transporting migrants from South America and Central America crashed in the state of Puebla.

Mexico News Daily