There's been lots of news being announced in San Miguel de Allende. (Miranda Garside/Unsplash)
Lots of news has emerged from San Miguel de Allende lately, including a planned passenger train, a sports center closure, a land dispute, a BYD distributorship and Casa Europa’s visiting dignitaries and impending relocation. Read on for the latest developments.
Casa Europa welcomes EU ambassadors, eyes new location
A contingent of 13 European ambassadors to Mexico and other guests recently visited San Miguel de Allende to meet with students, local and state officials and the staff of Casa Europa México (CE). The goal was to discuss global issues and ways to cooperate on cultural and educational activities, according to Sylvia Bussey, CE president.
“We do this every two years,” Bussey said, noting “we invite the European ambassadors because we work very closely with them; and we invite them to come and get to know Casa Europa, and get to know San Miguel and give a conference, which is an outreach to young people from our community.”
Students from three different universities and one high school participated this time, she said.
The visiting ambassadors were from Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Also visiting were the honorary consul of Switzerland and two representatives of the European Union (EU) delegation in Mexico, including the EU ambassador to Mexico, Francisco André, who led the delegation.
Discussions held on numerous topics
Bussey said Leandro Arellano, a former Mexican ambassador to several countries and current CE board member, led conversations on trade, environment, security, peace, culture, education and opening the educational path to Europe for young people. There were also roundtable discussions with representatives of different sectors in San Miguel de Allende, including tourism, NGOs, real estate and small business.
Due to some upcoming restoration work, CE has moved out of its state-owned location at San Francisco 23 in Centro, where it had been for 15 years. The organization is currently working with the municipal government to secure the Casa de la Cultura building at Mesones 71 in Centro.
While there are still some details to be worked out before relocating, Bussey said CE plans to remain relevant by providing more creative collaborations for the community.
Is San Miguel de Allende set to get passenger rail service? President Sheinbaum seems to think so. (Tomás Acosta/Cuartoscuro)
“We are definitely committed to staying in San Miguel and continuing to bring culture and educational opportunities to all ages,” she said, adding that CE is the only organization of its type in Latin America.
Passenger train announcement draws interest, questions
San Miguel de Allende residents and visitors are keenly interested in the possibility of a passenger train coming through here, judging by responses to the recent announcement from President Claudia Sheinbaum. At her Feb. 20 press conference in Irapuato, she said the line planned from Querétaro to San Luis Potosí will head this way in between stops in Comonfort and San Luis de la Paz.
Details are scarce so far about the timeline for construction and other specifics, and it’s not clear whether the train would simply pass through San Miguel or actually stop here.
Mayor Mauricio Trejo noted the development on Feb. 20 on his Facebook page, stating that “the project is expected to benefit the local community and attract more visitors to the area.” Questions remain, however, about how a passenger line might impact the historic character of San Miguel and the sustainability of the local environment.
Local BYD distributorship moving ahead
Despite the current 50% Mexican tariff on imported Chinese cars, work is continuing on the BYD distributorship building at Salida a Celaya 95A in San Miguel.
Underscoring the brand’s popularity, it’s possible to catch a glimpse on San Miguel streets of electric and plug-in hybrid compacts, SUVs and a pickup truck manufactured by BYD, which stands for “Build Your Dreams.”
Work continues on a BYD distributorship in San Miguel de Allende. BYD is the world’s largest EV manufacturer. (Cathy Siegner)
BYD is the largest global electric vehicle manufacturer and does big business in Mexico. The company, headquartered in Shenzhen, China, is vying with Geely, which is based in Hangzhou, China, to buy a former vehicle manufacturing plant in Aguascalientes. Last year, nearly 20% of new light vehicles purchased in Mexico were Chinese-made.
Local sports facility ordered closed
A local judge has reportedly ordered a municipal sports facility near the old San Miguel railway station closed until it can comply with legal and safety issues. Residents in the area were said to have complained about noise, crowds and alleged land-use violations at the privately owned location.
The city is said to be looking for another space so people from nearby neighborhoods such as La Estación, Olimpo and San Rafael can come and exercise at no cost. The facility initially opened in July 2023.
The train station could become a valuable location when (and if) the passenger train planned from Querétaro to San Luis Potosí is built, although that project could take several more years to be completed.
Dispute closes Cañada de la Virgen site to tourists
An ongoing legal dispute has closed the Cañada de la Virgen national archeological monument about 46 miles west of San Miguel de Allende. The dispute involves more than 700 hectares (about 1,730 acres) of privately owned land surrounding the site.
Officials with the National Institute of Anthropology and History said while the closure is temporary, it is required due to the current legal dispute in order to protect the cultural values of the area.
The Cañada de la Virgen national archeological monument is temporarily closed because of a legal dispute. (Eric Reinecke)
Cañada de la Virgen is a popular place to visit due to its proximity to San Miguel and draws many tourists, along with providing business to local guides. The site is more than 1,000 years old and is believed to have been a center for Otomí ceremonies.
Cathy Siegner is an independent journalist based in San Miguel and Montana. She has journalism degrees from the University of Oregon and Northwestern University.
Our tour of Mayan history takes us to the Postclassic period, when strife between kingdoms saw the collapse of the great Yucatán alliances. (Cancun Adventure)
As part of an exploration into Mexico’s long and rich history, Mexico News Daily has teamed up with one of the country’s top Maya experts to examine the ancient world that flourished across Mesoamerica.This is Part 5 in a series of articles on the history of the Maya. Follow the links to read Part 1,Part 2, Part 3 and Part 4.
In our previous story, we looked at the Late Classic period, where the dominant Early Classic city-state of Tikal fell to the ambitious expansionism of Calakmul’s powerful Kanu’l dynasty. The Kanu’l at its peak made alliances and subdued many of the major Maya cities in southern Mexico, Guatemala, and Belize, controlling crucial routes along the Pasión and Usumacinta rivers.
The ancient city of Calakmul, Campeche, once the most powerful city of the Maya. The collapse of its influence heralded dire consequences for the wider region. (INAH)
However, Tikal regrouped and made a comeback toward the end of the Late Classic Period. Around A.D. 736, it subdued its former conquerors, sending Calakmul into a slow decline and unleashing a wave of warfare that swept across the region.
The Beginning of the End
This game of thrones was exacerbated by the weakening of the system of government headed by the sacred lords. Hieroglyphic and iconographic records suggest this was due to increasing numbers of social actors surrounding the rulers, along with new titles and offices — figures asserting more authority, accumulating more power, and acquiring more material goods.
After the second half of the eighth century, some cities experienced a population, construction, and artistic resurgence. The Campeche cities of Xcalumkin and Río Bec stand out as exponents of the Puuc and Río Bec architectural styles, characterized by facade ornamentation, geometric latticework, Chaahk masks, and zoomorphic facades — but these styles also leave evidence of sociopolitical change. At both sites, a new type of government appears to have emerged, not ruled by the k’uhul ajaw (“sacred lords”) of Calakmul and Tikal, but by members of different dynastic lineages.
Further evidence of crisis appears at Oxpemul, 25 kilometers north of Calakmul, where rulers continued erecting monuments into the first half of the ninth century, depicting themselves with the attributes and titles of power that legitimized their status. Their hieroglyphic narratives linked Oxpemul to Calakmul — reinforcing ties of origin while making clear they did not belong to the disgraced Kanu’l dynasty, but to another dynasty bearing a bat-head emblem glyph. This possibly reflects a survival strategy: association with Calakmul still conferred legitimacy, but the Kanu’l name had been indelibly tarnished by their defeat.
Though political weakening led to internal fragmentation across the Maya area, these processes did not unfold in the same way or at the same time everywhere.
A temple in the style of Rio Bec, which represented a movement away from the classic styles of Maya architecture and governance. (Maya Ruins)
Dos Pilas rises and war comes to the Petexbatun
In the Petexbatun region of modern-day Guatemala, the fall of the Kanu’l dynasty meant the rise of Dos Pilas, its former ally. Dos Pilas cemented control of the La Pasión River routes through marriage alliances with the river port city of Cancuén, while a dynastic faction established itself 12 kilometers southeast at Aguateca — a co-capital defined by its strategic location atop a large cliff.
This development sparked confrontations with rival cities Tamarindito and Arroyo de Piedra, whose rulers saw their regional authority threatened. By the end of the eighth century, endemic warfare led to Dos Pilas’s destruction and the relocation of its ruling dynasty to Aguateca, igniting yet more intense conflict among Tamarindito, Aguateca, Ceibal, and La Amelia. In A.D. 810, Aguateca was brutally attacked, burned, sacked, and completely abandoned — researchers have found evidence that residents’ last activities were abruptly interrupted.
Amid the fragmentation, new settlements emerged. Punta de Chimino, protected by its peninsula location and deep defensive ditches, survived into the Terminal Classic period. Ceibal experienced a resurgence around A.D. 830, adopting foreign artistic and architectural styles with influences from central Mexico or the Gulf Coast, suggesting contact with distant cities — but this splendor was brief, and Ceibal was abandoned around A.D. 900, its population likely migrating to the northern Maya Lowlands and Highlands.
A similar situation unfolded in the Usumacinta region, with escalating conflict between the ruling dynasties of Yaxchilán in Chiapas and Piedras Negras in Petén. Around A.D. 810, Yaxchilán emerged victorious — but apparently only briefly, as no evidence of subsequent construction or new monuments has been found, indicating swift abandonment. Nearby Bonampak, an ally of Yaxchilán, left behind painted murals that vividly illustrate the traumatic regional reality of the period.
Maya cities on the Yucatán flourish
Murals at the city of Bonampak bear testament to the intense warfare that broke out between the Maya kingdoms. (Reddit)
While the Usumacinta and Petexbatún river basins succumbed to catastrophic warfare, the northern Yucatán Peninsula — specifically the Puuc region — flourished. Between A.D. 750 and 1050, urban centers such as Uxmal, Sayil, Labná, and Kabah registered significant population growth, welcoming elites and displaced populations possibly seeking refuge. Regional alliances consolidated power in the Puuc area during the ninth century, with cities like Uxmal and Kabah connected by sacbes (“white roads”) that facilitated trade and interaction. Because the Puuc area lacks rivers, it depended entirely on rainwater collected in chultunes (underground storage pits) and aguadas (reservoirs) — making the climate crises of this period a key driver of eventual urban abandonment.
Further northeast, Ek’ Balam in modern-day Yucatán state stood out as an enclave preserving the traditional structures of the southern Maya Lowlands. Under the rule of Ukit Kan Lek Tok’, Ek’ Balam emerged as one of the peninsula’s hegemonic powers toward the end of the eighth century, its influence extending to the rise of Chichén Itzá, as suggested by the Halakal Lintel inscription found there.
The fall of the Puuc alliances
Growing rivalry with the Puuc entities and the rise of new military powers forced the reinforcement of Ek’ Balam, including the construction of concentric defensive barriers. Meanwhile, a severe water crisis — possibly compounded by soil depletion from overpopulation — collapsed the Puuc regional alliances. The resulting power vacuum was exploited by Chichén Itzá.
Though human occupation of Chichén Itzá dates to the Preclassic period, its construction and population boom began around A.D. 600, when groups arrived from across the Yucatán Peninsula and from as far as central Mexico. Late inscriptions from this period include words from Ch’ol, Tzeltal, Huasteco, Yucatec, and even Nahuatl. From A.D. 1000 onward, Chichén Itzá became the great metropolis of the Maya area, successfully establishing itself within the new political, social, and commercial realities of the Postclassic period.
Pablo Mumary holds a doctorate in Mesoamerican studies from UNAM and currently works at the Center for Maya Studies at IIFL-UNAM as a full-time associate researcher. He specializes in the study of the lordships of the Maya Lowlands of the Classic period.
The World Cup is as American as apple pie, and like apples, it comes from Europe.
All stories in El Jalapeño are satire and not real news. Check out the article that inspired this piece here.
PHOENIX — Conservative youth organization Turning Point USA unveiled plans Monday for an alternative FIFA World Cup featuring only American teams, citing concerns that the international tournament has become “captured by globalist ideology.”
“We asked ourselves: why should American soccer fans watch foreign teams when we have 50 perfectly good states?” said a Turning Point spokesperson at a press conference, standing before a banner reading “USA! USA! (x50).”
The projected final, USA (white) vs. USA (red), is set to be played at the same time as the FIFA World Cup.
The tournament will feature all 50 states plus Puerto Rico, Guam, and “a team representing Real America” coached by Kid Rock. Texas enters as the heavy favorite, though organizers confirmed Florida will receive an automatic semifinal berth “for standing up to tyranny.”
When reporters noted that several states lack professional soccer infrastructure, Turning Point dismissed the concerns. “California thinks they’re so great at soccer? Let’s see them go up against Alabama’s grit and Nebraska’s heartland values.”
The event, scheduled for July 4th weekend at an undisclosed location in Arizona, will feature modified rules including “mandatory standing for the national anthem before every throw-in” and a ban on kneeling “for any reason, including tying cleats.”
Organizers also confirmed that Mexico, despite being a FIFA World Cup co-host, will not receive an invitation to participate. “This is an American tournament for Americans,” the spokesperson said, before being reminded that Mexico is technically co-hosting the actual 2026 World Cup. “That’s exactly the problem,” they replied.
Turning Point has also filed a formal complaint with an unspecified governing body objecting to any World Cup games being played “on the wrong side of the wall we were promised.”
Ticket prices start at US $250, with VIP packages including a photo opportunity with a cardboard cutout of Ronald Reagan holding a soccer ball.
FIFA officials said they were “aware of the announcement” and declined further comment.
The emperor and empress consort arriving in Mexico in 1864. (Public Domain)
Charlotte of Belgium, the unlikely future empress consort of Mexico — where she was known as la Emperatriz Carlota — had never been to Mexico when she and her husband, the Austrian Archduke Maximilian, arrived in 1864 to rule the nation. Born into European royalty, her grandfather was the French king, Louis Philippe I, and her father was Leopold I of Belgium. So how did this Belgian princess end up as the famed doomed empress of Mexico?
She was small, pretty and intelligent, and when she reached the marriageable age of 16, her family lined up potential suitors. Charlotte herself was attracted to the Austrian archduke Maximilian, the younger brother of Emperor Franz Joseph I. He was a little older than Charlotte but within an acceptable range, and there was a mutual attraction.
Leopold I and the royal family of Belgium, including the young Princess Charlotte. (Public Domain)
The wedding celebrations took place in the Royal Palace of Brussels with suitable pomp, and then, seeking a task for his now married younger brother, Emperor Franz Joseph made Maximilian viceroy of the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia.
Based in Milan, at the heart of European culture, the couple appeared happy with their new life.
Recalled from Vienna
However, Maximilian’s liberal leanings did not go down well in Vienna, and he was recalled after two years. The couple busied themselves remodelling a home, Miramare Castle on the Gulf of Trieste, when a new opportunity presented itself. Across the Atlantic, Mexico was being torn apart by civil war, and many in the Conservative Party felt the answer would be to establish a monarchy. European support of an Emperor might bring protection from both their political rivals and possible United States intervention. Their search for a suitable candidate focused on Maximilian. He had the correct royal pedigree and, most importantly, was available. Believing her husband was destined to achieve great things, Charlotte encouraged him to accept the crown.
The Mexican venture started well, but by the end of 1865, twenty months after their triumphant entry into Mexico City, the monarchy was starting to crumble. The Liberals had been pushed out of Mexico City but remained a powerful force in the countryside, and the French — whose muskets held it all together — were anxious to withdraw their troops.
Ruling in Mexico
Maximilian did not help with his increasingly unrealistic ideas. Mexico, he felt, needed a navy, and he drew up plans for ships they could never afford. He became increasingly concerned with his lack of an heir and arranged the adoption — almost the kidnapping — of a two and a half year old child who was the grandson of an earlier Mexican emperor. Pressured into handing the child over, his mother left the city, got as far as Pueblo, changed her mind, and came back for him. It was a ridiculous episode that threatened a diplomatic incident, for the mother was American, and it made Maximilian and his government look ridiculous.
By the end of 1865, there were so many problems that the Emperor decided he could not leave Mexico City, and the planned royal visit to the troublesome Yucatán would be undertaken by his wife. Carlota (she was now referred to by the Spanish version of her name) arrived in Merida in a coach pulled by four white horses along a street decked with arches of flowers, and she was greeted by cheers from a carefully vetted crowd. The Empress took her responsibilities seriously, visiting hospitals, school and the impressive Maya ruins. She was generally well greeted by both loyal officials, still committed to the monarchy, and by many Indigenous people who hoped the foreign emperor could end the vicious civil war raging through the countryside.
Painting of Carlota, the empress consort of Mexico, by painter Albert Graefle. (Public Domain)
The tour had been a success, but the situation around the country remained critical. When Maximilian wanted to ride out from Mexico City to greet his wife at Veracruz, his French military advisers vetoed the idea. The roads were far too dangerous.
The retreat to Cuernavaca
The royal couple entered 1886 with a false air of optimism and an empty treasury. Maximilian was a man who disliked the cold, and he found winters in Mexico City uncomfortable. His attention had been drawn to Cuernavaca, relatively close to the capital but enjoying a pleasant, almost tropical climate. As tensions rose and a withdrawal of French troops looked ever more likely, the couple increasingly spent time at their Cuernavaca properties.
Here, surrounded by a small group of favorite advisors, the atmosphere could be more relaxed than in their Mexico City palace. The gardens were decorated with fish ponds, caged exotic birds and tropical fauna, and Carlota became interested in the colorful butterflies that fluttered between the plants.
Yet, as political problems mounted, even this retreat no longer offered the comfort it once had. One of the couple often stayed to monitor events in Mexico City, leading to rumors that for Maximilian, the charm of Cuernavaca was less the tropical climate and more the beautiful daughter of one of his servants. As the weeks passed and problems increased, Cuernavaca became less a place to relax and more a place to hide. When a French envoy brought the anticipated news of the withdrawal of French troops, the messenger had to ride out to Cuernavaca to find the emperor.
In search of European support
By June, Maximilian was ready to abdicate, but Carlota argued against it. Her grandfather, Louis Philippe, had surrendered the throne of France, a move she felt had ruined the family. Maximilian should stay and defend his throne, and she would go to Europe to seek support. On reaching Paris, she based herself in the Grand Hotel, where she met with Empress Eugénie, who, somewhat reluctantly, arranged an audience with her husband, Napoleon III.
Princess Carlota was shocked to see how the Emperor had aged, and their meeting was difficult. The situation in Europe had changed drastically since Carlota had been away. Prussia was on the rise, and France had heavy military commitments in both Italy and Algeria. Napoleon III was not in a position to provide Mexico with either soldiers or the 500,00 francs required to meet the monthly bills.
An undated photo of Carlota, likely before her mental breakdown in 1866. (Public Domain)
In letters to her husband, Carlota wrote of their “moral victory” and vowed she would take the issue to Pope Pius IX. In September, Carlota was warmly greeted by the Pope, but here too, she was unable to obtain any promise of support. At this point, she was probably falling into a depression that seriously clouded her judgment. The day after her audience with the Pope, Carlota was riding in her carriage when she suddenly demanded to be taken back to the Vatican. She arrived without an appointment and, when Pope Pius IX finally appeared, threw herself at his feet. The issue she wanted to discuss was not Mexico but the belief that she was being poisoned by her own staff. Concerned about Charlotte’s health, her family had her escorted to Miramare Castle, where she was attended by doctors and guarded by Austrian security agents.
The death of an emperor
As news of his wife’s illness reached Mexico, there was an expectation that Maximilian would use this as an excuse to abdicate and rush to her. Instead, he followed the fatal path to Querétaro and the firing squad. He walked to his execution, falsely believing that his wife was already dead, and the thought that they might soon be reunited seems to have eased him during those last difficult days.
The Belgian royal family was visiting the Paris International Exposition when they received the shocking news from Mexico. They elected not to inform the Empress of her husband’s death, and she did not learn of his fate until early the following year. Carlota was brought to Belgium, where she disappeared from public view behind the walls of Bouchout Castle. Her only visitors were a few close family members, and she passed the time with walks, embroidering, playing cards and listening to her gramophone. The Great War swept past, and the castle remained unmolested during the German occupation of the country. Charlotte died peacefully on Jan. 19, 1927, at the age of 86.
Bob Patemanlived in Mexico for six years. He is a librarian and teacher with a Master’s Degree in History.
Álvaro Enrigue's "You Dreamed of Empires" is our latest book review from author Ann Marie Jackson. (Facebook)
In this second installment of Mexico Well-Read, Ann Marie Jackson reviews Álvaro Enrigue’s ‘You Dreamed of Empires.’ Against the vast arc of conquest and colonization, Enrigue offers the reader a fleeting, electric day in which everything might still have been otherwise.
History, we are often told, is written by the victors. In “You Dreamed of Empires,” author Álvaro Enrigue proposes something even more unsettling: History is written by the improvisers, the intoxicated, the confused, the frightened, the vain.
Tenochtitlán as it likely looked during the era of the Mexica, between the 14th and 16th centuries. (Gary Todd/Wikimedia Commons)
The conquest of Mexico becomes in Enrigue’s hands a daylong fever dream in which no one — including the supposed masterminds, Cortés and Moctezuma — fully understands what is happening.
Yes, “You Dreamed of Empires” came out two years ago, stretching to its limits this column’s self-imposed definition of “new and newish” books to review, but the acclaimed novel offers such a unique and fascinating take on this infamous historical encounter that you shouldn’t let it pass you by unread.
Moctezuma and Cortés: The infamous encounter reframed
The novel narrows our focus to a single day: Nov. 8, 1519, when Hernán Cortés and his small band of Spaniards were welcomed into Tenochtitlán by the Mexica emperor. That fateful interaction has long been embalmed in legend: steel and gunpowder confronting obsidian and prophecy, the outcome — from our perch in the present — seen as inevitable.
Enrigue, however, reimagines the encounter on a very human level. The fate of continents is compressed into an elaborate and awkward meal, mandatory nap, hallucinogenic snacks, inaccurate translations and mounting suspicions.
TheNew York Times called the book “short, strange, spiky and sublime,” praising its “humane comedy of manners” unfolding under the constant threat of decapitation — which perfectly captures the novel’s paradoxical tone: It is at once tartly funny and saturated with dread.
While heads may not roll immediately, everyone senses the looming blade. The conquistadors do not at all understand the codes of conduct governing their hosts, just as the Colhua-Mexica court cannot for the life of themselves decipher the Spaniards’ behaviors and intentions. Each side regards the other with a mixture of disgust and pity.
Guests or captives? In a Borges-worthy labyrinth
A depiction of the fall of México-Tenochtitlan at the hands of the Spaniards in 1521. (Wikimedia Commons)
Enrigue’s Tenochtitlan (rendered by the author in a Nahuatl-inflected spelling, Tenoxtitlan) is a marvel: a vast, orderly, high-tech imperial capital. The Spaniards, accustomed to thinking of themselves as representing the pinnacle of civilization, wander blindly through its palace corridors like baffled, bumbling provincials. For most of the book, they cannot truly tell whether they are guests or captives. The palace itself becomes a labyrinth worthy of Jorge Luis Borges, one of Enrigue’s acknowledged influences. Corridors narrow and repeat, while doors refuse to lead where expected.
The novel opens with a ceremonial meal so grotesque that it tips into farce. Priests wearing capes of flayed skin sit across from the smelly, bearded men whose boots track mud on the pristine palace floors. The Spaniards are repelled by the odor of sacrificial blood; their hosts are disgusted by the guests’ own odors as well as their table manners. The Wall Street Journal praised the author’s use of such “sublime absurdities.”
Viewing history as not a fixed record but a shifting dream
All the while, everyone awaits the presence of the emperor, Moctezuma, who is freshly portrayed by Enrigue not as the dithering mystic of colonial lore but as a volatile, politically astute ruler under extraordinary pressure — who happens to rely heavily on hallucinogenic mushrooms.
Enrigue does not treat this as mere color: The emperor’s drug use shapes the novel’s structure and style. Time softens; visions intrude; past and future bleed together. In one of the book’s boldest moves, Moctezuma glimpses centuries yet to come and even catches sight of the novelist himself at work. The effect is dizzying, comic and strangely moving. History is no longer a fixed record but a shifting dream.
The Washington Post called the novel an “alternate history of Mexican conquest with a Tarantino-ready twist,” praising its “deliciously gonzo” style.
That style oscillates between earthy detail and high-minded speculation. While, yes, we are told about bleeding fingers and unwashed bodies, at the same time, we are also invited to consider the theological foundations of sacrifice. The sacred and profane coexist comfortably.
Álvaro Enrigue, author of ‘You Dreamed of Empires.’ His story of 1519 is not only about clashing armies but also translation errors, hallucinatory visions, fragile egos and exhausted men. (PEN American Center/Wikimedia Commons)
The impact of translation — and mistranslation — on history
The often underappreciated role of translation is critical to the story. Every diplomatic exchange must pass through two intermediaries: the friar Aguilar — translating from Maya into Castilian — and Malinalli, La Malinche, who is translating from Maya into Nahuatl. Of course, meaning is filtered, adjusted, softened or sharpened at each stage.
Enrigue is himself well translated by Natasha Wimmer. He uses Nahuatl terms without explanation — rather than footnoting them into submission, he allows their meanings to emerge through context, giving the reader a taste of both the excitement of exposure to new meanings and also the resulting confusion.
Enrigue’s humor is relentless but not glib. While the Spaniards squabble amongst themselves like investors in a dubious startup, Moctezuma alternates between grandeur and petulance. The fictional Captain Jazmín Caldera, one of the few characters who seems capable of imagining defeat, watches events with mounting alarm.
The Spaniards, he tells us, “were making things up as they went along, with extraordinary results” and “ultimately they came to believe in their own ruses.”
Bringing the past “to vivid, brain-melting life”
The novel’s hallucinatory episodes intensify as the day progresses. In one notable sequence, Moctezuma hears strains of 1970s glam rock — specifically a T. Rex song — bleeding into the sixteenth century. The anachronism is a declaration: Time is porous.
By the time Cortés and Moctezuma finally face each other, the air is electric with possibility. The scene carries the weight of five centuries. We all know, of course, what followed: siege, smallpox, devastation, the birth of New Spain. Enrigue does not deny that history. Instead, he pauses for reflection, inviting us to reconsider the far-from-certain moments that preceded the final outcome. When the conquest proceeds, it is less through strategic brilliance than mutual miscalculation.
A map of Mexico-Tenochtitlan after Hernán Cortés arrived in present-day Mexico in 1524. (INAH/Wikimedia Commons)
As one reviewer noted in Publishers Weekly, Enrigue brings the past “to vivid, brain-melting life,” culminating in a climactic scene that offers a startling alternative to the historical record.
The book has been described as a kind of “colonial revenge story,” but Enrigue seems less interested in revenge than he does in possibility: What if Moctezuma had chosen differently? What if Cortés had made different mistakes at different moments? What if empires are less inevitable than they appear in hindsight?
Join the conversation about ‘You Dreamed of Empires’
What are your thoughts on this fascinating reimagining of a history-defining day? Do you have suggestions of recent and forthcoming titles to review? Let us know in the comments.
Ann Marie Jackson is a book editor and the award-winning author of “The Broken Hummingbird.” She lives in San Miguel de Allende and can be reached through her website: annmariejacksonauthor.com.
Front pages at newsstands highlight the operation surrounding “El Mencho.” (Victoria Valtierra/Cuartoscuro)
On Sunday, Feb. 22, the Mexican Army killed Nemesio “El Mencho” Oseguera Cervantes — founder and supreme leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), one of the world’s most powerful and violent criminal organizations, and a man who had evaded capture for more than a decade.
What followed was one of the most intense weeks in recent Mexican memory: narco-blockades, arson attacks on stores, buses and at least one Costco, a flood of misinformation that state authorities scrambled to debunk and a high death toll among security forces. By Friday, the question had shifted from whether El Mencho was really dead to who would replace him.
The events of the week put Mexico’s cartel crisis back at the top of international news feeds — often inaccurately. Foreign headlines ranged from alarmist to outright wrong, with AI-generated images of burning airports and firefights on runways circulating as fact. The reality on the ground told a different story: the worst of the unrest was concentrated in western Mexico and was quickly contained. For many observers, the speed and decisiveness of the federal response suggested that this chapter of Mexico’s war against the cartels may be playing out differently than those that came before.
Didn’t have time to catch every story of the week? Here’s what you need to know about the week of Feb. 23-27 in Mexico.
The killing of El Mencho
How the Mexican Army found him
On Friday, Feb. 20, military intelligence agents tracked down a trusted associate of one of Oseguera’s romantic partners. That man transported the woman to a property in Tapalpa, a quiet cobblestoned mountain town roughly 130 kilometers southwest of Guadalajara — a place better known for its pine forests, artisan markets and weekend tourists than for its connection to one of the world’s most wanted criminals.
The property turned out to be an upscale home inside the gated Tapalpa Country Club residential development — a large, two-story structure with high ceilings, pendant lighting, fine wood finishes and wide windows overlooking wooded grounds. “From the air, the property appears secluded, integrated into the wooded landscape, far from urban noise,” the newspaper Milenio reported after its journalists were given access to the home. Inside, they found luxury furniture, neatly folded clothes, fruit and meat in the kitchen, a handwritten copy of Psalm 91 dated Jan. 25 — “He will cover you with his feathers, and under his wings you will find refuge” — a religious altar bearing statues of the Virgin of Guadalupe and Saint Jude, patron saint of desperate causes and medication for kidney disease, an ailment El Mencho was known to suffer. The unmade beds suggested the departure had been abrupt.
The woman — apparently not Oseguera’s wife — met with him at the property and left the following Saturday. That same day, military intelligence confirmed El Mencho had remained behind with a close security circle.
In the early hours of Sunday, Feb. 22, the operation launched. The stated goal was a live arrest under the Federal Firearms Law. El Mencho’s security team made that impossible. “The attack the organized criminal personnel carried out was really very violent,” Defense Minister Ricardo Trevilla Trejo said afterward. Military personnel returned fire. Oseguera and his inner circle fled into the dense wooded area bordering the property. Special Forces pursued them through the trees, and when CJNG members opened fire a second time, El Mencho and two of his bodyguards were shot and critically wounded. Two other cartel members were detained.
Military medics reached the three wounded men and determined that immediate evacuation was essential. Because landing in Guadalajara was judged too dangerous — the cartel could mount an armed attack at any Jalisco hospital — the helicopter carrying Oseguera flew first to Morelia’s international airport in Michoacán. The bodies were transferred to an Air Force plane and taken to Mexico City, where the Federal Attorney General’s Office formally confirmed their identities. El Mencho died en route. He was 59 years old.
The U.S. Department of Justice had maintained federal charges against him for years and offered a multimillion-dollar reward for information leading to his capture. His death marked one of the most consequential moments in Mexico’s battle against organized crime in a generation.
Jalisco Governor Pablo Lemus Navarro declared a statewide “Code Red” and convened a security committee at all three levels of government. The governor of neighboring Nayarit, Miguel Ángel Navarro, issued a similar warning, calling on residents to shelter in their homes.
In Puerto Vallarta, thick columns of black smoke rose from multiple points across the city and more than 10 vehicles were torched. Hotels advised guests to remain indoors. Public transport stopped and hundreds of flights to Puerto Vallarta and Guadalajara, as well as nearby Manzanillo and Tepic, were canceled or diverted.
The U.S. Embassy in Mexico City — which issued a shelter-in-place order covering the states of Jalisco (including Guadalajara, Puerto Vallarta and Chapala), Tamaulipas, Michoacán, Guerrero and Nuevo León — urged citizens to “be aware of your surroundings; avoid areas around law enforcement activity; and seek shelter and minimize unnecessary movements.” Canada, the UK, Australia and India also issued security alerts to their nationals in Mexico.
In Mexico City, all bus routes to Guadalajara, Guanajuato, Michoacán, Mazatlán and other points northwest were suspended on Sunday. Some neighborhoods of the capital were noticeably quieter on Sunday night. However, no incidents were reported and activities proceeded as normal on Monday.
Mayor Clara Brugada convened a “permanent” Security Cabinet session the moment the operation became public, coordinating with federal forces and issuing a clear public statement: “Serenity and trust are built with verified information and coordinated efforts.” She later confirmed that “the nation’s capital remains at peace.” Approximately 5,000 security agents were deployed at the international airport.
The Code Red was lifted on Tuesday evening after more than 48 hours. Supermarkets, banks, markets, restaurants and public transport resumed across the state. Schools reopened on Wednesday.
Mexico News Daily spoke with residents of Guadalajara and Zapopan to gauge the mood. María Fernanda, 36, a Guadalajara mother, said her family had “somewhat resumed normal life” on Tuesday but remained wary. “I’m skeptical and I’m taking lots of precautions. I’m not sure I’ll send my kid to school yet,” she said.
Fernanda, 32, went further: she and her friends had planned a girls’ night out for Wednesday but canceled. “We have no intention of going out at night. At least not yet.” Rubén, 50, who runs a private airport transport service, reported smooth operations by Tuesday — but drew his own line: “I don’t recommend going out at night or in the early morning,” he said, adding that he refused to take clients to the airport before 7 a.m.
Travelers driving back into Guadalajara from Tapalpa, Puerto Vallarta and Tepic by Wednesday reported smooth roads, though burned truck carcasses still smoldered on several federal highways.
The human toll
According to Security Minister Omar García Harfuch, 25 National Guard officers, one state police officer, one security guard and a civilian woman who was reportedly pregnant were killed in 27 retaliatory attacks on Sunday. Three soldiers who participated in the initial Tapalpa operation later died from their wounds. An additional 34 cartel members were killed in those incidents.
Among the cartel’s organizers, a man known as “El Tuli” — El Mencho’s chief logistics and financial confidant — was identified by the Defense Ministry as the person coordinating the CJNG’s violent response from El Grullo, near Tapalpa, and offering 20,000-peso (roughly US $1,160) bounties per soldier or National Guard member killed.
A parachute regiment deployed to El Grullo killed “El Tuli” when he opened fire on military personnel. He was found carrying 7.2 million pesos and nearly US $1 million in U.S. dollars in cash.
Sheinbaum’s response
On Sunday afternoon, Sheinbaum took to social media with a measured appeal for calm: “There is absolute coordination with the governments of all states; we must remain informed and calm. In the vast majority of the national territory, activities are proceeding with complete normality.” She extended recognition to “the Mexican Army, National Guard, Armed Forces and Security Cabinet.”
At her Monday mañanera, flanked by Defense Minister Trevilla and Security Minister García Harfuch, she was confident and convincing of her administration’s control of the situation.
They reported that all the narco-blockades set up by the CJNG on Sunday had been removed and that a total of 2,500 additional federal troops were being deployed to Jalisco to bolster security in the state.
Did the US participate in the El Mencho operation?
The short answer, according to both the Mexican government and U.S. officials, is: no. However, it was made possible by a bilateral information exchange.
The Defense Ministry confirmed that U.S. intelligence contributed to locating Oseguera, and Trump and several senior U.S. officials publicly praised the outcome — a notable show of cross-border cooperation at a moment of otherwise tense bilateral relations. The operation, however, was Mexico’s — planned and executed entirely by Mexican forces.
Mexicans largely credited her administration for the result — a remarkable political windfall for a president who had faced persistent pressure on security since taking office.
Asked whether Mexico would therefore resume the shipment of oil to Cuba, the president indicated that her government would make an announcement on the matter soon. (Foreign Affairs Ministry)
The shipment follows an earlier batch and reaffirms the Sheinbaum government’s commitment to the bilateral relationship, even as Mexico navigates its own domestic crises.
In Miami on Wednesday, FIFA president Gianni Infantino told reporters, “We have full trust in the authorities in Mexico, [in] President Sheinbaum and her team, and we actually fully support them as well.”
Sheinbaum subsequently noted on Thursday that Infantino said that no changes would be made to the schedule of the World Cup, which will be held in the United States (78 matches), Canada (13 matches) and Mexico (13 matches).
“… We are monitoring of course the situation, but we have full confidence that everything will be great. Mexico is a football country, and the Mexicans, the authorities but also the people, will do everything they can to ensure that the World Cup and the playoffs … will be a celebration of football,” Infantino said.
On Wednesday, the Sheinbaum government unveiled a sweeping proposed electoral reform to be submitted to Congress the following Monday.
Interior Minister Rosa Icela Rodríguez presented the proposal’s 10 key points, which include reducing the Senate from 128 to 96 seats by eliminating proportional-representation positions; cutting overall election spending by 25% by slashing budgets for the National Electoral Institute, political parties and electoral tribunals; and simplifying voting from abroad.
For context, Mexico’s 2024 federal election cost 61 billion pesos (US $3.55 billion) — the government contends Mexico’s per-voter spending exceeds that of any other country in the world. The 500-seat Chamber of Deputies would remain intact, but all deputies — including proportional-representation candidates — would have their names on ballots, and eight new deputies representing Mexicans living abroad would be added. Because the reform amends the constitution, it requires two-thirds majorities in both chambers, meaning Morena must keep its congressional allies — the Green and Labor parties — firmly in line, with no margin for defections.
Economic results, forecasts and investment
Despite the week’s upheaval, Mexico’s economic headlines were largely positive.
Mexico took in a record US $40.8 billion in foreign direct investment in 2025 — the highest figure ever recorded. While 2025’s GDP growth came in at a modest 0.8%, reflecting a year of real headwinds, the outlook for 2026 is improving considerably. Both Banxico and the OECD raised their forecasts this week: the Bank of Mexico lifted its 2026 GDP growth projection to 1.6% from a previous estimate of 1.1%, with a revised projected range of 1% to 2.2%. The OECD published its Economic Survey of Mexico 2026 on the same day, projecting growth of 1.4% this year and 1.7% in 2027 — an upward revision from the 1.2% the Paris-based body forecast for 2026 back in December.
Banxico Governor Victoria Rodríguez Ceja acknowledged that 2025 had been “particularly complex” with “elevated uncertainty,” but pointed to improving trade conditions and nearshoring investment as drivers of the sunnier outlook.
Congress also gave final approval to a 40-hour workweek law — a long-sought labor reform set to take effect in the coming months — and Coca-Cola’s US $6 billion investment commitment provided a high-profile commercial vote of confidence in Mexico’s medium-term prospects.
Looking ahead: The succession question
With El Mencho gone, the question that preoccupied security experts by week’s end was the same one governments, analysts and rival criminal organizations were all quietly running: who takes over the CJNG?
At Friday’s mañanera, held in Mazatlán, Security Minister García Harfuch laid out the intelligence picture. The cartel has regional leaders spread across the vast majority of Mexico’s 32 states, he said, and authorities have identified the four “strongest” figures within the organization. Two of those four are considered most likely to claim the top position. García Harfuch declined to name any of them publicly, saying only that all four are “under investigation.”
Media reports have nonetheless filled in some of the blanks. Oseguera’s stepson, Juan Carlos Valencia González — a 41-year-old California native known as “R3” — is widely considered a leading contender. Others named in press reports include Hugo Gonzalo Mendoza Gaytán (“El Sapo,” The Toad); Audias Flores Silva (“El Jardinero,” The Gardener); Ricardo Ruiz Velasco (“El Doble R”); and Heraclio Guerrero Martínez (“Tío Lako”), who reportedly lost a son during the Tapalpa operation itself. The cartel he is vying to lead has an active presence in 28 of Mexico’s 32 states, making the stakes of the succession fight exceptionally high.
Security analysts warn that the leadership vacuum carries serious risks. Unlike the Sinaloa Cartel, which has a more diffuse leadership structure, the CJNG was built around El Mencho’s singular authority. A power struggle among regional bosses could trigger fragmentation, intensified territorial battles with rival groups and a new spike in violence in core CJNG territories. Whether the cartel holds together or splinters — and how fast — will be one of the defining security stories of the months ahead.
Mexico News Daily
This story contains summaries of original Mexico News Daily articles. The summaries were generated by Claude, then revised and fact-checked by a Mexico News Daily staff editor.
Marines arrive to clean up a burned vehicle in Puerto Vallarta on Monday, the day after the operation that killed the leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG). (Héctor Colín / Cuartoscuro.com)
As we assess the aftermath of the Feb. 22 events in Jalisco, the consistent narrative from most pundits and experts is that we should now expect a new wave of violence across the country. Anyone who has watched the Netflix Narcos series as well would expect this, and the sad reality is that the trend for decades has been just that. “If the leader is taken out, the violence will only increase as others vie for control and until new leadership is regained,” conventional wisdom dictates.
But what if this time is different? What if, this time, history did not repeat itself?
At the risk of being called overly optimistic, I am going to lay out my case for why I think this time could be different. Of course, it would be easy for me to write what everyone else already has, caution against any optimism, and say I now expect a spiral of increasing violence. But given that pretty much everyone has already said exactly that, I see no point. And in fact, I think there is a real chance that things will be different this time. Here are ten reasons why:
1. President Sheinbaum has demonstrated — with measurable results — that she is a competent, data-driven leader who is genuinely changing course.
She has demonstrated time and time again that she is changing course from her predecessor AMLO when it comes to dealing with the cartels. Do we need any further evidence than this past Sunday that the “Hugs, not bullets” strategy is over? Her administration is clearly working off of a different playbook. Increased arrests, extraditions of over 100 high-level cartel members to the U.S., drug lab busts, cracking down on gun smuggling — this administration is on the offensive.
And for those tempted by the frequently stated, intellectually lazy shortcut of dismissing Sheinbaum as a “narco-controlled president”: The data simply doesn’t support it. Under her watch as Mexico City’s mayor beginning in 2018, she put data at the center of a comprehensive crime reduction program — and the city cut serious felonies by nearly 50%. Only 7% of Mexico City residents considered the capital safe when she took office; by the time she left for the presidency, the city had undergone a measurable transformation. Fast-forward to her national tenure: Mexico recorded a homicide rate of 17.5 per 100,000 residents in 2025 — the lowest rate since 2016 — and compared to a peak of 29 per 100,000 in 2018.
2. The cartels’ own business evolution may be working against them.
Here is an underappreciated dimension of this moment: Mexico’s cartels have, over the past decade, diversified well beyond drug trafficking into many other “businesses.” Why does this matter? Because the more a criminal organization deepens its roots in legitimate or semi-legitimate commerce — avocados, fuel, internet service, mining — the more it has to lose from an all-out war. There is an increasingly rational economic incentive for what remains of these organizations to stabilize rather than escalate. The transition from violent narco-enterprise to diversified criminal conglomerate creates a complex but real preference towards order. Quite simply, chaos is bad for business.
3. Mexican Security Secretary Omar García Harfuch is unlike previous leaders who have held this role.
He has trained in the United States, is credited with decreasing homicides by nearly 50% in Mexico City while previously working for Sheinbaum, and has even been the victim of a failed assassination attempt by the CJNG cartel in the year 2020 as he was on the way to work. Anyone who survives a 400-bullet attack on his vehicle while getting shot several times, as Harfuch did, and then goes on to take on an even higher-profile job clearly is cut from a different cloth.
4. President Trump and his administration have put tremendous pressure on the Sheinbaum administration and made clear that the situation in Mexico with the cartels must change.
They have consistently threatened to take action if Mexico does not. They have linked the renewal of the USMCA agreement to improved security in Mexico. This has made Sheinbaum’s job much more difficult, but it has also given her leverage to take action to demonstrate to the U.S. that Mexico can clean up it’s own house without sovereignty being compromised. Trust is back again, and intelligence sharing between the two countries is happening. Both countries have recently talked about cooperation being at “unprecedented levels.”
5. U.S. Ambassador Johnson is pressing for improved security — and has the experience to back it up.
U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ronald Johnson’s previous experience was in the military as a Green Beret and special-operations specialist, he was a CIA officer, and most recently was the U.S. ambassador to El Salvador. An improved North American security situation and more cooperation against the cartels is at the top of his agenda. He has shown that the U.S. is willing to be a partner with Sheinbaum, but also been consistent in that improved security must be a more urgent priority. This could not be a sharper contrast to his predecessor who was often seen (and criticized) for being more aligned with former President AMLO’s non-security related priorities.
6. Artificial intelligence, data analytics and drone technology are fundamentally changing the surveillance equation.
New technologies like artificial intelligence and drones are changing the game. The ability for government agencies to monitor cartel movements and provide intelligence previously unavailable is improving on a daily basis. It’s just not that easy to hide anymore. The U.S. government is deploying technologies from companies like Palantir that allow them to correlate real-time intelligence across agencies — creating the ability to cross-reference financial flows, encrypted communications and physical movement patterns simultaneously. AI-driven systems can detect patterns in cryptocurrency transactions used for cartel financing, monitor dark web communications and flag unusual logistics activity — so tasks that would have taken human analysts weeks or months can now be surfaced in hours.
Technological advances have supercharged governments’ surveillance capabilities. (Diana Măceşanu)
7. However you might feel about the “Donroe Doctrine,” it’s clear that the United States is turning its attention back to Latin America after decades of neglect.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks Spanish and has Latin heritage. The U.S. military has been active in blowing up boats suspected of transporting cocaine in the Caribbean and Pacific Ocean. The administration has already taken action in Venezuela, and Cuba is in its sights. The days in which political, business and cartel leaders in Latin America could be comforted with that thought that the U.S. was distracted elsewhere are over.
8. For the first time in history, the cartels have been formally designated as foreign terrorist organizations by the United States.
This is not a symbolic move. The FTO designation unlocks an entirely different legal arsenal — one that allows the U.S. to freeze cartel assets globally, prosecute anyone who provides material support to these groups (including bankers, lawyers and politicians), and apply the full weight of U.S. counterterrorism infrastructure to the problem. Previously, these tools were reserved for groups like Al-Qaeda and ISIS.
9. The pipeline of weapons flowing into Mexico from the United States is finally being addressed.
For decades, the uncomfortable truth was that the guns fueling cartel violence were largely coming from the United States. Estimates suggest that as many as 90% of weapons seized in Mexico originated north of the border — and for decades, relatively little was done about it. That is starting to change. Increased cross-border surveillance, combined with the U.S.’s own interest in demonstrating tangible cooperation on security, means that the flow of arms is being monitored and disrupted at levels not seen before.
10. The upcoming World Cup provides an extremely powerful motivator to clean things up and show that Mexico is worthy of the world stage.
There is no bigger stage for the country to show that it is a safe destination for business investment and visitors from around the globe. Mexico has a once-in-a-generation opportunity to show itself off to the world.
Of course, progress rarely occurs in a straight line, but for the reasons I laid out above, I think that there is a real chance that things will be different this time. Let’s hope for the best!
Stay tuned to Mexico News Daily to stay educated and informed about Mexico.
Travis Bembenek is the CEO ofMexico News Daily and has been living, working or playing in Mexico for nearly 30 years.
Hershel McGriff oversees repairs on his “City of Roses” Oldsmobile during the first running of the Carrera Panamericana in Mexico in 1950. (NASCAR Hall of Fame)
One of the signal achievements of Miguel Alemán Valdés’ six-year term as president of Mexico (1946-1952) was the building of important new roads. The most notable of these — at least symbolically — was the completion of Mexico’s portion of the Pan-American Highway, the world’s longest road, which stretches over 30,600 kilometers (19,000 miles) from Prudhoe Bay, Alaska, to Ushuaia, Argentina, crossing through 14 countries en route.
All 14 nations involved had agreed to cooperate back in 1937, when they signed a pact (the Convention on the Pan-American Highway) to complete their sections as expeditiously as possible. Mexico was the first of the Latin American countries to do so in 1950, when it put the finishing touches on its 3,440 kilometers of highway between Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua and Ciudad Cuauhtémoc, Chiapas.
A map of the route used for the Carrera Panamericana during its first five years. Only the 1950 race, however, would be run from north to south. (La Carrera Panamericana)
It was an achievement worth celebrating. Guillermo Ostos’ idea, which the executive in the Secretariat of Communications and Public Works had as far back as 1947, was for an open-road race the length of Mexico along the newly minted Pan-American Highway. President Alemán agreed, and the first Carrera Panamericana was held May 5-10, 11 days before the president officially inaugurated the highway on May 21, 1950.
The longest race in the world
By the middle of the 20th century, several major open-road endurance races had been established in Europe. However, none of them — not the 1,080-kilometer Targa Florio in Sicily, the 1,600-kilometer Mille Miglia in Italy, or the 24 Hours of Le Mans in France — would cover as much ground as the Carrera Panamericana race contested in Mexico in 1950.
Indeed, the 2,135-mile border-to-border Carrera Panamericana from Ciudad Juárez to El Ocotal, Chiapas, was to be the longest race in the world, a fact that no doubt contributed to the excitement that surrounded its initial running — not just in Mexico, but also in the U.S. Eddie Rickenbacker, the World War I fighter ace and Medal of Honor recipient was enthusiastic, as was Wilbur Shaw, the president of the Indianapolis Motor Speedway, and even California governor Earl Warren. The latter, however, who later became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, contributed to a gaffe on the trophy he donated. The Mexican jeweler, instructed by Warren to inscribe “won by,” misinterpreted it as “one buy,” and engraved una compra instead.
The competitors in the first Carrera Panamericana
The government-funded race and its 334,000 peso prize pool (150,000 of which was earmarked for the winner) drew a veritable who’s who of acclaimed race car drivers. Felice Bonetto, for example, won the 1952 Targa Florio in Sicily for Lancia. Piero Taruffi was a winner of the 1957 Mille Miglia for Ferrari, and like Bonetto, a noted Formula One driver. Herschel McGriff would later be elected to the NASCAR Hall of Fame and Johnny Mantz raced in the 1948 and 1949 Indianapolis 500 races before heading to Mexico to try his luck in 1950. Afterward, he would declare the Indy 500 easy by comparison.
But many of the 132 entrants in the first Carrera Panamericana were not professionals. Well … the Mexican taxi drivers who competed were professionals of a sort. Not so with the women drivers, who, according to Johnny Tipler in his 2008 book “La Carrera Panamericana: The World’s Greatest Road Race,” ranged from a movie actress, Jacqueline Evans, to a few adventurous grandmothers.
“Mrs. H.R. Lammons from Jacksonville, Texas, was one who made it to the final leg,” he wrote. “Her 1948 Buick was sponsored by a local brassiere manufacturer and the car sported a fine example of the company’s product painted on each side.”
Race cars lined up for the start of the 8th leg in Oaxaca during the 1950 Carrera Panamericana. (La Carrera Panamericana)
The cars they drove
The automobiles they drove were, by race regulation, stock cars sold to the public with seating for at least five people. Sports cars were not allowed, at least in 1950. The resulting field of cars was overwhelmingly American-made and consisted primarily of Cadillacs, Buicks, Oldsmobiles and Lincolns, with the odd Nash, Packard or Studebaker.
“President Alemán himself sponsored two cars,” Tipler noted. “A 1950 Cadillac known as ‘Coche Mexico’ piloted by Rodolfo Castañeda, which rolled twice, injuring its co-driver, and a 1950 Studebaker, entered on behalf of the national university (UNAM) from which the president had graduated with a law degree 20 years earlier.”
The most dangerous race in the world
The Carrera Panamericana in its initial incarnation lasted for only five years (1950-1954) and part of the reason was its undeniable danger, as 31 drivers and spectators were killed, four in 1950 alone. The same danger dogged the Mille Miglia and Le Mans, and when the latter race suffered a tragedy in 1955, with a crash killing upwards of 80 people, most of them spectators, it marked the end of some governments’ support for these kinds of races under their existing form. The Carrera Panamericana shut down before its 1955 running, as it lacked the support of Alemán’s successor, Adolfo Ruiz Cortines. The Mille Miglia followed suit in Italy in 1961.
These contests, however, were challenging even for those who survived them; the Carrera Panamericana, particularly so, due to its high elevation, with mountainous roads featuring precipitous drops. The race was largely routed at over 4,000 feet before it reached Oaxaca, climbing to over 7,000 feet in Mexico City, Toluca and Puebla, and topping 10,000 feet at one pass near the Popocatepetl volcano. Herschel McGriff, who won the six-day, nine-leg race in 1950 in his “City of Roses” Oldsmobile 88, was scared to death when he drove back home afterward at a sedate pace and suddenly noticed all the sheer cliff drop-offs near the side of the highway.
McGriff also had to battle another challenge; neither he nor his co-driver, Ray Elliott, liked Mexican food. As a consequence, they would lose a combined 43 pounds during the nearly week-long race.
The revival
Three decades after the last of the Carrera Panamericana races was run in 1954, it was revived by race driver Eduardo “Lalo” León in 1988. León had attended one of the original races with his father and still had a great nostalgia for its charms. However, the format would change, becoming much safer as it was transformed into a vintage rally race.
Hershel McGriff accepting the trophy for winning the 1950 Carrera Panamericana from Mexico’s President Miguel Alemán. (La Carrera Panamericana)
He wasn’t the only one who loved it, as it turns out. The race is still being run today, with the 2025 edition concluding in October with a victory by Mexicans Ricardo Cordero and Marco Hernández. It was the seventh victory in the reconstituted race for Cordero, tying him with France’s Pierre de Thoisy for the most ever by a driver. Hernández, meanwhile, now has the most Carrera Panamericana titles by a navigator, with eight.
“People love the race and we respect them,” Karen León, Eduardo’s daughter and the race’s organizer, told Autoweek in 2022. “The people respect the race and love being part of it. You see the hospitality of Mexico, that Mexico that we love, and that Mexico that we want to people to know and to enjoy.”
Chris Sands is a writer and editor for Mexico News Daily, and the former Cabo San Lucas local expert for the USA Today travel website 10 Best and writer of Fodor’s Los Cabos travel guidebook. He’s a contributor to numerous websites and publications, including The San Diego Union-Tribune, Marriott Bonvoy Traveler, Forbes Travel Guide, Porthole Cruise and Travel, and Cabo Living.
